THE WAR WITH PHILIP
[Sidenote: Congress at Nicaea in Locris, winter of B.C. 198-197. Coss.
Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Sext. Aelius Paetus Catus.]
[Sidenote: Cycliadas expelled for favouring Philip. See Livy, 32, 19.]
[Sidenote: The Roman demand.]
[Sidenote: Peace of Epirus B.C. 205. See _supra_ 11, 5-7.]
+1.+ When the time appointed arrived, Philip put to sea from Demetrias
and came into the Melian Gulf, with five galleys and one beaked
war-ship (pristis), on the latter of which he himself was sailing.
There met him the Macedonian secretaries Apollodorus and Demosthenes,
Brachylles from Boeotia, and the Achaean Cycliadas, who had been driven
from the Peloponnese for the reasons I have already described. With
Flamininus came king Amynandrus, and Dionysodorus, legate of king
Attalus. The commissioners from cities and nations were Aristaenus and
Xenophon from the Achaeans; Acesimbrotus the navarch from the Rhodians;
Phaeneas their Strategus from the Aetolians, and several others of
their statesmen with him. Approaching the sea near Nicaea, Flamininus
and those with him took their stand upon the very edge of the beach,
while Philip, bringing his ship close to shore, remained afloat. Upon
Flamininus bidding him disembark, he stood up on board and refused to
leave his ship. Flamininus again asked him what he feared, he said
that he feared no one but the gods, but he distrusted most of those
who were there, especially the Aetolians. Upon the Roman expressing
his surprise, and remarking that the danger was the same to all and
the risk common, Philip retorted that “He was mistaken in saying that:
for that, if anything happened to Phaeneas, there were many who would
act as Strategi for the Aetolians; but if Philip were to perish at the
present juncture, there was no one to be king of the Macedonians.”
Though all thought this an unconciliatory way of opening the
discussion, Flamininus nevertheless bade him speak on the matters he
had come to consider. Philip however said that “The word was not with
himself but with Flamininus; and therefore begged that he would state
clearly what he was to do in order to have peace.” The Roman consul
replied that “What he had to say was simple and obvious: it was to
bid him evacuate Greece entirely; restore the prisoners and deserters
in his hands to their several states; hand over to the Romans those
parts of Illyricum of which he had become possessed since the peace of
Epirus; and, similarly, to restore to Ptolemy all the cities which he
had taken from him since the death of Ptolemy Philopator.
[Sidenote: Demands of Attalus,]
[Sidenote: of the Rhodians,]
[Sidenote: of the Achaeans,]
[Sidenote: and of the Aetolians.]
+2.+ Having said this Flamininus refrained from any further speech
of his own; but turning to the others he bade them deliver what
they had been severally charged to say by those who sent them. And
first Dionysodorus, the envoy of Attalus, took up the discourse by
declaring that “Philip ought to restore the king’s ships which had
been captured in the battle at Chios and their crews with them; and to
restore also the temple of Aphrodite to its original state, as well
as the Nicephorium, both of which he had destroyed.” He was followed
by the Rhodian navarch Acesimbrotus, who demanded “That Philip should
evacuate Peraea, which he had taken from them; withdraw his garrisons
from Iasus, Bargylia, and Euromus; restore the Perinthians to their
political union with Byzantium; and evacuate Sestos, Abydos, and all
commercial ports and harbours in Asia.” Following the Rhodians the
Achaeans demanded “The restoration of Corinth and Argos uninjured.”
Then came the Aetolians, who first demanded, like the Romans, that
“Philip should entirely evacuate Greece; and, secondly, that he should
restore to them uninjured all cities formerly members of the Aetolian
league.”
[Sidenote: Speech of Alexander Isius.]
+3.+ When Phaeneas the Aetolian strategus had delivered this demand,
a man called Alexander Isius, who had the reputation of being an able
politician and good speaker, said that “Philip was neither sincere
at the present moment in proposing terms, nor bold in his manner of
making war, when he had to do that. In conferences and colloquies
he was always setting ambushes and lying in wait, and using all the
practices of war, but in actual war itself took up a position at
once unjust and ignoble: for he avoided meeting his enemies face to
face, and, as he fled before them, employed himself in burning and
plundering the cities; and by this policy, though himself beaten, he
spoilt the value of the victor’s reward. Yet former kings of Macedonia
had not adopted this plan, but one exactly the reverse: for they were
continually fighting with each other in the open field, but rarely
destroyed and ruined cities. This was shown clearly by Alexander’s war
in Asia against king Darius; and again in the contentions between his
successors, when they combined to fight Antigonus for the possession of
Asia. So too had the successors of these kings followed the same policy
down to the time of Pyrrhus: they had been prompt to war against each
other in the open field, and to do everything they could to conquer
each other in arms, but had spared the cities, that they might rule
them if they conquered, and be honoured by their subjects. But that
a man should abandon war, and yet destroy that for which the war was
undertaken, seemed an act of madness, and madness of a very violent
sort. And this was just what Philip was doing at that moment; for he
had destroyed more cities in Thessaly, on his rapid march from the pass
of Epirus, though he was a friend and ally of that country, than any
one who had ever been at war with the Thessalians.”
After a good deal more to the same effect he ended by asking Philip,
“On what grounds he was holding the town of Lysimacheia with a
garrison, having expelled the strategus sent by the Aetolian league, of
which it was a member? Also on what grounds he had enslaved the Ciani
who were also in alliance with the Aetolians? Lastly, on what plea he
was in actual occupation of Echinus, Phthiotid Thebes, Pharsalus, and
Larisa?”
