[Sidenote: B.C. 169, Antiochus and Ptolemy both appeal to Rome on the
subject of Coele-Syria.]
+1.+ When the war between the kings Antiochus and Ptolemy[155] for
the possession of Coele-Syria had just begun, Meleager, Sosiphanes,
and Heracleides came as ambassadors from Antiochus, and Timotheos and
Damon from Ptolemy. The one actually in possession of Coele-Syria and
Phoenicia was Antiochus; for ever since his father’s victory over
the generals of Ptolemy at Panium[156] all those districts had been
subject to the Syrian kings. Antiochus, accordingly, regarding the
right of conquest as the strongest and most honourable of all claims,
was now eager to defend these places as unquestionably belonging to
himself: while Ptolemy, conceiving that the late king Antiochus had
unjustly taken advantage of his father’s orphan condition to wrest the
cities in Coele-Syria from him, was resolved not to acquiesce in his
possession of them. Therefore Meleager and his colleagues came to Rome
with instructions to protest before the Senate that Ptolemy had, in
breach of all equity, attacked him first; while Timotheos and Damon
came to renew their master’s friendship with the Romans, and to offer
their mediation for putting an end to the war with Perseus; but, above
all, to watch the communications made by Meleager’s embassy. As to
putting an end to the war, by the advice of Marcus Aemilius they did
not venture to speak of it; but after formally renewing the friendly
relations between Ptolemy and Rome, and receiving a favourable answer,
they returned to Alexandria. To Meleager and his colleagues the Senate
answered that Quintus Marcius should be commissioned to write to
Ptolemy on the subject, as he should think it most to the interest of
Rome and his own honour. Thus was the business settled for the time....
[Sidenote: The Rhodians ask for license to import corn.]
+2.+ About this time there came also ambassadors from the Rhodians
towards the end of summer, Agesilochus, Nicagoras, and Nicander. The
objects of their mission were to renew the friendship of Rhodes and
Rome; to obtain a license for importing corn from the Roman dominions;
and to defend their state from certain charges that had been brought
against it. For there were most violent party contests going on in
Rhodes: Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon, and Theaetetus resting
all their hopes on the Romans, and Deinon and Polyaratus on Perseus
and the Macedonians; and as these divisions gave rise to frequent
debates in the course of their public business, and many contradictory
expressions were used in their deliberations, plenty of opportunities
were afforded to those who wished to make up stories against the state.
On this occasion, however, the Senate affected to be ignorant of all
this, though perfectly acquainted with what went on in the island,
and granted them a license to import one hundred thousand medimni of
corn from Sicily. This answer was given by the Senate to the Rhodians
separately. Audience was then given collectively to all the envoys from
the rest of Greece that were united in the same policy....
[Sidenote: B.C. 169. Aulus Hostilius, in Greece with proconsular
authority, sends Popilius and Octavius to visit the Greek towns and
read the decree of the Senate.]
[Sidenote: Lycortas, Archon, and Polybius are supposed to be
particularly aimed at.]
[Sidenote: They visit the Peloponnese, and express some dissatisfaction
at the backward policy of certain Achaeans.]
+3.+ Aulus being thus Proconsul, and wintering in Thessaly with
the army, sent Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius to visit certain
places in Greece. They first came to Thebes, where, after speaking in
complimentary terms of the Thebans, they exhorted them to maintain
their good disposition towards Rome. They then went a round of the
cities in the Peloponnese, and endeavoured to convince the people of
the clemency and humanity of the Senate by producing the[157] decree
which I recently mentioned. At the same time they made it clearly
understood that the Senate was aware who in the several states were
hanging back and trying to evade their obligations, and who were
forward and zealous; and they let it be seen that they were as much
displeased with those who thus hung back as with those who openly took
the opposite side. This brought hesitation and doubt to the minds of
the people at large, as to how to frame their words and actions so
as to exactly suit the necessities of the times. Gaius and Gnaeus
were reported to have resolved, as soon as the Achaean congress was
assembled, to accuse Lycortas, Archon, and Polybius, and to point out
that they were opposed to the policy of Rome; and were at the present
moment refraining from active measures, not because that was their
genuine inclination, but because they were watching the turn of events,
and waiting their opportunity. They did not, however, venture to do
this, because they had no well-founded pretext for attacking these men.
