[Sidenote: B.C. 165. War in Crete of Cnosus and Gortyn against Rhaucus.]
+1.+ At this time the Cnosians, in alliance with the Gortynians, made
war upon the Rhaucians, and swore a mutual oath that they would not end
the war until they had taken Rhaucus.
[Sidenote: The Rhodians are again refused an alliance.]
But when the Rhodians received the decree regarding Caunus, and saw
that the anger of the Romans was not abating, after having scrupulously
carried out the orders contained in the Senate’s replies, they
forthwith sent Aristotle at the head of an embassy to Rome, with
instructions to make another attempt to secure the alliance. They
arrived in Rome at the height of summer, and, having been admitted to
the Senate, at once declared how their people had obeyed the Senate’s
orders, and pleaded for the alliance, using a great variety of
arguments in a speech of considerable length. But the Senate returned
them a reply in which, without a word about their friendship, they
said that, as to the alliance, it was not proper for them to grant the
Rhodians this favour at present....
[Sidenote: Autonomy to Galatia on conditions.]
+2.+ To the ambassadors of the Gauls in Asia they granted autonomy, on
condition that they remained within their dwellings, and went on no
warlike expeditions beyond their own frontiers....
[Sidenote: The grand festival held by Antiochus Epiphanes at Daphne, a
suburb of Antioch, sacred to Apollo.]
+3.+ When this same king (Antiochus Epiphanes) heard of the games in
Macedonia held by the Roman proconsul Aemilius Paulus, wishing to
outdo Paulus by the splendour of his liberality, he sent envoys to the
several cities announcing games to be held by him at Daphne; and it
became the rage in Greece to attend them. The public ceremonies began
with a procession composed as follows: first came some men armed in the
Roman fashion, with their coats made of chain armour, five thousand in
the prime of life. Next came five thousand Mysians, who were followed
by three thousand Cilicians armed like light infantry, and wearing gold
crowns. Next to them came three thousand Thracians and five thousand
Gauls. They were followed by twenty-thousand Macedonians, and five
thousand armed with brass shields, and others with silver shields, who
were followed by two hundred and forty pairs of gladiators. Behind
these were a thousand Nisaean cavalry and three thousand native
horsemen, most of whom had gold plumes and gold crowns, the rest having
them of silver. Next to them came what are called “companion cavalry,”
to the number of a thousand, closely followed by the corps of king’s
“friends” of about the same number, who were again followed by a
thousand picked men; next to whom came the _Agema_ or guard, which was
considered the flower of the cavalry, and numbered about a thousand.
Next came the “cataphract” cavalry, both men and horses acquiring that
name from the nature of their panoply; they numbered fifteen hundred.
All the above men had purple surcoats, in many cases embroidered with
gold and heraldic designs. And behind them came a hundred six-horsed,
and forty four-horsed chariots; a chariot drawn by four elephants and
another by two; and then thirty-six elephants in single file with all
their furniture on.
The rest of the procession was almost beyond description, but I must
give a summary account of it. It consisted of eight hundred young men
wearing gold crowns, about a thousand fine oxen, foreign delegates to
the number of nearly three hundred, and eight hundred ivory tusks.
The number of images of the gods it is impossible to tell completely:
for representations of every god or demigod or hero accepted by
mankind were carried there, some gilded and others adorned with
gold-embroidered robes; and the myths, belonging to each, according
to accepted tradition, were represented by the most costly symbols.
Behind them were carried representations of Night and Day, Earth,
Heaven, Morning and Noon. The best idea that I can give of the amount
of gold and silver plate is this: one of the king’s friends, Dionysius
his secretary, had a thousand boys in the procession carrying silver
vessels, none of which weighed less than a thousand drachmae;[179] and
by their side walked six hundred young slaves of the king holding gold
vessels. There were also two hundred women sprinkling unguents from
gold boxes; and after them came eighty women sitting in litters with
gold feet, and five hundred in litters with silver feet, all adorned
with great costliness. These were the most remarkable features of the
procession.
+4.+ The festival, including the gladiatorial shows and hunting, lasted
thirty days, in the course of which there was continual round of
spectacles. During the first five of these everybody in the gymnasium
anointed himself with oil scented with saffron in gold vessels, of
which there were fifteen, and the same number scented with cinnamon and
nard. On the following days other vessels were brought in scented with
fenugreek, marjoram, and lily, all of extraordinary fragrancy. Public
banquets were also given, at which couches were prepared, sometimes for
a thousand and sometimes for fifteen hundred, with the utmost splendour
and costliness.