[Sidenote: The rejoinder of Philip.]
+4.+ When Alexander had concluded his speech, Philip came somewhat
nearer to the shore than he was before, and, rising on board his
ship, said that “Alexander had composed and delivered a speech in the
true Aetolian and theatrical style. For every one knew quite well
that nobody willingly destroys his own allies, but that, at times of
special danger, military commanders are compelled to do many things
contrary to their natural feelings.” While the king was still speaking,
Phaeneas, who was very short-sighted, interrupted him by saying, “You
are trifling with us; you must either fight and conquer, or obey the
commands of the stronger.” Philip, in spite of the unfortunate position
of his affairs, could not refrain from his habitual humour: turning
towards Phaeneas he said, “Even a blind man could see that.” Such a
knack had he of cutting repartee. Then he turned to Alexander again and
said, “You ask me, Alexander, why I took possession of Lysimacheia.
I reply, in order that it might not by your neglect be devastated by
Thracians, as it has now actually been; because I was compelled by this
war to remove my soldiers, who indeed were no hostile garrison, as you
say, but were there for its protection. As for the Ciani, I did not go
to war with them, but only assisted Prusias to take them who was at war
with them. And of this you yourselves were the cause. For though I sent
envoy after envoy to you desiring that you would repeal the law which
allows you the privilege of taking ‘spoil from spoil,’ you replied that
rather than abolish this law you would remove Aetolia from Aetolia.”
[Sidenote: Philip explains the peculiar law of the Aetolians.]
+5.+ When Flamininus expressed some wonder at what he meant by this,
the king tried to explain it to him by saying that “The Aetolian
custom was this. They not only plundered those with whom they were at
war, and harried their country; but, if certain other nations were at
war with each other, even though both were friends and allies of the
Aetolians, none the less the Aetolians might, without a formal decree
of the people, take part with both combatants and plunder the territory
of both. The result was that in the eyes of the Aetolians there were
no defined limits of friendship or enmity, but they were ready to be
the enemies and assailers of all who had a dispute on anything. “How
then,” he added, “have they any right to blame me if, while on terms
of friendship with the Aetolians, I did anything against the Ciani in
support of my own allies? But the most outrageous part of their conduct
is that they try to rival Rome, and bid me entirely evacuate Greece!
The demand in itself is sufficiently haughty and dictatorial: still, in
the mouths of Romans, it is tolerable, but in that of Aetolians quite
intolerable. What is this Greece, pray, from which ye bid me depart?
How do you define it? Why, most of the Aetolians themselves are not
Greeks; for neither the Agrai, nor the Apodoti, nor the Amphilochi are
counted as Greek. Do you then give up those tribes to me?”
[Sidenote: Philip’s answer to the Rhodians and Attalus,]
[Sidenote: and the Achaeans.]
+6.+ Upon Flamininus laughing at these words, Philip proceeded: “Well,
enough said to the Aetolians! But to the Rhodians and Attalus I have to
say that, in the eyes of a fair judge, it would be held more just that
they should restore to me the ships captured, than I to them. For I did
not begin the attack upon Attalus and the Rhodians, but they upon me,
as everybody acknowledges. However, at your instance, Titus, I restore
Peraea to the Rhodians, and to Attalus his ships and as many of the men
as are still alive. As for the destruction of the Nicephorium and the
grove of Aphrodite, I am not able to do anything else towards their
restoration, but I will send plants and gardeners to attend to the
place and the growth of the trees that have been cut down.” Flamininus
once more laughing at the king’s sarcastic tone, Philip turned to the
Achaeans, and first went through the list of benefactions received by
them from Antigonus and himself; then quoted the extraordinary honours
Antigonus and he had received from them; and concluded by reading their
decree for abandoning him and joining Rome. Taking this for his text,
he expatiated at great length on the fickleness and ingratitude of
the Achaeans. Still he said he would restore Argos to them, and as to
Corinth would consult with Flamininus.
[Sidenote: A retort of Flamininus.]
+7.+ Having thus concluded his conversation with the other envoys, he
asked Flamininus, observing that the discussion was really confined to
himself and the Romans, “Whether he considered that he was bound to
evacuate only those places in Greece which he had himself acquired, or
those also which he had inherited from his ancestors?” On Flamininus
making no answer, Aristaenus for the Achaeans, and Phaeneas for the
Aetolians, were on the point of replying. But as the day was closing
in, time prevented them from doing so; and Philip demanded that they
should all hand into him a written statement of the terms on which
peace was to be granted: for being there alone he had no one with whom
to consult; and therefore wished to turn their demands over in his own
mind. Now Flamininus was much amused at Philip’s sarcastic banter; but
not wishing the others to think so, he retaliated on him by a sarcasm
also, saying: “Of course you are alone, Philip: for you have killed
all the friends likely to give you the best advice!” The king smiled
sardonically, but said nothing. And for the present, all having handed
in the written statements of their demands as aforesaid, the conference
broke up, after appointing to meet again next day at Nicaea. But next
morning, though Flamininus came to the appointed place and found the
others there, Philip did not arrive.
[Sidenote: Second day’s conference, Philip comes late.]
[Sidenote: Philip’s final offers.]