Accordingly, when the council[158] met at Aegium, after delivering
a speech of mingled compliments and exhortation, they took ship for
Aetolia.
[Sidenote: The legates in Aetolia.]
[Sidenote: Various Aetolians accuse each other.]
[Sidenote: Proandrus.]
[Sidenote: Lyciscus.]
[Sidenote: Pantaleon.]
[Sidenote: Thoas stoned.]
+4.+ The Aetolian congress being summoned to meet them at Thermum,
they came before the assembled people, and again delivered a speech
in which expressions of benevolence were mixed with exhortations. But
the real cause of summoning the congress was to announce that the
Aetolians must give hostages. On their leaving the speakers’ platform,
Proandrus stood forward and desired leave to mention certain services
performed by himself to the Romans, and to denounce those who accused
him. Gaius thereupon rose; and, though he well knew that Proandrus was
opposed to Rome, he paid him some compliments, and acknowledged the
truth of everything he had said. After this, Lyciscus stood forward,
and, without accusing any one person by name, yet cast suspicion on a
great many. For he said that “The Romans had been quite right to arrest
the ringleaders and take them to Rome” (whereby he meant Eupolemus,
Nicander, and the rest): “but members of their party still remained in
Aetolia, all of whom ought to meet with the same correction, unless
they gave up their children as hostages to the Romans.” In these
words he meant to point especially to Archedamus and Pantaleon; and,
accordingly, when he retired, Pantaleon stood up, and, after a brief
denunciation of Lyciscus for his shameless and despicable flattery of
the stronger side, turned to Thoas, conceiving him to be the man whose
accusations of himself obtained the greater credit from the fact that
he had never been supposed to be at enmity with him. He reminded Thoas
first of the events in the time of Antiochus; and then reproached him
for ingratitude to himself, because, when he had been surrendered
to Rome, he obtained an unexpected release at the intercession of
Nicander and himself. He ended by calling upon the Aetolians, not only
to hoot Thoas down if he tried to speak, but to join with one accord
in stoning him. This was done; and Gaius, after administering a brief
reproof to the Aetolians for stoning Thoas, departed with his colleague
to Acarnania, without any more being said about hostages. Aetolia,
however, was filled with mutual suspicions and violent factions.
[Sidenote: Acarnania.]
+5.+ In Acarnania the assembly was held at Thurium, at which Aeschrion,
Glaucus, and Chremes, who were all partisans of Rome, begged Gaius
and Gnaeus to place a garrison in Acarnania; for they had among them
certain persons who were for putting the country in the hands of
Perseus and the Macedonians. The advice of Diogenes was the opposite.
“A garrison,” he said, “ought not to be put into any of their cities,
for that was what was done to those who had been at war with Rome
and had been beaten; whereas the Acarnanians had done no wrong, and
did not deserve in any respect to have a garrison thrust upon them.
Chremes and Glaucus and their partisans were slandering their political
opponents, and desired to bring in a garrison which would support their
selfseeking policy, in order to establish their own tyrannical power.”
After these speeches, Gaius and his colleague, seeing that the populace
disliked the idea of having garrisons, and wishing to follow the line
of policy marked out by the Senate, expressed their adherence to the
view of Diogenes; and departed to join the Proconsul at Larisa, after
paying some compliments to the Acarnanians....
[Sidenote: Meeting of Achaean statesmen to consider their policy, B.C.
169.]
[Sidenote: Lycortas is for complete neutrality.]
[Sidenote: Apollonides and Stratius for suppressing rash declarations
for Rome, and yet not openly opposing her.]
[Sidenote: The Strategus Archon is for bending to the storm, and acting
frankly for Rome.]
[Sidenote: Polybius Hipparch.]
+6.+ The Greeks made up their minds that this embassy required much
consideration on their part. They therefore called to council such
men as were of one mind in other political questions,—Arcesilaus and
Ariston of Megalopolis, Stratius of Tritaea, Xenon of Patrae and
Apollonides of Sicyon. But Lycortas stood firm to his original view:
which was that they should send no help to either Perseus or Rome in
any way, nor, on the other hand, take part against either. For he held
that co-operation with either would be disadvantageous to the Greeks at
large, because he foresaw the overwhelming power which the successful
nation would possess; while active hostility, he thought, would be
dangerous, because they had already in former times been in opposition
to many of the most illustrious Romans in their state policy.