The whole of the arrangements were made personally by the king. He
rode on an inferior horse by the side of the procession, ordering one
part to advance, and another to halt, as occasion required; so that,
if his diadem had been removed, no one would have believed that he
was the king and the master of all; for his appearance was not equal
to that of a moderately good servant. At the feasts also he stood
himself at the entrance, and admitted some and assigned others their
places; he personally ushered in the servants bringing the dishes;
and walking about among the company sometimes sat down and sometimes
lay down on the couches. Sometimes he would jump up, lay down the
morsel of food or the cup that he was raising to his lips, and go to
another part of the hall; and walking among the guests acknowledge the
compliment, as now one and now another pledged him in wine, or jest
at any recitations that might be going on. And when the festivity had
gone on for a long time, and a good many of the guests had departed,
the king was carried in by the mummers, completely shrouded in a robe,
and laid upon the ground, as though he were one of the actors; then,
at the signal given by the music, he leapt up, stripped, and began to
dance with the jesters; so that all the guests were scandalised and
retired. In fact every one who attended the festival, when they saw
the extraordinary wealth which was displayed at it, the arrangements
made in the processions and games, and the scale of the splendour on
which the whole was managed, were struck with amazement and wonder
both at the king and the greatness of his kingdom: but when they fixed
their eyes on the man himself, and the contemptible conduct to which he
condescended, they could scarcely believe that so much excellence and
baseness could exist in one and the same breast.[180]...
[Sidenote: Roman envoys at Antioch. Antiochus affects extreme
cordiality.]
+5.+ After the completion of the festival, the envoys with Tiberius
Gracchus arrived, who had been sent from Rome to investigate the state
of affairs in Syria. Antiochus received them with such tact and with so
many expressions of kindness, that Tiberius not only had no suspicion
that he was meditating any active step, or cherishing any sinister
feeling on account of what had happened at Alexandria, but was even
induced by the extraordinary kindness of his reception to discredit
those who made any such suggestion. For, besides other courtesies,
the king gave up his own hall for the use of the envoys, and almost
his crown in appearance; although his true sentiments were not at all
of this kind, and he was on the contrary profoundly incensed with the
Romans....
[Sidenote: B.C. 164. Complaints against Eumenes at Rome from Prusias of
Bithynia, and other parts of Asia.]
[Sidenote: The Senate’s policy in Galatia.]
[Sidenote: Failure of the mission of Gracchus.]
+6.+ A large number of ambassadors from various quarters having arrived
at Rome, the most important of which were those with Astymedes from
Rhodes, Eureus, Anaxidamus and Satyrus from the Achaeans, and those
with Pytho from Prusias,—the Senate gave audience to these last. The
ambassadors from Prusias complained of king Eumenes, alleging that he
had taken certain places belonging to their country, and had not in
any sense evacuated Galatia, or obeyed the decrees of the Senate; but
had been supporting all who favoured himself, and depressing in every
possible way those who wished to shape their policy in accordance with
the Senate’s decrees. There were also some ambassadors from certain
towns in Asia, who accused the king on the grounds of his intimate
association with Antiochus. The Senate listened to the accusers,
and neither rejected their accusations nor openly expressed its own
opinion; but acted with close reserve, thoroughly distrusting both
Eumenes and Antiochus: and meanwhile contented itself by continually
supporting Galatia and contriving some fresh security for its freedom.
But the envoys under Tiberius Gracchus, on their return from their
mission, had no clearer idea themselves in regard to Eumenes and
Antiochus than before they left Rome, nor could they give the Senate
one either. So completely had the kings hoodwinked them by the
cordiality of their reception.
[Sidenote: Rhodians appeal against the injury done to their trade, B.C.
165.]
[Sidenote: Speech of Astymedes.]
[Sidenote: The Senate is mollified by this speech and by the report of
Gracchus, and grants the alliance.]
+7.+ The Senate next called in the Rhodians and heard what they had
to say. When Astymedes entered, he adopted a more moderate and more
effective line of argument than on his former embassy. He omitted
the invectives against others, and took the humble tone of men who
are being flogged, begging to be forgiven, and declaring that his
country had suffered sufficient punishment, and a more severe one
than its crime deserved. And then he went briefly through the list of
the Rhodian losses. “First, they have lost Lycia and Caria, which had
already cost them a large sum of money, having been forced to support
three wars against them; while at the present moment they have been
deprived of a considerable revenue which they used to draw from those
countries. But perhaps,” he added, “this is as it should be: you gave
them to our people as a free gift, because you regarded us with favour;
and in now recalling your gift, because you suspect and are at variance
with us, you may seem only to be acting reasonably. But Caunus, at any
rate, we purchased from Ptolemy’s officers for two hundred talents;
and Stratoniceia we received as a great favour from Antiochus, son
of Seleucus; and from those two towns our people had a revenue of a
hundred and twenty talents a year. All these sources of revenue we
have surrendered, in our submission to your injunctions. From which it
appears that you have imposed a heavier penalty on the Rhodians for one
act of folly, than on the Macedonians that have been continually at war
with you. But the greatest disaster of all to our State is that the
revenue from its harbour has been abolished by your making Delos a free
port; and by your depriving our people of that independence by which
the harbour, as well as other interests of the States, were maintained
in suitable dignity.[181] And it is easy to satisfy yourselves of the
truth of my words. Our revenue from harbour dues amounted in past years
to one million drachmae, from which you have now taken one hundred
and fifty thousand; so that it is only too true, gentlemen of Rome,
that your anger has affected the resources of the country. Now, if the
mistake committed, and the alienation from Rome, had been shared in by
the entire people, you might perhaps have seemed to be acting rightly
in maintaining a lasting and irreconcilable anger against us; but if
the fact is made clear to you that it was an exceedingly small number
who shared in this foolish policy, and that these have all been put to
death by this very people itself, why still be irreconcilable to those
who are in no respect guilty? Especially when to every one else you
are reputed to exhibit the highest possible clemency and magnanimity.