+8.+ When the day, however, had nearly come to an end, and Titus and
the others had almost given him up, Philip appeared accompanied as
before, and excused himself by saying that he had spent the whole day
in perplexity and doubt, caused by the severity of the demands made
upon him. But every one else thought that he had acted thus from a wish
to prevent, by the lateness of the hour, the delivery of invectives
by the Achaeans and Aetolians: for he saw, as he was going away on
the previous evening, that both were ready to attack him and state
grievances. Therefore, as soon as he approached the meeting this time,
he demanded that “The Roman Consul should discuss the matter with him
in private; that they might not have a mere war of words on both sides,
but that a definite settlement should be come to on the points in
dispute.” On his several times repeating this request and pressing it
strongly, Flamininus asked those present what he ought to do. On their
bidding him meet the king and hear what he had to say, he took with
him Appius Claudius, at that time a military Tribune, and telling the
others to retire a short way from the sea and remain there, he himself
bade Philip disembark. Accordingly the king, attended by Apollodorus
and Demosthenes, left his ship, and, joining Flamininus, conversed with
him for a considerable time. What was said by the one and the other on
that occasion it is not easy to state. However, when Philip and he had
parted, Flamininus, in explaining the king’s views to the others, said
that he consented to restore Pharsalus and Larisa to the Aetolians,
but not Thebes: and that to the Rhodians he surrendered Peraea, but
not Iasus and Bargylia: to the Achaeans he gave up Corinth and Argos:
to the Romans he promised that he would surrender Illyricum and all
prisoners: and to Attalus the ships, and as many of the men captured in
the sea-fights as survived.
[Sidenote: Dissatisfaction of the Congress.]
+9.+ All present expressed their dissatisfaction at these terms, and
alleged that it was necessary before all that he should perform the
general injunction, that, namely, of evacuating all Greece: otherwise
these particular concessions were vain and useless. Observing that
there was an animated discussion going on among them, and fearing at
the same time that they would indulge in accusations against himself,
Philip requested Flamininus to adjourn the conference till next day,
as the evening was closing in; and promised that he would then either
persuade them to accept his terms or submit to theirs. Flamininus
consenting, they separated, after appointing to meet next day on the
beach near Thronium.
[Sidenote: Third day’s conference. A reference to the Senate agreed on.]
Next day all came to the appointed place in good time. Philip in a
short speech called on all, and on Flamininus, “Not to break off
the negotiation for peace now that by far the greater number were
inclined to come to some arrangement; but, if possible, to come to an
understanding by themselves on the points in dispute; or, if that could
not be, to send envoys to the Senate, and either convince it as to this
controversy, or submit to whatever it enjoined.”
On this proposition of the king, all the others declared that they
preferred war to such a demand. But the Roman Consul said that “He was
quite aware that it was improbable that Philip would submit to any of
their demands, yet, as it did not in the least stand in the way of
such action as they chose to take to grant the favour demanded by the
king, he would concede it. For not one of the proposals actually made
at present could be confirmed without the authority of the Senate; and
besides the season now coming on was a favourable one for ascertaining
its opinion; for, even as things were, the armies could do nothing
owing to the winter: it was therefore against no one’s interests, but,
on the contrary, very convenient for them all, to devote this time to a
reference to the Senate on the present state of affairs.”
[Sidenote: The embassies to Rome.]
+10.+ Seeing that Flamininus was not averse to referring the matter
to the Senate, all the others presently consented, and voted to allow
Philip to send envoys to Rome, and that they too should severally send
envoys of their own to plead their cause before the Senate, and state
their grievances against Philip.
The business of the conference having thus been concluded in accordance
with his views and the opinions he had originally expressed, Flamininus
at once set about carefully securing his own position, and preventing
Philip from taking any undue advantage. For though he granted him
three months’ suspension of hostilities, he stipulated that he should
complete his embassy to Rome within that time, and insisted on his
immediately removing his garrisons from Phocis and Locris. He was
also very careful to insist on behalf of the Roman allies, that no
act of hostility should be committed against them during this period
by the Macedonians. Having made these terms in writing with Philip,
he immediately took the necessary steps himself to carry out his own
policy. First, he sent Amynandrus to Rome at once, knowing that he
was a man of pliable character, and would be easily persuaded by his
own friends in the city to take any course they might propose; and
at the same time would carry with him a certain prestige, and rouse
men’s curiosity and interest by his title of royalty. Next to him he
sent as personal envoys his wife’s nephew Quintus Fabius, Quintus
Fulvius, and Appius Claudius Nero. From the Aetolians went Alexander
Isius, Damocritus of Calydon, Dicaearchus of Trichonium, Polemarchus of
Arsinoe, Lamius of Ambracia, Nicomachus of Acarnania,—one of those who
had fled from Thurium and settled in Ambracia,—and Theodotus of Pherae,
an exile from Thessaly who settled in Stratus: from the Achaeans
Xenophon of Aegium: from King Attalus only Alexander: and from the
Athenian people Cephisodorus and his colleagues.
[Sidenote: The speeches of the Greek envoys in the Senate.]
+11.+ Now these envoys arrived in Rome before the Senate had settled
the provinces of the Consuls appointed for this year, and whether
it would be necessary to send both to Gaul, or one of them against
Philip. But the friends of Flamininus having assured themselves that
both Consuls would remain in Italy owing to the threat of an attack
from the Celts, all the ambassadors appeared and bluntly stated their
grievances against Philip. The bulk of their accusations was to the
same effect as what they had before stated to the king himself; but
they also endeavoured carefully to instil this idea in the minds of
the Senators, “That so long as Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias were
subject to Macedonia, it was impossible for the Greeks to think of
liberty; for Philip himself had spoken the exact truth when he called
these places the ‘fetters of Greece.’ For neither could the Peloponnese
breathe while a royal garrison was stationed in Corinth, nor the
Locrians, Boeotians, and Phocians feel any confidence while Philip was
in occupation of Chalcis and the rest of Euboea; nor indeed could the
Thessalians or Magnesians raise a spark of liberty[78] while Philip
and the Macedonians held Demetrias. That, therefore, Philip’s offer to
evacuate the other places was a mere pretence in order to escape the
immediate danger; and that on the very first day he chose he would with
ease reduce the Greeks again under his power, if he were in possession
of these places.” They accordingly urged the Senate “either to force
Philip to evacuate the cities they had named, or to stand by the policy
they had begun, and vigorously prosecute the war against him. For in
truth the most difficult part of the war was already accomplished,
the Macedonians having already been twice defeated, and most of their
resources on land already expended.”