Apollonides and Stratius did not recommend open and avowed hostility
to Rome, but thought that “Those who were for plunging headlong into
the contest, and wished to use the action of the nation to secure their
own personal favour at Rome, ought to be put down and boldly resisted.”
Archon said that “They must yield to circumstances, and not give their
personal enemies a handle for accusations; nor allow themselves to fall
into the same misfortune as Nicander, who, before he had learnt what
the power of Rome really was, had met with the gravest calamities.”
With this last view, Polyaenus, Arcesilaus, Ariston, and Xenon agreed.
It was thereupon decided that Archon should go without delay to his
duties as Strategus, and Polybius to those of Hipparch.
[Sidenote: Embassy from Attalus to the Achaeans desiring the
restoration of the honours formally decreed to his brother Eumenes. See
27, 18.]
[Sidenote: Speech of Polybius.]
+7.+ Very soon after these events, and when Archon had made up his
mind that the Achaeans must take active part with Rome and her allies,
it happened most conveniently that Attalus made his proposal to him
and found him ready to accept it. Archon at once eagerly promised his
support to Attalus’s request: and when thereupon that prince’s envoys
appeared at the next congress, and addressed the Achaeans about the
restoration of king Eumenes’s honours, begging them to do this for the
sake of Attalus, the people did not show clearly what their feeling
was, but a good many rose to speak against the proposal from many
various motives. Those who were originally the advisers of the honours
being paid to the king were now desirous to confirm the wisdom of their
own policy; while those who had private reasons for animosity against
the king thought this a good opportunity for revenging themselves upon
him; while others again, from spite against those who supported him,
were determined that Attalus should not obtain his request. Archon,
however, the Strategus, rose to support the envoys,—for it was a matter
that called for an expression of opinion from the Strategus,—but after
a few words he stood down, afraid of being thought to be giving his
advice from interested motives and the hope of making money, because
he had spent a large sum on his office. Amidst a general feeling of
doubt and hesitation, Polybius rose and delivered a long speech. But
that part of it which best fell in with the feelings of the populace
was that in which he showed that “The original decree of the Achaeans
in regard to these honours enacted that such honours as were _improper
and contrary to law_ were to be abolished, but not _all_ honours by any
means. That Sosigenes and Diopeithes and their colleagues, however, who
were at the time judges, and for private reasons personally hostile to
Eumenes, seized the opportunity of overturning all the erections put up
in honour of the king; and in doing so had gone beyond the meaning of
the decree of the Achaeans, and beyond the powers entrusted to them,
and, what was worst of all, beyond the demands of justice and right.
For the Achaeans had not resolved upon doing away with the honours
of Eumenes on the ground of having received any injury at his hands;
but had taken offence at his making demands beyond what his services
warranted, and had accordingly voted to remove everything that seemed
excessive. As then these judges had overthrown these honours, because
they had a greater regard for the gratification of their private
enmity than for the honour of the Achaeans, so the Achaeans, from the
conviction that duty and honour must be their highest consideration,
were bound to correct the error of the judges, and the unjustifiable
insult inflicted upon Eumenes: especially as, in doing so, they would
not be bestowing this favour on Eumenes only, but on his brother
Attalus also.” The assembly having expressed their agreement with this
speech, a decree was written out ordering the magistrates to restore
all the honours of king Eumenes, except such as were dishonourable to
the Achaean league or contrary to their law. It was thus, and at this
time, that Attalus secured the reversal of the insult to his brother
Eumenes in regard to the honours once given him in the Peloponnese....
[Sidenote: Early in B.C. 169,[159]
[Sidenote: Perseus goes back to Hyscana in Illyria.]
[Sidenote: A second mission to Genthius.]
[Sidenote: Genthius temporises.]
+8.+ Perseus sent Pleuratus the Illyrian, an exile living at his court,
and Adaeus of Beroea on a mission to king Genthius, after taking
Hyscana in Illyria, Perseus advances to Stubera, and thence sends
envoys to king Genthius at Lissus. Livy, 43, 19.] with instructions to
inform him of what he had achieved in his war with the Romans, Dardani,
Epirotes, and Illyrians up to the present time; and to urge him to make
a friendship and alliance with him in Macedonia. These envoys journeyed
beyond Mount Scardus, through Illyria Deserta, as it is called,—a
region a short time back depopulated by the Macedonians, in order to
make an invasion of Illyria and Macedonia difficult for the Dardani.