Wherefore, gentlemen, our people having lost their revenues, their
freedom of debate, and their position of independence, in defence of
which in time past they have been ever willing to make any sacrifices,
now beg and beseech you all, as having been smitten sufficiently, to
relax your anger, and to be reconciled and make this alliance with
them: that it may be made manifest to all the world that you have put
away your anger against Rhodes, and have returned to your old feelings
and friendship towards them.” Such among others were the words of
Astymedes. He was thought to have spoken much to the point in the
circumstances; but what helped the Rhodians to the alliance more than
anything else was the recent return of the embassy under Tiberius
Gracchus. For he gave evidence, in the first place, that the Rhodians
had obeyed all the decrees of the Senate; and in the next place, that
the men who were the authors of their hostile policy had all been
condemned to death; and by this testimony overcame all opposition, and
secured the alliance between Rome and Rhodes....
[Sidenote: B.C. 165. Embassy from Achaia asking for the trial or
release of the Achaean _détenus_, who to the number of over 1000 had
been summoned to Italy in B. C. 167. See 30, 13. Pausan. 7, 10, 11.]
+8.+ After an interval the envoys of the Achaeans were admitted with
instructions conformable to the last reply received, which was to
the effect that “The Senate were surprised that they should apply to
them for a decision on matters which they had already decided for
themselves.” Accordingly another embassy under Eureus now appeared to
explain that “The league had neither heard the defence of the accused
persons, nor given any decision whatever concerning them; but wished
the Senate to take measures in regard to these men, that they might
have a trial and not perish uncondemned. They begged that, if possible,
the Senate should itself conduct the investigation, and declare who are
the persons guilty of those charges; but, if its variety of business
made it impossible to do this itself, that it should intrust the
business to the Achaeans, who would show by their treatment of the
guilty their detestation of their crime.” The Senate recognised that
the tone of the embassy was in conformity with its own injunctions, but
still felt embarrassed how to act. Both courses were open to objection.
To judge the case of the men was, it thought, not a task it ought to
undertake; and to release them without any trial at all evidently
involved ruin to the friends of Rome. In this strait the Senate,
wishing to take all hope from the Achaean people of the restitution
of the men who were detained, in order that they might obey without a
murmur Callicrates in Achaia, and in the other states those who sided
with Rome, wrote the following answer: “We do not consider it advisable
either for ourselves or for your nationalities that these men should
return home.” The publication of this answer not only reduced the men
who had been summoned to Italy to complete despair and dejection,
but was regarded by all Greeks as a common sorrow, for it seemed to
take away all hope of restoration from these unfortunate men. When it
was announced in Greece the people were quite crushed, and a kind of
desperation invaded the minds of all; but Charops and Callicrates, and
all who shared their policy, were once more in high spirits....
[Sidenote: Reduction of the Cammani in Cappadocia.]
+9.+ Tiberius Gracchus, partly by force and partly by persuasion,
reduced the Cammani to obedience to Rome....
A large number of embassies having come to Rome, the Senate gave a
reply to Attalus and Athenaeus. For Prusias, not content with earnestly
pressing his accusations himself against Eumenes and Attalus, had also
instigated the Gauls and Selgians (in Pisidia), and many others in
Asia, to adopt the same policy; consequently king Eumenes had sent his
brothers to defend him against the accusations thus brought. On their
admission to the Senate they were thought to have made a satisfactory
defence against all accusers; and finally returned to Asia, after not
only rebutting the accusations, but with marks of special honour. The
Senate, however, did not altogether cease to be suspicious of Eumenes
and Antiochus. They sent Gaius Sulpicius and Manius Sergius as envoys
to investigate the state of Greece; to decide the question of territory
that had arisen between Megalopolis and the Lacedaemonians; but, above
all, to give attention to the proceedings of Antiochus and Eumenes, and
to discover whether any warlike preparations were being made by either
of them, or any combination being formed between them against Rome....
[Sidenote: The mission, Sulpicius Gallus in Asia; he collects facts
against Eumenes.]
+10.+ Besides his other follies, Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, on arriving
in Asia, put up notices in the most important cities, ordering any one
who wished to bring any accusation against king Eumenes to meet him at
Sardis within a specified time. He then went to Sardis, and, taking his
seat in the Gymnasium, gave audience for ten days to those who had such
accusations to make: admitting every kind of foul and abusive language
against the king, and, generally, making the most of every fact and
every accusation; for he was frantic and inveterate in his hatred of
Eumenes....
But the harder the Romans appeared to bear upon Eumenes, the more
popular did he become in Greece, from the natural tendency of mankind
to feel for the side that is oppressed....
[Sidenote: B.C. 164. Death of Antiochus Epiphanes on his return from
Susiana. See 26, 1.]
+11.+ In Syria king Antiochus, wishing to enrich himself, determined
on an armed attack upon the temple of Artemis, in Elymais. But having
arrived in this country and failed in his purpose, because the native
barbarians resisted his lawless attempt, he died in the course of
his return at Tabae, in Persia, driven mad, as some say, by some
manifestations of divine wrath in the course of his wicked attempt upon
this temple....