They concluded by beseeching the Senate “not to beguile the Greeks of
their hopes of liberty, nor deprive themselves of the most glorious
renown.” Such, or nearly so, were the arguments advanced by the Greek
envoys. Philip’s envoys were prepared to make a long speech in reply:
but they were stopped at the threshold. For being asked whether they
were prepared to evacuate Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias, they
declared that they had not any instructions as to those towns. They
were accordingly rebuked by the Senate and obliged to discontinue their
speech.
[Sidenote: B.C. 197 Coss. G. Cornelius Cethegus, Q. Minucius Rufus.]
+12.+ The Senate then, as I have said before, assigned Gaul to both
the consuls as their province, and ordered that the war against Philip
should go on, assigning to Titus Flamininus the entire control of
Greek affairs. These decrees having been quickly made known in Greece,
Flamininus found everything settled to his mind, partly no doubt by the
assistance of chance, but for the most part by his own foresight in
the management of the whole business. For he was exceedingly acute, if
ever Roman was. The skill and good sense with which he conducted public
business and private negotiations could not be surpassed, and yet he
was quite a young man, not yet more than thirty, and the first Roman
who had crossed to Greece with an army....
[Sidenote: Was Aristaenus a traitor or a wise Opportunist?]
+13.+ It has often and in many cases occurred to me to wonder at the
mistakes men make; but none seems to me so surprising as that of
traitors. I wish, therefore, to say a word in season on the subject. I
know very well that it is one which does not admit of easy treatment or
definition. For it is not at all easy to say whom we ought to regard as
a real traitor. Plainly all those, who at a time of tranquillity make
compacts with kings or princes, cannot be reckoned such off hand; nor,
again, those who in the midst of dangers transfer their country from
existing friendships and alliances to others. Far from it. For such men
have again and again been the authors of manifold advantages to their
own countries. But not to go any further for example, my meaning can be
made clear by the circumstances of the present case. For, if Aristaenus
had not at this time opportunely caused the Achaeans to leave their
alliance with Philip and join that of Rome, it is clear that the whole
league would have been utterly ruined. But as it was, this man and this
policy were confessedly the sources, not only of security to individual
Achaeans at the time, but of the aggrandisement of the whole league.
Therefore he was not looked upon as a traitor, but universally honoured
as a benefactor and saviour of the country. The same principle will
hold good in the case of all others who regulate their policy and
measures by the necessities of the hour.
[Sidenote: Comparison of the policy of the Achaeans and other
Peloponnesians towards Philip V. with that recommended by Demosthenes
towards Philip II.]
[Sidenote: B.C. 338.]
+14.+ From this point of view fault might be found with Demosthenes,
admirable as he is in many respects, for having rashly and
indiscriminately launched an exceedingly bitter charge at the most
illustrious Greeks. For he asserted that in Arcadia, Cercidas,
Hieronymus, and Eucampidas were traitors to Greece for making an
alliance with Philip; in Messene the sons of Philiades, Neon and
Thrasylochus; in Argos, Mystis, Teledamus, one Mnaseas; in Thessaly,
Daochus and Cineas; in Boeotia, Theogeiton and Timolas: and many
more besides he has included in the same category, naming them city
by city; and yet all these men have a weighty and obvious plea to
urge in defence of their conduct, and above all those of Arcadia and
Messene.[79] For it was by their bringing Philip into the Peloponnese,
and humbling the Lacedaemonians, that these men in the first place
enabled all its inhabitants to breathe again, and conceive the idea of
liberty; and in the next place, by recovering the territory and cities
which the Lacedaemonians in the hour of prosperity had taken from the
Messenians, Megalopolitans, Tegeans, and Argives, notoriously raised
the fortunes of their own countries.[80] In return for this they were
bound not to make war on Philip and the Macedonians, but to do all they
could to promote his reputation and honour. Now, if they had been doing
all this, or if they had admitted a garrison from Philip into their
native cities, or had abolished their constitutions and deprived their
fellow-citizens of liberty and freedom of speech, for the sake of their
own private advantage or power, they would have deserved this name
of traitor. But if, while carefully maintaining their duty to their
countries, they yet differed in their judgment of politics, and did not
consider that their interests were the same as those of the Athenians,
it is not, I think, fair that they should have been called traitors on
that account by Demosthenes. The man who measures everything by the
interests of his own particular state, and imagines that all the Greeks
ought to have their eyes fixed upon Athens, on the pain of being styled
traitors, seems to me to be ill-informed and to be labouring under a
strange delusion, especially as the course which events in Greece took
at that time has borne witness to the wisdom, not of Demosthenes, but
of Eucampidas, Hieronymus, Cercidas, and the sons of Philiades. For
what did the Athenians eventually get by their opposition to Philip?
Why, the crowning disaster of the defeat at Chaeronea. And had it not
been for the king’s magnanimity and regard for his own reputation,
their misfortunes would have gone even further, thanks to the policy
of Demosthenes. Whereas, owing to the men I have mentioned, security
and relief from attacks of the Lacedaemonians were obtained for Arcadia
and Messenia generally, and many advantages accrued to their states
separately.