Their journey through this region was accompanied by much suffering;
but they reached Scodra, and being there informed that Genthius was at
Lissus, they sent a message to him. He promptly responded: and having
been admitted to an interview with him, they discussed the business
to which their instructions referred. Genthius had no wish to forfeit
the friendship of Perseus; but he alleged want of means as an excuse
for not complying with the request at once, and his inability to
undertake a war with Rome without money. With this answer, Adaeus and
his colleagues returned home. Meanwhile Perseus arrived at Stubera,
and sold the booty and gave his army a rest while waiting for the
return of Pleuratus and Adaeus. On their arrival with the answer from
Genthius, he immediately sent another mission, consisting again of
Adaeus, Glaucias, one of his bodyguards, and the Illyrian (Pleuratus)
also, because he knew the Illyrian language, with the same instructions
as before: on the ground that Genthius had not stated distinctly what
he wanted, and what would enable him to consent to the proposals. When
these envoys had started the king himself removed with his army to
Hyscana.[160]...
[Sidenote: Genthius being unpersuaded by the second mission, Perseus
sends a third, but still without offering money.]
[Sidenote: The dislike of Perseus to give money turned out happily for
Greece.]
+9.+ The ambassador sent to Genthius returned without having
accomplished anything more than the previous envoys, and without any
fresh answer; for Genthius remained of the same mind,—willing to
join with Perseus in his war, but professing to be in want of money.
Perseus disregarded the hint, and sent another mission under Hippias to
conclude the treaty, without taking any notice of the main point, while
professing a wish to do whatever Genthius wished. It is not easy to
decide whether to ascribe such conduct to mere folly, or to a spiritual
delusion. For my part, I am inclined to regard it as a sheer spiritual
delusion when men aim at bold enterprises, and risk their life, and
yet neglect the most important point in their plans, though they see
it all the time and have the power to execute it. For I do not think
it will be denied by any man of reflection that, had Perseus at that
time been willing to make grants of money either to states as such, or
individually to kings and statesmen, I do not say on a great scale, but
even to a moderate extent, they would all—Greeks and kings alike—have
yielded to the temptation. As it was, he happily did not take that
course, which would have given him, if successful, an overweening
supremacy; or, if unsuccessful, would have involved many others in his
disaster. But he took the opposite course: which resulted in confining
the numbers of the Greeks who adopted the unwise policy at this crisis
to very narrow limits....
[Perseus now returned from Stubera to Hyscana, and after a vain
attempt upon Stratus in Aetolia, retired into Macedonia for the
rest of the winter. In the early spring of B.C. 169 Q. Marcius
Philippus began his advance upon Macedonia from his permanent camp
in Perrhaebia. Perseus stationed Asclepiodotus and Hippias to defend
two passes of the Cambunian mountains, while he himself held Dium,
which commanded the coast road from Thessaly into Macedonia. Marcius
however, after only a rather severe skirmish with the light-armed
troops of Hippias, effected the passage of the mountains and
descended upon Dium. The king was taken by surprise: he had not
secured the pass of Tempe, which would have cut off the Romans from
retreat; and he now hastily retired to Pydna. Q. Marcius occupied
Dium, but after a short stay there retired upon Phila, to get
provisions and secure the coast road. Whereupon Perseus reoccupied
Dium, and contemplated staying there to the end of the summer. Q.
Marcius took Heracleum, which was between Phila and Dium, and made
preparations for a second advance on Dium. But the winter (B.C.
169-168) was now approaching, and he contented himself with seeing
that the roads through Thessaly were put in a proper state for the
conveyance of provisions. Livy, 43, 19-23; 44, 1-9.]
[Sidenote: Perseus lays the blame of his failure on his generals. Livy,
44, 8.]
+10.+ Having been completely worsted on the entrance of the Romans
into Macedonia, Perseus found fault with Hippias. But in my opinion it
is easy to find fault with others and to see their mistakes, but it
is the hardest thing in the world to do everything that can be done
one’s self, and to be thoroughly acquainted with one’s own affairs. And
Perseus was now an instance in point....
[Sidenote: The testudo. Livy, 44, 9.]