_Antiochus Epiphanes left a son and daughter; the former, nine years
old, was called Antiochus Eupator, and succeeded to the kingdom,
Lysias acting as his guardian. Demetrius, his cousin, son of Seleucus
Philopator, being at Rome as a hostage in place of the late Antiochus
Epiphanes, endeavoured to persuade the Senate to make him king of Syria
instead of the boy._
[Sidenote: Demetrius, son of Seleucus, and grandson of Antiochus the
Great, wishes to be restored to the kingdom of Syria.]
[Sidenote: The commissioners are also to visit Galatia, Cappadocia, and
Alexandria.]
[Sidenote: A Syrian commission appointed.]
+12.+ Demetrius, son of Seleucus, who had been long detained at Rome as
an hostage, had been for some time past of opinion that his detention
was unjust. He had been given by his father Seleucus as a pledge of his
good faith; but, when Antiochus (Epiphanes) succeeded to the throne,
he considered that he ought not to be a hostage in behalf of that
monarch’s children. However, up to this time he kept quiet, especially
as he was unable, being still a mere boy, to do anything. But now,
being in the very prime of youthful manhood, he entered the Senate
and made a speech: demanding that the Romans should restore him to
his kingdom, which belonged to him by a far better right than to the
children of Antiochus. He entered at great length upon arguments to the
same effect, affirming that Rome was his country and the nurse of his
youth; that the sons of the Senators were all to him as brothers, and
the Senators as fathers, because he had come to Rome a child, and was
then twenty-three years old.[182] All who heard him were disposed in
their hearts to take his part: the Senate however, as a body voted to
detain Demetrius, and to assist in securing the crown for the boy left
by the late king. Their motive in thus acting was, it seems to me, a
mistrust inspired by the vigorous time of life to which Demetrius had
attained, and an opinion that the youth and weakness of the boy who
had succeeded to the kingdom were more to their interest. And this was
presently made manifest. For they appointed Gnaeus Octavius, Spurius
Lucretius, and Lucius Aurelius as commissioners to arrange the affairs
of the kingdom in accordance with the will of the Senate, on the ground
that no one would resist their injunctions, the king being a mere
child, and the nobles being quite satisfied at the government not being
given to Demetrius, for that was what they had been most expecting.
Gnaeus and his colleagues therefore started with instructions, first
of all to burn the decked ships, next to hamstring the elephants, and
generally to weaken the forces of the kingdom. They were also charged
with the additional task of making an inspection of Macedonia; for the
Macedonians, unaccustomed to democracy and a government by popular
assembly, were splitting up into hostile factions.[183] Gnaeus and his
colleagues were also to inspect the state of Galatia and of the kingdom
of Ariarathes. After a time the further task was imposed on them, by
despatch from the Senate, of reconciling as well as they could the two
kings in Alexandria....
[Sidenote: Mission to Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, in regard to the
encroachments of the Gauls.]
+13.+ While this was going on at Rome, envoys from the city, under
Marcus Junius, had arrived to arbitrate on the disputes between the
Gauls and king Ariarathes. For the Trocmi, having found themselves
unable to annex any portion of Cappadocia by their unaided efforts,
and having been promptly foiled in their audacious attempts,[184]
sought refuge with the Romans, and endeavoured to bring Ariarathes
into discredit there. On this account an embassy under M. Junius was
sent to Cappadocia. The king gave them a satisfactory account of the
affair, treated them with great courtesy, and sent them away loud
in his praises. And when subsequently Gnaeus Octavius and Spurius
Lucretius arrived, and again addressed the king on the subject of
his controversies with the Gauls, after a brief conversation on that
subject, and saying that he would acquiesce in their decision without
difficulty, he directed the rest of his remarks to the state of Syria,
being aware that Octavius and his colleagues were going thither.
He pointed out to them the unsettled state of the kingdom and the
unprincipled character of the men at the head of affairs there; and
added that he would escort them with an army, and remain on the watch
for all emergencies, until they returned from Syria in safety. Gnaeus
and his colleagues acknowledged the king’s kindness and zeal, but
said that for the present they did not need the escort: on a future
occasion, however, if need should arise, they would let him know
without delay; for they considered him as one of the true friends of
Rome....
_Ariarathes died soon after this embassy, and was succeeded by his son
Ariarathes Philopator. B.C. 164. Livy,_ Ep. _46._
[Sidenote: B.C. 163. Ariarathes Philopator continues his father’s
policy of friendship with Rome.]
+14.+ About this time ambassadors arrived from Ariarathes, who had
recently succeeded to the kingdom of Cappadocia, to renew the existing
friendship and alliance with Rome, and in general to exhort the Senate
to accept the king’s affection and goodwill, which he entertained,
both in their private and public capacity, for all the Romans. The
Senate, on hearing this, acceded to the request for the renewal of the
friendship and alliance, and graciously acknowledged the general amity
of the king. The chief reason for this warmth on the part of the Senate
was the report of the envoys under Tiberius, who, when sent to inspect
the state of Cappadocia, had returned full of the praises of the late
king and of his kingdom generally. It was on the credit of this report
that the Senate received the ambassadors of Ariarathes graciously, and
acknowledged the goodwill of the king....