[Sidenote: The true traitor is the man who acts with personal objects
or from party spirit.]
[Sidenote: The reward of treason.]
[Sidenote: Demosth. _de Corona_, § 47.]
+15.+ It is not easy then to define to whom one may properly apply this
name. The nearest approach to truth would be to assign it to those who
in times of public danger, either for the sake of personal security or
advantage, or to retaliate upon political opponents, put their cities
into the hands of the enemy: or indeed to those who, by admitting
a foreign garrison, and employing external assistance to carry out
private aims and views, bring their country under the direction of a
superior power. All such men as these one might include in the category
of traitors with perfect reasonableness. Such men, indeed, gain neither
profit nor honour, but the reverse, as every one acknowledges. And
this brings me back to my original observation, that it is difficult
to understand with what object, and supported by what reasoning, men
rush upon such a disastrous position. For no one ever yet betrayed his
city or camp or fort without being detected; but even if a man here and
there managed to conceal it at the moment of his crime, yet all have
been detected in the course of time. Nor when known has any such ever
had a happy life; but, as a rule, they meet with the punishment they
deserve from the very persons in whose favour they act. For, indeed,
though generals and princes constantly employ traitors for their own
purposes; yet when they have got all they can out of them, they treat
them thenceforth as traitors, as Demosthenes says; very naturally
considering that those, who have put their country and original friends
into the hands of their enemies, are never likely to be really loyal or
to keep faith with themselves. Nay, even though they escape violence
at the hands of these, yet they do not easily avoid the vengeance of
those whom they betrayed. Or if, finally, they manage to evade the
designs of both the one and the other, yet all over the world fame
dogs their footsteps with vengeance to their lives’ end, suggesting to
their imaginations night and day numberless terrors, false and true;
helping and hounding on all who design any evil against them; and,
finally, refusing to allow them even in sleep to forget their crimes,
but forcing them to dream of every kind of plot and disaster, because
they are aware of the universal loathing and hatred which attend them.
Yet, though all this is true, nobody who wanted one was ever at a loss
for a traitor, except in the rarest cases. From which one might say
with some plausibility that man, reputed the most cunning of animals,
gives considerable grounds for being regarded as the stupidest. For the
other animals, which obey their bodily appetites alone, can be deceived
by these alone; while man, though he has reason to guide him, is led
into error by the failure of that reason no less than by his physical
appetites....
[Sidenote: Attalus in Sicyon, B.C. 198.]
+16.+ King Attalus had for some time past been held in extraordinary
honour by the Sicyonians, ever since the time that he ransomed the
sacred land of Apollo for them at the cost of a large sum of money; in
return for which they set up the colossal statue of him, ten cubits
high, near the temple of Apollo in the market-place. But on this
occasion, on his presenting them with ten talents and ten thousand
medimni of wheat, their devotion to him was immensely increased; and
they accordingly voted him a statue of gold, and passed a law to offer
sacrifice in his honour every year. With these honours, then, Attalus
departed to Cenchreae....[81]
[Sidenote: The cruelty of Apéga, wife of Nabis.]
+17.+ The tyrant Nabis, leaving Timocrates of Pellene at Argos,—because
he trusted him more than any one else and employed him in his most
important undertakings,—returned to Sparta: and thence, after some few
days, despatched his wife with instructions to go to Argos and raise
money. On her arrival she far surpassed Nabis himself in cruelty. For
she summoned women to her presence either privately or in families, and
inflicted every kind of torture and violence upon them, until she had
extorted from almost all of them, not only their gold ornaments, but
also the most valuable parts of their clothing....
[Sidenote: B.C. 197. King Attalus before the assembled Boeotians. See
Livy, 33, 2.] In a speech of considerable length Attalus reminded them
of the ancient valour of their ancestors....
THE END OF THE FIRST MACEDONIAN WAR
[Sidenote: B.C. 197, at the beginning of spring. Livy, 33, 1.]
[Sidenote: The methods of forming palisades among the Greeks and
Romans.]
+18.+ Flamininus being unable to ascertain where the enemy were
encamped, but yet being clearly informed that they had entered
Thessaly, gave orders to all his men to cut stakes to carry with them,
ready for use at any moment. This seems impossible to Greek habits,
but to those of Rome it is easy. For the Greeks find it difficult
to hold even their sarissae on the march, and can scarcely bear the
fatigue of them; but the Romans strap their shields to their shoulders
with leathern thongs, and, having nothing but their javelins in their
hands, can stand the additional burden of a stake. There is also a
great difference between the stakes employed by the two peoples. The
Greeks hold that the best stake is that which has the largest and most
numerous shoots growing round the stem; but the Roman stakes have only
two or three side shoots, or at most four; and those are selected which
have these shoots on one side only. The result is that their porterage
is very easy (for each man carries three or four packed together),
and they make an exceedingly secure palisade when put into use. For
the Greek palisading, when set in the front of the camp, in the first
place can easily be pulled down; for since the part that is firm and
tightly fixed in the ground is single, while the projecting arms of it
are many and large, two or three men can get hold of the same stake
by its projecting arms, and easily pull it up; and directly that is
done, its breadth is so great that a regular gateway is made: and
because in such a palisade the stakes are not closely interlaced or
interwoven with each other, when one is pulled up the part next to it
is made insecure. With the Romans it is quite different. For as soon
as they fix their stakes, they interlace them in such a manner that
it is not easy to know to which of the stems fixed in the ground the
branches belong, nor on which of these branches the smaller shoots
are growing. Moreover, it is impossible to insert the hand and grasp
them, owing to the closeness of the interlacing of the branches and the
way they lie one upon another, and because the main branches are also
carefully cut so as to have sharp ends. Nor, if one is got hold of, is
it easy to pull up: because, in the first place, all the stakes are
sufficiently tightly secured in the ground to be self-supporting; and,
in the second place, because the man who pulls away one branch must,
owing to the close interlacing, be able to move several others in its
train; and it is quite unlikely that two or three men should happen to
get hold of the same stake. But even if, by the exertion of enormous
force, a man has succeeded in pulling one or another up, the gap is
scarcely perceptible. Considering, therefore, the vast superiority of
this method, both in the readiness with which such stakes are found,
the ease with which they are carried, and the security and durability
of the palisade made with them, it is plain, in my opinion, that if any
military operation of the Romans deserves to be admired and imitated,
it is this.