+11.+ The capture of Heracleum was effected in a very peculiar manner.
The city wall at one part and for a short distance was low. The Romans
attacked with three picked maniples: and the first made a protection
for their heads by locking their shields together over them so closely,
that they presented the appearance of a sloping tiled roof....
This manœuvre the Romans used also in mock fights....
_While C. Marcius Figulus, the praetor, was engaged in Chalcidice, Q.
Marcius sent M. Popilius to besiege Meliboea in Magnesia. Perseus sent
Euphranor to relieve it, and, if he succeeded, to enter Demetrias.
This he did, and was not attacked at the latter place by Popilius or
Eumenes—scandal saying that the latter was in secret communication with
Perseus. Livy_, _44, 10-13_, B.C. _169_.
[Sidenote: The Achaeans decide to co-operate actively with the Romans
in Thessaly.]
[Sidenote: Polybius sent to the Consul.]
[Sidenote: Ptolemy Physcon celebrates his anacleteria.]
+12.+ Upon Perseus designing to come into Thessaly and there decide
the war by a general engagement, as he probably would have done,
Archon and his colleagues resolved to defend themselves against the
suspicions and slanders that had been thrown upon them, by taking some
practical steps. They therefore brought a decree before the Achaean
congress, ordering an advance into Thessaly, with the full force of
the league, to co-operate energetically with the Romans. The decree
being confirmed, the Achaeans also voted that Archon should superintend
the collection of the army and the necessary preparations for the
expedition, and should also send envoys to the Consul in Thessaly, to
communicate to him the decree of the Achaeans, and to ask when and
where their army was to join him. Polybius and others were forthwith
appointed, and strictly instructed that, if the Consul approved of
the army joining him, they should at once send some messengers to
communicate the fact, that they might not be too late on the field; and
meanwhile, that Polybius himself should see that the whole army found
provisions in the various cities through which it was to pass, and
that the soldiers should have no lack of any necessaries. With these
instructions the envoys started. The Achaeans also appointed Telocritus
to conduct an embassy to Attalus, bearing the decree concerning the
restoration of the honours of Eumenes. And as news arrived about the
same time that king Ptolemy had just celebrated his _anacleteria_, the
usual ceremony when the kings come of age, they voted to send some
ambassadors to confirm the friendly relations existing between the
league and the kingdom of Egypt, and thereupon appointed Alcithus and
Pasiadas for this duty.
[Sidenote: Summer of B.C. 169.]
[Sidenote: Autumn of B.C. 169.]
[Sidenote: Q. Marcius declines the offered army of Achaeans.]
[Sidenote: Appius Claudius Cento defeated at Hyscana in B.C. 170. Livy,
43, 10.]
[Sidenote: See above, p. 372.]
+13.+ Polybius and his colleagues found the Romans moved from
Thessaly and encamped in Perrhaebia, between Azorium and Doliche.
They therefore postponed communication with the Consul, owing to the
critical nature of the occasion, but shared in the dangers of the
invasion of Macedonia. When the Roman army at length reached the
district of Heracleum, it seemed the right moment for their interview
with Q. Marcius, because he considered that the most serious part of
his undertaking was accomplished. The Achaean envoys therefore took
the opportunity of presenting the decree to Marcius, and declaring
the intention of the Achaeans, to the effect that they wished with
their full force to take part in his contests and dangers. In addition
to this they demonstrated to him that every command of the Romans,
whether sent by letter or messenger, had been during the present war
accepted by the Achaeans without dispute. Marcius acknowledged with
great warmth the good feeling of the Achaeans, but excused them from
taking part in his labours and expenses, as there was no longer any
need for the assistance of allies. The other ambassadors accordingly
returned home; but Polybius stayed there and took part in the campaign,
until Marcius, hearing that Appius Cento asked for five thousand
Achaean soldiers to be sent to Epirus, despatched Polybius with orders
to prevent the soldiers being granted, or such a heavy expense being
causelessly imposed on the Achaeans; for Appius had no reason whatever
for asking for these soldiers. Whether he did this from consideration
for the Achaeans, or from a desire to prevent Appius from obtaining
any success, it is difficult to say. Polybius, however, returned to
the Peloponnese and found that the letter from Epirus had arrived, and
that the Achaean congress had been soon afterwards assembled at Sicyon.