[Sidenote: The Rhodians ask for Calynda in Caria, and for the retention
of private property in Caria and Lycia.]
[Sidenote: A colossal statue of Rome.]
+15.+ Having somewhat recovered from their previous disaster, the
Rhodians sent Cleagoras with ambassadors to Rome to ask that Calynda
should be ceded to them, and to petition the Senate that those of their
citizens who had properties in Lycia and Caria might be allowed to
retain them as before. They had also voted to raise a colossal statue
of the Roman people thirty cubits high, to be set up in the temple of
Athenè....
[Sidenote: The Rhodians undertake the protection of Calynda.]
+16.+ The Calyndians having broken off from Caunus, and the Caunians
being about to besiege Calynda, the Calyndians first called in the
aid of the Cnidians; and, on their sending the required support, they
held out against their enemies for a time: but becoming alarmed as to
what would happen, they sent an embassy to Rhodes, putting themselves
and their city in its hands. Thereupon the Rhodians sent a naval and
military force to their relief, forced the Caunians to raise the siege,
and took over the city....
[Sidenote: Ariarathes’s joy at the favourable answer from Rome.]
[Sidenote: He recovers the ashes of his mother and sister from Antioch.]
+17.+ When Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, had received his ambassadors
on their return from Rome, judging from the answers they brought that
his kingdom was secured, because he had gained the goodwill of Rome,
he offered a thank-offering to the gods for what had happened, and
entertained his nobles at a feast. He then sent ambassadors to Lysias
in Antioch, desiring to be allowed to bring away the bones of his
sister and mother. He determined not to say a word of blame as to the
crime that had been committed, lest he should irritate Lysias, and
so fail to effect his present object, though he was in fact greatly
incensed at it. He gave his envoys therefore instructions couched in
terms of courteous request. Lysias and his friends acceded to his
wishes; and the bones having been conveyed to Cappadocia, the king
received them in great state, and buried them next the tomb of his
father with affectionate reverence....[185]
[Sidenote: The influence of good men, Artaxias of Armenia. See 25, 2.]
Artaxias wished to kill a man, but on the remonstrances of Ariarathes
did not do so, and held him on the contrary in higher respect than
ever. So decisive is the influence of justice, and of the opinions and
advice of good men, that they often prove the salvation of foes as well
as of friends, and change their whole characters for the better....
Good looks are a better introduction than any letter....
_The quarrels of the two kings of Egypt, Ptolemy VI. Philometor and
Euergetes II. (or Ptolemy VII.) Physcon. The former had been expelled
by the latter, and had taken refuge in Cyprus, but had been restored
by a popular outbreak in his favour, and under the authority of
Commissioners sent from Rome, B.C. 164. (Livy,_ Ep. 46. _Diod._ Sic.
_fr. xi.) Fresh quarrels however broke out, in the course of which
Physcon was much worsted by his brother_, (_Diod._ Sic. _fr. of 31),
and at length it was arranged that one should reign in Egypt the other
in Cyrene. B.C. 162. (Livy,_ Ep. 47.)
[Sidenote: B.C. 162. Euergetes II. (Ptolemy Physcon), who had Cyrene as
his share, asks for Cyprus.]
[Sidenote: The members of the Commission who had been in Egypt support
the elder brother.]
[Sidenote: The object of the Senate is to divide and weaken Egypt.]
[Sidenote: The Senate decide in favour of Physcon.]
+18+. After the Ptolemies had made their partition of the kingdom, the
younger brother arrived in Rome desiring to set aside the division made
between himself and his brother, on the ground that he had not acceded
to the arrangement voluntarily, but under compulsion, and yielding to
the force of circumstances. He therefore begged the Senate to assign
Cyprus to his portion; for, even if that were done, he should still
have a much poorer share than his brother. Canuleius and Quintus
supported Menyllus, the ambassador of the elder Ptolemy, by protesting
that “the younger Ptolemy owed his possession of Cyrene and his very
life to them, so deep was the anger and hatred of the common people to
him[186]; and that, accordingly, he had been only too glad to receive
the government of Cyrene, which he had not hoped for or expected; and
had exchanged oaths with his brother with the customary sacrifices.”
To this Ptolemy gave a positive denial: and the Senate, seeing that
the division was clearly an unequal one, and at the same time wishing
that, as the brothers themselves were the authors of the division being
made at all, it should be effected in a manner advantageous to Rome,
granted the petition of the younger Ptolemy with a view to their own
interest. Measures of this class are very frequent among the Romans,
by which they avail themselves with profound policy of the mistakes
of others to augment and strengthen their own empire, under the guise
of granting favours and benefiting those who commit the errors. On
this principle they acted now. They saw how great the power of the
Egyptian kingdom was; and fearing lest, if it ever chanced to obtain a
competent head, he would grow too proud, they appointed Titus Torquatus
and Gnaeus Merula to establish Ptolemy Physcon in Cyprus, and thus to
carry out their own policy while satisfying his. These commissioners
were accordingly at once despatched with instructions to reconcile the
brothers to each other, and to secure Cyprus to the younger....