[Sidenote: Flamininus marches to Pherae in Thessaly.]
[Sidenote: Thebae Pthiotides.]
[Sidenote: The advanced guards of the two armies meet.]
+19.+ After providing for contingencies by these preparations,
Flamininus advanced with his whole force at a moderate pace, and,
having arrived at about fifty stades from Pherae, pitched a camp
there; and next morning, just before the morning watch, sent out some
reconnoitring parties to see whether they could get any opportunity of
discovering the position and movements of the enemy. Philip, at the
same time, being informed that the Romans were encamped near Thebes,
started with his whole force from Larisa in the direction of Pherae.
When about thirty stades from that town, he pitched his camp there,
and gave orders for all his men to make their preparations early next
morning, and about the morning watch got his troops on the march. The
division whose usual duty it was to form the advance guard he sent
forward first, with instructions to cross the heights above Pherae,
while he personally superintended the main army’s advance from the
camp as the day was breaking. The advanced guards of the two armies
were within a very little of coming into collision in the pass; for
the darkness prevented their seeing each other until they were quite a
short distance apart. Both sides halted, and sent speedy intelligence
to their respective leaders of what had happened, and asking for
instructions....
[The generals decided] to remain in their intrenchments, and recall
these advanced guards. Next morning both sent out about three hundred
cavalry and light infantry to reconnoitre, among which Flamininus also
sent two squadrons of Aetolians, because they were acquainted with
the country. These opposing reconnoitring parties fell in with each
other on the road between Pherae and Larisa, and joined battle with
great fury. The men under Eupolemus the Aetolian fighting gallantly,
and urging the Italian troops to do the same, the Macedonians were
repulsed; and, after skirmishing for a long while, both parties retired
to their respective camps.
[Sidenote: Autumn of B.C. 197. Both Philip and Flamininus advance
towards Scotusa, on opposite sides of a range of hills.]
+20.+ Dissatisfied with the country near Pherae, as being thickly
wooded and full of walls and gardens, both parties broke up their
camps next day. Philip directed his march towards Scotusa, because he
desired to supply himself with provisions from that town, and thus,
with all his preparations complete, to find a district more suitable
to his army: while Flamininus, divining his intention, got his army
on the march at the same time as Philip, in great haste to anticipate
him in securing the corn in the territory of Scotusa. A range of hills
intervening between their two lines of march, the Romans could not see
in what direction the Macedonians were marching, nor the Macedonians
the Romans. Both armies, however, continued their march during this
day, Flamininus to Eretria in Phthiotis, and Philip to the river
Onchestus; and there they respectively pitched their camps. Next day
they advanced again, and again encamped: Philip at Melambium in the
territory of Scotusa, and Flamininus at the temple of Thetis in that of
Pharsalus, being still ignorant of each other’s whereabouts. A violent
storm of rain and thunder coming on next day, the whole atmosphere
descended from the clouds to the earth about the time of the morning
watch, so that the darkness was too dense to see even those who were
quite close. In spite of this, Philip was so eager to accomplish his
object, that he started with his whole army; but finding himself much
embarrassed on the march by the mist, after accomplishing a very
small distance he again encamped; but he sent his reserve back, with
instructions to halt upon the summit of the intervening hills.[82]
[Sidenote: Another skirmish between detached parties.]
+21.+ Flamininus, in his camp near the temple of Thetis, being
uncertain as to the position of the enemy, sent out ten troops of
cavalry and a thousand light infantry in advance, with instructions to
keep a careful look-out as they traversed the country. As these men
were approaching the ridge of the hills they came upon the Macedonian
reserve without expecting it, owing to the dimness of the light. After
a short interval of mutual alarm, both sides began irregular attacks
on each other, and both despatched messengers to their respective
chiefs to give information of what had occurred; and when the Romans
began to get the worst of it in the encounter, and to suffer heavily at
the hands of the Macedonian reserve, they sent to their camp begging
for supports. Flamininus accordingly despatched the Aetolians under
Archedamus and Eupolemus, as well as two of his own tribunes, with a
force altogether of five hundred cavalry and two thousand infantry,
after properly exhorting them to do their duty. On their arrival to the
support of the skirmishing party already engaged, the aspect of affairs
was promptly changed. For the Romans, inspired by the hope which this
reinforcement gave, renewed the contest with redoubled spirit; while
the Macedonians, though offering a gallant defence, were now in their
turn hard pressed, and being forced to make a general retreat, retired
to the highest points in the hills, and despatched messengers to the
king for help.
[Sidenote: Philip sends supports.]
[Sidenote: Valour of the Aetolian cavalry.]
[Sidenote: Cynoscephalae. Flamininus offers battle, which Philip,
against his better judgment, accepts.]