He was therefore in a situation of great embarrassment. When Cento’s
demand of soldiers was brought before the Congress he did not think it
by any means proper to reveal the charge which Q. Marcius had given
him privately: and on the other hand to oppose the demand, without
some clear pretext, was exceedingly dangerous. In this difficult
and delicate position he called to his aid the decree of the Roman
Senate, forbidding compliance with the written demands of commanders
unless made in accordance with its own decree. Now, no mention of such
a decree occurred in the despatch from Appius. By this argument he
prevailed with the people to refer the matter to the Consul, and by
his means to get the nation relieved of an expense which would amount
to over a hundred and twenty talents. Still he gave a great handle to
those who wished to denounce him to Appius, as having thwarted his
design of obtaining a reinforcement....
[Sidenote: Crete. The Cydonians attack and take Apollonia near Cnossus.]
+14.+ The people of Cydon at this time committed a shocking act of
indisputable treachery. Though many such have occurred in Crete,
yet this appeared to go beyond them all. For though they were bound to
Apollonia, not only by the ties of friendship, but by those of common
institutions also, and in fact by everything which mankind regard
as sacred, and though these obligations were confirmed by a sworn
treaty engraved and preserved in the temple of Idaean Zeus, yet they
treacherously seized Apollonia, put the men to the sword, plundered the
property, and divided among themselves the women, children, city, and
territory....
[Sidenote: The Cydonians ask help from Eumenes.]
+15.+ Afraid of the Gortynians, because they had narrowly escaped
losing their city in the previous year by an attack led by Nothocrates,
the Cydonians sent envoys to Eumenes demanding his assistance in virtue
of their alliance with him. The king selected Leon and some soldiers,
and sent them in haste to Crete; and on their arrival the Cydonians
delivered the keys of their city to Leon, and put the town entirely in
his hands....
[Sidenote: The Rhodians determine to send a mission to Rome, B.C. 170.]
[Sidenote: B.C. 169.]
[Sidenote: See _supra_, ch. 2.]
+16.+ The factions in Rhodes kept continually becoming more and more
violent. For when the decree of the Senate, directing that they should
no longer conform to the demands of the military magistrates but
only to those contained in the Senate’s decrees, was communicated to
them, and the people at large expressed satisfaction at the care of
the Senate for their interests; Philophron and Theaetetus seized the
occasion to carry out their policy further, declaring that they ought
to send envoys to the Senate, and to Q. Marcius Philippus the Consul,
and Gaius Marcius Figulus, the commander of the fleet. For it was by
that time known to everybody which of the magistrates designate in Rome
were to come to Greece. The proposal was loudly applauded, though some
dissent was expressed: and at the beginning of the summer Agesilochus,
son of Hegesias, and Nicagoras, son of Nicander, were sent to Rome;
Agepolis, Ariston, and Pancrates to the Consul and commander of the
fleet, with instructions to renew the friendship of the Cretans with
Rome, and to make their defence against the accusations that were being
uttered against their state; while Agesilochus and his colleagues were
at the same time to make a proposal about a license to export corn from
the Roman dominions. The speech made by these envoys to the Senate, and
the reply made by the Senate, and the successful termination of their
mission, I have already mentioned in the section devoted to Italian
affairs. But it is useful to repeat such points, as I am careful to
do, because I am obliged frequently to record the actual negotiations
of ambassadors before mentioning the circumstances attending their
appointment and despatch. For since I am recording under each year the
contemporary events in several countries, and endeavouring to take a
summary review of them all together at the end, this must of necessity
form a feature in my history.
[Sidenote: The envoys visit Q. Marcius Philippus at Heracleum.]
[Sidenote: Why do not the Rhodians stop the war between Antiochus and
Ptolemy?]
[Sidenote: They endeavour to make peace between Antiochus Epiphanes and
Ptolemy Physcon.]
[Sidenote: Effect of the warm reception of their ambassadors on the
Rhodians.]