_When the Roman commissioners (see ch. 12) arrived in Syria, and
began carrying out their orders, by burning the ships and killing
the elephants, the popular fury could not be restrained; and Gnaeus
Octavius was assassinated in the gymnasium at Laodicea by a man named
Leptines. Lysias did his best to appease the anger of the Romans, by
giving Octavius honourable burial, and by sending an embassy to Rome to
protest his innocence. Appian_, Syr. 46.
[Sidenote: B.C. 162. The Senate pay little attention to Lysias’s
excuses.]
+19.+ News having come to Rome of the disaster by which Gnaeus Octavius
lost his life, ambassadors also arrived from king Antiochus, sent by
Lysias, who vehemently protested that the king’s friends had had no
part in the crime. But the Senate showed scant attention to the envoys,
not wishing to make any open declaration on the subject or to allow
their opinion to become public in any way.
[Sidenote: Demetrius thinks there is again a chance for him.]
[Sidenote: Polybius advises, “act for yourself.”]
[Sidenote: He however again appeals to the Senate,]
[Sidenote: and is again refused.]
But Demetrius was much excited by the news, and immediately summoned
Polybius to an interview, and consulted him as to whether he should
once more bring his claims before the Senate. Polybius advised him
“not to stumble twice on the same stone,” but to depend upon himself
and venture something worthy of a king; and he pointed out to him that
the present state of affairs offered him many opportunities. Demetrius
understood the hint, but said nothing at the time; but a short while
afterwards consulted Apollonius one of his intimate friends, on the
same subject. This man, being simple minded and very young, advised
him to make another trial of the Senate. “He was convinced,” he said,
“that, since it had deprived him of his kingdom without any just
excuse, it would at least release him from his position of hostage; for
it was absurd that, when the boy Antiochus had succeeded to the kingdom
in Syria, Demetrius should be a hostage for him.” Persuaded by these
arguments he once more obtained a hearing of the Senate, and claimed
to be relieved of his obligations as a hostage, since they had decided
to secure the kingdom to Antiochus. But, though he pleaded his cause
with many arguments, the Senate remained fixed in the same resolve as
before. And that was only what was to be expected. For they had not,
on the former occasion, adjudged the continuance of the kingdom to
the child on the ground that the claim of Demetrius was not just, but
because it was advantageous to Rome that it should be so; and as the
circumstances remained precisely the same, it was only natural that the
policy of the Senate should remain unchanged also.
[Sidenote: Demetrius resolves to escape from Rome, and again consults
Polybius.]
+20.+ Demetrius having thus delivered himself in vain of his swan’s
song, his last appeal, and becoming convinced that Polybius had given
him good advice, repented of what he had done. But he was naturally
of a lofty spirit, and possessed sufficient daring to carry out his
resolutions. He promptly called Diodorus, who had recently arrived from
Syria, to his aid, and confided his secret purpose to him. Diodorus had
had the charge of Demetrius as a child, and was a man of considerable
adroitness, who had besides made a careful inspection of the state of
affairs in Syria. He now pointed out to Demetrius that “The confusion
caused by the murder of Octavius,—the people mistrusting Lysias, and
Lysias mistrusting the people, while the Senate was convinced that
the lawless murder of their envoy really originated with the king’s
friends,—presented a most excellent opportunity for his appearing on
the scene: for the people there would promptly transfer the crown to
him, even though he were to arrive attended by but one slave; while the
Senate would not venture to give any further assistance or support to
Lysias after such an abominable crime. Finally, it was quite possible
for them to leave Rome undetected, without any one having any idea of
his intention.” This course being resolved upon, Demetrius sent for
Polybius, and telling him what he was going to do, begged him to lend
his assistance, and to join him in contriving to manage his escape.
[Sidenote: Menyllus of Alabanda (in Caria) helps him by hiring a
vessel.]
There happened to be at Rome a certain Menyllus of Alabanda, on a
mission from the elder Ptolemy to confront and answer the younger
before the Senate. Between this man and Polybius there was a strong
friendship and confidence, and Polybius therefore thought him just
the man for the purpose in hand. He accordingly introduced him with
all speed to Demetrius, and with warm expressions of regard. Being
trusted with the secret, Menyllus undertook to have the necessary ship
in readiness, and to see that everything required for the voyage was
prepared. Having found a Carthaginian vessel anchored at the mouth of
the Tiber, which had been on sacred service, he chartered it. (These
vessels are carefully selected at Carthage, to convey the offerings
sent by the Carthaginians to their ancestral gods at Tyre.) He made no
secret about it but chartered the vessel for his own return voyage;
and therefore was able to make his arrangements for provisions also
without exciting suspicion, talking openly with the sailors and making
an appointment with them.
[Sidenote: Preparations for the flight.]
[Sidenote: Polybius sends a warning to Demetrius.]
+21.+ When the shipmaster had everything ready, and nothing remained
except for Demetrius to do his part, he sent Diodorus to Syria to
gather information, and to watch the disposition of the people there.
His foster-brother Apollonius took part in this expedition; and
Demetrius also confided his secret to the two brothers of Apollonius,
Meleager and Menestheus, but to no one else of all his suite, though
that was numerous. These three brothers were the sons of the Apollonius
who occupied so important a position at the court of Seleucus, but who
had removed to Miletus at the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes. As the
day agreed upon with the sailors approached, it was arranged that one
of his friends should give an entertainment to serve as an excuse for
Demetrius going out. For it was impossible that he should sup at home;
as it was his constant habit, when he did so, to invite all his suite.