+22.+ But Philip, who had not expected, for reasons indicated above,
that a general engagement would take place on that day, happened to
have sent a considerable part of his troops out of camp foraging. But
when informed of what was taking place by these messengers, the mist at
the same time beginning to lift, he despatched, with due exhortation,
Heracleides of Gyrton, the commander of his Thessalian cavalry; Leon,
the general of his Macedonian horse; and Athenagoras, with all the
mercenaries except those from Thrace. The reserve being joined by these
troops, and the Macedonian force having thus become a formidable one,
they advanced against the enemy, and in their turn drove the Romans
back from the heights. But what prevented them, more than anything
else, from entirely routing the enemy was the gallantry of the Aetolian
cavalry, which fought with desperate fury and reckless valour. For the
Aetolians are as superior to the rest of the Greeks in cavalry for
fighting in skirmishing order, troop to troop, or man to man, as they
are inferior to them both in the arms and tactics of their infantry
for the purpose of a general engagement. The enemy being held in check
therefore by these troops, the Romans were not forced back again quite
on to the level ground, but, after retiring to a short distance, faced
round and halted. But when Flamininus saw that not only had the cavalry
and light infantry retired, but that, owing to them, his whole force
was rendered uneasy, he drew out his entire army and got them into
order of battle close to the hills. Meanwhile one man after another
of the Macedonian reserve ran towards Philip shouting out, “King, the
enemy are flying: do not let slip the opportunity. The barbarians
cannot stand before us: now is the day for you to strike: now is your
opportunity!” The result was that he was induced to fight in spite of
his dissatisfaction with the ground. For these hills, which are called
Cynoscephalae, are rough, precipitous, and of considerable height; and
it was because he foresaw the disadvantages of such a ground, that he
was originally disinclined to accept battle there; but, being excited
now by the extravagantly sanguine reports of these messengers, he gave
the order for his army to be drawn out of camp.
[Sidenote: Flamininus addresses his men, and advances to the attack.]
[Sidenote: The advanced guard are encouraged.]
+23.+ Having got his main body into order, Flamininus gave his
attention at the same time to relieving his advanced guard, and to
going along the ranks to encourage his men. His exhortation was short,
but clear and intelligible to the hearers: for, pointing to the enemy
with his hand, he said to his soldiers: “Are not these the Macedonians,
my men, whom, when occupying in their own country the pass to Eordaea,
you routed in open battle, under the command of Sulpicius, and drove
to take refuge on the hills with the loss of many of their comrades?
Are not these the Macedonians whom, when defended by what seemed an
impassable country in Epirus, you dislodged by sheer valour, and forced
to throw away their shields and fly right into Macedonia? Why then
should you feel any hesitation when you are to fight the same men on
equal ground? Why look anxiously to the past, rather than let that past
minister courage to you for the present? Therefore, my men, rouse each
other by mutual exhortations, and hasten in your might to the struggle!
For, with God’s will, I am persuaded that this battle will quickly
have the same issue as the contests in the past.” With these words he
ordered his right wing to remain where they were, and the elephants in
front of them; while with his left, supported by the light infantry,
he advanced in gallant style to attack the enemy. And the Roman troops
already on the field, finding themselves thus reinforced by the legions
on their rear, once more faced round and charged their opponents.
[Sidenote: Philip also advances and occupies the hills.]
[Sidenote: Philip’s advanced guard defeated.]
+24.+ Meanwhile, when he had seen the main part of his army in position
outside the camp, Philip himself advanced with his peltasts and the
right wing of his phalanx, commencing the ascent of the hills with
great rapidity, and having left instructions with Nicanor, surnamed the
Elephant, to see that the rest of the army followed at once. As soon as
his first files reached the summit, he deployed his men into line by
the left, and occupied the range of high ground: for the Macedonians
who had been sent in advance had forced the Romans a considerable
distance down the other side of the hills, and therefore he found the
ridges unoccupied by the enemy. But while he was still engaged in
getting the right wing of his army into line, his mercenaries came on
the ground, having been decisively repulsed by the enemy. For when the
Roman light infantry found themselves supported by the heavy, as I
said just now, with their assistance, which they regarded as turning
the scale in their favour, they made a furious charge on the enemy,
and killed a large number of them. When the king first came on the
ground, and saw that the fighting between the light armed was going
on near the enemy’s camp, he was delighted: but when, on the other
hand, he saw his own men giving ground and requiring support, he was
compelled to give it, and allow the necessities of the moment to decide
the fortunes of the whole day, in spite of the fact that the greater
part of his phalanx was still on the march and engaged in mounting the
hills. Receiving therefore the men who had been already engaged, he
massed them all upon his right wing, both infantry and cavalry; while
he ordered the peltasts and heavy armed to double their depth and close
up to the right. By the time this was effected the enemy were close
at hand; and, accordingly, the word was given to the phalanx to lower
spears and charge; to the light infantry to cover their flank. At the
same time Flamininus also, having received his advanced party into the
intervals between his maniples, charged the enemy.
[Sidenote: The battle.]
[Sidenote: Philip’s right wing repulse the Roman left.]
[Sidenote: Successful advance of the Roman right.]