+17.+ Agepolis and his colleagues found Q. Marcius himself encamped
near Heracleum in Macedonia, and delivered their commission to him
there. In answer, he said that “He himself paid no attention to those
calumnies, and advised them not to pay any to those who ventured to
speak against Rome.” He added many other expressions of kindness,
and even wrote them in a despatch to the people of Rhodes. Agepolis
was much charmed by his whole reception; and observing this, the
Consul took him aside and said to him privately that “He wondered
at the Rhodians not trying to put an end to the war,[161] which it
would be eminently in their interests to do.” Did the Consul act
thus because he was suspicious of Antiochus, and was afraid, if he
conquered Alexandria, that he would prove a formidable second enemy to
themselves, seeing that the war with Perseus was becoming protracted,
and the war for Coele-Syria had already broken out? Or was it because
he saw that the war with Perseus was all but decided, now that the
Roman legions had entered Macedonia, and because he had confident hopes
of its result; and therefore wished, by instigating the Rhodians to
interfere between the kings, to give the Romans a pretext for taking
any measures they might think good concerning them? It would not be
easy to say for certain; but I am inclined to believe that it was the
latter, judging from what shortly afterwards happened to the Rhodians.
However, Agepolis and his colleagues immediately afterwards proceeded
to visit Gaius Marcius Figulus: and, having received from him still
more extraordinary marks of favour than from Quintus Marcius, returned
with all speed to Rhodes. When they received the report of the embassy,
and knew that the two commanders had vied with each other in warmth,
both by word of mouth and in their formal answers, the Rhodians were
universally elated and filled with pleasing expectation. But not all in
the same spirit: the sober-minded were delighted at the good feeling
of the Romans towards them; but the restless and fractious calculated
in their own minds that this excessive complaisance was a sign that
the Romans were alarmed at the dangers in which they found themselves,
and at their success not having answered to their expectations. But
when Agepolis communicated to his friends that he had a private message
from Q. Marcius to the Cretan Council about putting an end to the war
(in Syria), then Deinon and his friends felt fully convinced that the
Romans were in a great strait; and they accordingly sent envoys also to
Alexandria to put an end to the war then existing between Antiochus and
Ptolemy....
_Ptolemy Epiphanes, who died B.C. 181, left two sons, Ptolemy
Philometor and Ptolemy Physcon, and a daughter, Cleopatra, by his wife
Cleopatra, sister of Antiochus Epiphanes. After the death of Ptolemy’s
mother Cleopatra, his ministers, Eulaeus and Lenaeus, engaged in a war
with Antiochus for the recovery of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, which
had been taken by Antiochus the Great, and which they alleged had been
assigned as a dower to the late Cleopatra. Their war was singularly
unsuccessful. Antiochus Epiphanes defeated their troops at Pelusium,
took young Ptolemy Philometor captive, and advanced as far as Memphis.
Thereupon Ptolemy Physcon assumed the royal title at Alexandria as
Euergetes II., and sent envoys to Antiochus at Memphis. Antiochus,
however, treated Ptolemy Philometor with kindness, established him as
king at Memphis, and advanced to Naucratis, and thence to Alexandria,
which he besieged on the pretext of re-establishing Philometor_. B.C.
171. See _infra, bk. 29. ch. 23._
[Sidenote: Character of Antiochus IV. (Epiphanes).]
+18.+ King Antiochus was a man of ability in the field and daring in
design, and showed himself worthy of the royal name, except in regard
to his manœuvres at Pelusium....
[Sidenote: Comanus and Cineas, Physcon’s ministers, determine to send
embassies to Antiochus, B. C. 169.]
+19.+ When Antiochus was actually in occupation of Egypt, Comanus and
Cineas, after consultation with king Ptolemy Physcon, determined upon
summoning a conference of the most distinguished Egyptian nobles to
consult about the danger which threatened them. The first resolution
the conference came to was to send the Greek envoys who were then at
Alexandria as envoys to Antiochus to conclude a pacification. There
were at that time in the country two embassies from the Achaean league,
one which had been sent to renew the alliance between the league and
Egypt, and which was composed of Alcithus of Aegium, son of Xenophon,
and Pasiodes, and another sent to give notice of the festival of the
Antigoneia.[162] There was also an embassy from Athens led by Demaratus
on the subject of some present, and two sacred embassies, one in
connexion with the Panathenaea under the presidency of Callias the
pancratiast, and the other on the subject of the mysteries, of which
Cleostratus was the active member and spokesman. There were also there
Eudemus and Hicesius from Miletus, and Apollonides and Apollonius from
Clazomenae. The king also sent with them Tlepolemus and Ptolemy the
rhetorician as envoys. These men accordingly sailed up the river to
meet Antiochus....