Those who were in the secret were to leave the house after supper and
go to the ship, taking one slave each with them; the rest they had sent
on to Anagnia, saying that they would follow next day. It happened
that at this time Polybius was ill and confined to his bed; but he was
kept acquainted with all that was going on by constant communications
from Menyllus. He was therefore exceedingly anxious, knowing Demetrius
to be fond of conviviality and full of youthful wilfulness, lest, by
the entertainment being unduly prolonged, some difficulty should arise
from over-indulgence in wine to prevent his getting away. He therefore
wrote and sealed a small tablet; and just as it was getting dusk sent
a servant of his own, with orders to ask for Demetrius’s cupbearer and
give him the tablet, without saying who he was or from whom he came,
and to bid the cupbearer to give it to Demetrius to read at once. His
orders were carried out, and Demetrius read the tablet, which contained
the following apophthegms[187]:—
“The ready hand bears off the sluggard’s prize.”
“Night favours all, but more the daring heart.”
“Be bold: front danger: strike! then lose or win,
Care not, so you be true unto yourself.”
“Cool head and wise distrust are wisdom’s sinews.”
[Sidenote: Demetrius takes the hint, and the voyage is safely begun.]
+22.+ As soon as Demetrius had read these lines, he understood their
purport, and from whom they came; and at once pretending that he felt
sick, he left the banquet escorted by his friends. Arrived at his
lodging, he sent away those of his servants who were not suited to
his purpose to Anagnia, ordering them to take the hunting nets and
hounds and meet him at Cerceii, where it had been his constant custom
to go boar hunting, which, in fact, was the origin of his intimacy
with Polybius. He then imparted his plan to Nicanor and his immediate
friends, and urged them to share his prospects. They all consented
with enthusiasm; whereupon he bade them return to their own lodgings,
and arrange with their servants to go before daybreak to Anagnia and
meet them at Cerceii, while they got travelling clothes and returned
to him, telling their domestics that they would join them, accompanied
by Demetrius, in the course of the next day at Cerceii. Everything
having been done in accordance with this order, he and his friends
went to Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber, by night. Menyllus preceded
them and had a conversation with the sailors; telling them that orders
had arrived from the king which made it necessary for him to remain at
Rome for the present, and to send some of the most trustworthy of his
young men to his Majesty, to inform him of what had been done about
his brother. He should not, therefore, he said, go on board himself;
but the young men who were to sail would come about midnight. The
shipmasters made no difficulty about it, as the passage money for which
they had originally bargained was in their hands; and they had long
made all their preparations for sailing, when Demetrius and his friends
arrived about the third watch. There were altogether eight of them,
besides five slaves and three boys. Menyllus entered into conversation
with them, showed them the provisions in store for the voyage, and
commended them earnestly to the care of the shipmaster and crew. They
then went on board, and the pilot weighed anchor and started just as
day was breaking, having absolutely no idea of the real state of the
case, but believing that he was conveying some soldiers from Menyllus
to Ptolemy.
[Sidenote: The absence of Demetrius is not ascertained in Rome until
the fourth day.]
[Sidenote: The Senate is summoned, but decides not to attempt pursuit.]
[Sidenote: Commissioners appointed for Greece and Asia, B.C. 162.]
+23.+ At Rome, during the whole of the following day, no one was likely
to make any inquiry for Demetrius or those who had gone with him. For
those of his household who stayed in the city supposed him to have
gone to Cerceii; and those at Anagnia were expecting him to come there
too. The flight from Rome, therefore, was entirely unremarked; until
one of his slaves, having been flogged at Anagnia, ran off to Cerceii,
expecting to find Demetrius there; and not finding him, ran back again
to Rome, hoping to meet him on the road. But as he failed to meet him
anywhere, he went and informed his friends in Rome and the members of
his household who had been left behind in his house. But it was not
until the fourth day after his start that, Demetrius being looked for
in vain, the truth was suspected. On the fifth the Senate was hastily
summoned to consider the matter, when Demetrius had already cleared
the Straits of Messina. The Senate gave up all idea of pursuit: both
because they imagined that he had got a long start on the voyage (for
the wind was in his favour), and because they foresaw that, though
they might wish to hinder him, they would be unable to do so. But some
few days afterwards they appointed Tiberius Gracchus, Lucius Lentulus,
and Servilius Glaucia as commissioners: first to inspect the state of
Greece; and, next, to cross to Asia and watch the result of Demetrius’s
attempt, and examine the policy adopted by the other kings, and
arbitrate on their controversies with the Gauls. Such were the events
in Italy this year....
Demetrius expecting the arrival of the commissioner who was to be sent
to him....
[Sidenote: Cato on the growth of luxury.]
+24.+ The dissoluteness of the young men in Rome had grown to such
a height, and broke out in such extravagances, that there were many
instances of men purchasing a jar of Pontic salt-fish for three hundred
drachmae.[188] In reference to which Marcus Porcius Cato once said to
the people in indignation, that no better proof could be shown of the
degeneracy of the state than that good-looking slaves[189] should fetch
more than a farm, and a jar of salt-fish more than a carter....
[Sidenote: The Rhodians accept money to pay their schoolmasters, B.C.
162.]
+25.+ The Rhodians, though in other respects maintaining the dignity
of their state, made in my opinion a slight lapse at this period. They
had received two hundred and eighty thousand medimni of corn from
Eumenes, that its value might be invested and the interest devoted
to pay the fees of the tutors and schoolmasters of their sons. One
might accept this from friends in a case of financial embarrassment,
as one might in private life, rather than allow children to remain
uneducated for want of means; but where means are abundant a man would
rather do anything than allow the schoolmaster’s fee to be supplied by
a joint contribution from his friends. And in proportion as a state
should hold higher notions than an individual, so ought governments
to be more jealous of their dignity than private men, and above all a
Rhodian government, considering the wealth of the country and its high
pretensions....
[Sidenote: Ptolemy Physcon returning with the commissioners, collects
mercenaries in Greece, but is persuaded to disband them, B.C. 162.]
[Sidenote: He, however, takes about 1000 Cretans back with him to
Africa.]
[Sidenote: ch. 18.]
+26.+ After this the younger Ptolemy arrived in Greece with the Roman
commissioners, and began collecting a formidable army of mercenaries,
among whom he enlisted Damasippus the Macedonian, who, after murdering
the members of the council at Phacus, fled with his wife and children
from Macedonia, and after reaching Peraea, opposite Rhodes, and being
entertained by the people there, determined to sail to Cyprus. But
when Torquatus and his colleagues saw that Ptolemy had collected a
formidable corps of mercenaries, they reminded him of their commission,
which was to restore him “without a war,” and at last persuaded him to
go as far as Side (in Pamphylia), and there disband his mercenaries,
give up his idea of invading Cyprus, and meet them on the frontiers of
Cyrene. Meanwhile, they said that they would sail to Alexandria, and
induce the king to consent to their demands, and would meet him on the
frontiers, bringing the other king with them. The younger Ptolemy was
persuaded by these arguments, gave up the attack upon Cyprus, dismissed
the mercenaries, and first sailed to Crete, accompanied by Damasippus
and Gnaeus Merula, one of the commissioners; and, after enlisting about
a thousand soldiers in Crete, put to sea and crossed to Libya, landing
at Apis.
[Sidenote: Ptolemy Physcon invades the dominions of his brother.]
+27.+ Meanwhile Torquatus had crossed to Alexandria and was trying
to induce the elder Ptolemy to be reconciled to his brother, and
yield Cyprus to him. But Ptolemy, by alternate promises and refusals
and the like, managed to waste the time, while the younger king lay
encamped with his thousand Cretans at Apis in Libya, according to his
agreement. Becoming thoroughly irritated at receiving no intelligence,
he first sent Gnaeus Merula to Alexandria, hoping by this means to
bring Torquatus and those with him to the place of meeting. But Merula
was like the others in protracting the business: forty days passed
without a word of intelligence, and the king was in despair. The fact
was that the elder king, by using every kind of flattery, had won the
commissioners over, and was keeping them by him, rather against their
will than with it. Moreover, at this time the younger Ptolemy was
informed that the people of Cyrene had revolted, that the cities were
conspiring with them, and that Ptolemy Sympetesis had also taken their
side. This man was an Egyptian by birth, and had been left by the king
in charge of his whole kingdom when he was going on his journey to
Rome. When the king was informed of this, and learned presently that
the Cyreneans were encamped in the open country, afraid lest, in his
desire to add Cyprus to his dominions, he might lose Cyrene also, he
threw everything else aside and marched towards Cyrene. When he came
to what is called the Great Slope, he found the Libyans and Cyreneans
occupying the pass. Ptolemy was alarmed at this: but, putting half his
forces on board boats, he ordered them to sail beyond the difficult
ground, and show themselves on the rear of the enemy; while with the
other half he marched up in their front and tried to carry the pass.
The Libyans being panic-stricken at this double attack on front and
rear, and abandoning their position, Ptolemy not only got possession
of the pass, but also of Tetrapyrgia, which lay immediately below it,
in which there was an abundant supply of water. Thence he crossed
the desert in seven days, the forces under Mochyrinus coasting along
parallel to his line of march. The Cyreneans were encamped eight
thousand five hundred strong, eight thousand infantry and five hundred
cavalry: for having satisfied themselves as to the character of Ptolemy
from his conduct at Alexandria, and seeing that his government and
policy generally were those of a tyrant rather than a king, they could
not endure the idea of becoming his subjects, but were determined to
venture everything in their desire for freedom. And at last he was
beaten....
[Sidenote: The Roman commission fails to secure peace between the
brothers.]
+28.+ At this time Gnaeus Merula also came from Alexandria, informing
the king (Physcon) that his brother would consent to none of the
proposals, but maintained that they ought to abide by the original
agreements. On hearing this, Physcon selected the brothers Comanus and
Ptolemy[190] to go as ambassadors to Rome with Gnaeus, and inform the
Senate of his brother’s selfish and haughty behaviour. At the same
time the elder Ptolemy sent away Titus Torquatus also without having
attained the object of his mission. Such was the state of things in
Alexandria and Cyrene....