[Sidenote: Antiochus occupies Naucratis and thence advances to
Alexandria.]
[Sidenote: Reply of Antiochus.]
[Sidenote: Their arguments.]
[Sidenote: The Greek envoys visit Antiochus and endeavour to make
peace.]
+20.+ While Antiochus was occupying Egypt,[163] he was visited
by the Greek envoys sent to conclude terms of peace. He received
them courteously, devoted the first day to giving them a splendid
entertainment and on the next granted them an interview, and bade them
deliver their instructions. The first to speak were the Achaeans,
the next the Athenian Demaratus, and after him Eudemus of Miletus.
And as the occasion and subject of their speeches were the same, the
substance of them was also nearly identical. They all laid the blame
of what had occurred on Eulaeus, and referring to Ptolemy’s youth and
his relationship to himself, they intreated the king to lay aside his
anger. Thereupon Antiochus, after acknowledging the general truth of
their remarks, and even supporting them by additional arguments of his
own, entered upon a defence of the justice of his original demands. He
attempted to establish the claim of the king of Syria on Coele-Syria,
“Insisting upon the fact that Antigonus, the founder of the Syrian
kingdom, exercised authority in that country; and referring to the
formal cession of it to Seleucus,[164] after the death of Antigonus,
by the sovereigns of Macedonia. Next he dwelt on the last conquest
of it by his father Antiochus; and finally he denied that any such
agreement was made between the late king Ptolemy and his father as the
Alexandrian ministers asserted, to the effect that Ptolemy was to take
Coele-Syria as a dowry when he married Cleopatra, the mother of the
present king.” Having by these arguments not only persuaded himself,
but the envoys also, of the justice of his claim, he sailed down the
river to Naucratis. There he treated the inhabitants with humanity, and
gave each of the Greeks living there a gold piece, and then advanced
towards Alexandria. He told the envoys that he would give them an
answer on the return of Aristeides and Thesis, whom he had sent on
a mission to Ptolemy; and he wished, he said, that the Greek envoys
should all be cognisant and witnesses of their report....
[Sidenote: The evil influence of Eulaeus upon Ptolemy Philometor. He
advises him to yield to Antiochus and retire to Samothrace.]
+21.+ The eunuch Eulaeus persuaded Ptolemy to collect his money,
give up his kingdom to his enemies, and retire to Samothrace. This
will be to any one who reflects upon it a convincing proof of the
supreme mischief done by evil companions of boyhood. That a monarch
so entirely out of reach of personal danger and so far removed from
his enemies, should not make one effort to save his honour, while in
possession too of such abundant resources, and master over such wide
territory and such numerous subjects, but should at once without a
blow surrender a most splendid and wealthy kingdom,—is not this the
sign of a spirit utterly effeminate and corrupted? And if this had
been Ptolemy’s natural character, we must have laid the blame upon
nature and not upon any external influence. But since by his subsequent
achievements his natural character has vindicated itself, by proving
Ptolemy to be sufficiently resolute and courageous in the hour of
danger, we may clearly, without any improbability, attribute to this
eunuch, and his companionship with the king in his boyhood, the ignoble
spirit displayed by him on that occasion, and his idea of going to
Samothrace....
[Sidenote: Antiochus leaves Alexandria for a time, being met by some
Roman envoys. See 29, 25.]
+22.+ After raising the siege of Alexandria, Antiochus sent envoys to
Rome, whose names were Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heracleides, agreeing
to pay one hundred and fifty talents, fifty as a complimentary present
to the Romans, and the rest as a gift to be divided among certain
cities in Greece....
[Sidenote: Envoys from Rhodes visit Antiochus in his camp not far from
Alexandria.]
+23.+ In the course of these same days envoys sailed in from Rhodes to
Alexandria, headed by Pration, to negotiate a pacification; and a few
days afterwards presented themselves at the camp of Antiochus. Admitted
to an interview, they argued at considerable length, mentioning their
own country’s friendly feelings to both kingdoms, and the ties of blood
existing between the two kings themselves, and the advantage which
a peace would be to both. But the king interrupted the envoy in the
middle of his speech by saying that there was no need of much talking,
for the kingdom belonged to the elder Ptolemy, and with him he had long
ago made terms, and they were friends, and if the people wished now to
recall him Antiochus would not prevent them. And he kept his word....