+25.+ The charge was made with great violence and loud shouting on
both sides: for both advancing parties raised their war cry, while
those who were not actually engaged shouted encouragement to those that
were; and the result was a scene of the wildest excitement, terrible
in the last degree. Philip’s right wing came off brilliantly in the
encounter, for they were charging down hill and were superior in
weight, and their arms were far more suited for the actual conditions
of the struggle: but as for the rest of the army, that part of it which
was in the rear of the actual fighters did not get into contact with
the enemy; while the left wing, which had but just made the ascent, was
only beginning to show on the ridge. Seeing that his men were unable
to stand the charge of the phalanx, and that his left wing was losing
ground, some having already fallen and the rest slowly retiring, but
that hopes of saving himself still remained on the right, Flamininus
hastily transferred himself to the latter wing; and when he perceived
that the enemy’s force was not well together—part being in contact with
the actual fighters, part just in the act of mounting the ridge, and
part halting on it and not yet beginning to descend,[83]—keeping the
elephants in front he led the maniples of his right against the enemy.
The Macedonians having no one to give them orders, and unable to form a
proper phalanx, owing to the inequalities of the ground and to the fact
that, being engaged in trying to come up with the actual combatants,
they were still in column of march, did not even wait for the Romans to
come to close quarters: but, thrown into confusion by the mere charge
of the elephants, their ranks were disordered and they broke into
flight.
[Sidenote: The Macedonian phalanx outflanked.]
[Sidenote: The king quits the field and flies.]
+26.+ The main body of the Roman right followed and slaughtered
the flying Macedonians. But one of the tribunes, with about twenty
maniples, having made up his mind on his own account what ought to
be done next, contributed by his action very greatly to the general
victory. He saw that the division which was personally commanded by
Philip was much farther forward than the rest of the enemy, and was
pressing hard upon the Roman left by its superior weight; he therefore
left the right, which was by this time clearly victorious, and
directing his march towards the part of the field where a struggle was
still going on, he managed to get behind the Macedonians and charge
them on the rear. The nature of the phalanx is such that the men cannot
face round singly and defend themselves: this tribune, therefore,
charged them and killed all he could get at; until, being unable to
defend themselves, they were forced to throw down their shields and
fly; whereupon the Romans in their front, who had begun to yield,
faced round again and charged them too. At first, as I have said,
Philip, judging from the success of his own division, felt certain of
a complete victory; but when he saw his Macedonians all on a sudden
throwing away their shields, and the enemy close upon their rear, he
withdrew with a small body of foot and horse a short distance from
the field and took a general survey of the whole battle: and when
he observed that the Romans in their pursuit of his left wing were
already approaching the tops of the hills, he rallied as many Thracians
and Macedonians as he could at the moment, and fled. As Flamininus
was pursuing the fugitives he came upon the lines of the Macedonian
left, just as they were scaling the ridge in their attempt to cross
the hills, and at first halted in some surprise because the enemy
held their spears straight up, as is the custom of the Macedonians
when surrendering themselves or intending to pass over to the enemy.
Presently, having had the reason of this movement explained to him, he
held his men back, thinking it best to spare the lives of those whom
fear had induced to surrender. But whilst he was still reflecting on
this matter, some of the advanced guard rushed upon these men from
some higher ground and put most of them to the sword, while the few
survivors threw away their shields and escaped by flight.
[Sidenote: Philip retreats to Tempe.]
+27.+ The battle was now at an end in every part of the field; the
Romans everywhere victorious; and Philip in full retreat towards Tempe.
The first night he passed at what is called Alexander’s tower; the next
day he got as far as Gonni, on the pass into Tempe, and there remained,
with a view of collecting the survivors of the battle.
[Sidenote: The Romans soon abandon pursuit and devote themselves to the
plunder.]
[Sidenote: The losses on both sides.]
But the Romans, after following the fugitives for a certain distance,
returned; and some employed themselves in stripping the dead; others
in collecting the captives; while the majority hurried to the plunder
of the enemy’s camp. But there they found that the Aetolians had been
beforehand with them; and thinking, therefore, that they were deprived
of their fair share of the booty, they began grumbling at the Aetolians
and protesting to their general that “he imposed the dangers upon
them, but yielded the spoil to others.” For the present, however,
they returned to their own camp, and passed the night in their old
quarters: but next morning they employed themselves in collecting the
prisoners and the remainder of the spoils, and then started on the
march towards Larisa. In the battle the Romans lost seven hundred men;
the Macedonians eight thousand killed, and not less than five thousand
taken prisoners.
Such was the result of the battle at Cynoscephalae in Thessaly between
the Romans and Philip.
+28.+ In my sixth book I made a promise, still unfulfilled, of taking
a fitting opportunity of drawing a comparison between the arms of the
Romans and Macedonians, and their respective system of tactics, and
pointing out how they differ for better or worse from each other.
I will now endeavour by a reference to actual facts to fulfil that
promise. For since in former times the Macedonian tactics proved
themselves by experience capable of conquering those of Asia and
Greece; while the Roman tactics sufficed to conquer the nations of
Africa and all those of Western Europe; and since in our own day there
have been numerous opportunities of comparing the men as well as their
tactics,—it will be, I think, a useful and worthy task to investigate
their differences, and discover why it is that the Romans conquer and
carry off the palm from their enemies in the operations of war: that
we may not put it all down to Fortune, and congratulate them on their
good luck, as the thoughtless of mankind do; but, from a knowledge
of the true causes, may give their leaders the tribute of praise and
admiration which they deserve.
[Sidenote: The Roman defeats in the Punic wars were not from inferior
tactics, but owing the genius of Hannibal.]
Now as to the battles which the Romans fought with Hannibal, and the
defeats which they sustained in them, I need say no more. It was not
owing to their arms or their tactics, but to the skill and genius of
Hannibal that they met with those defeats: and that I made quite clear
in my account of the battles themselves. And my contention is supported
by two facts. First, by the conclusion of the war: for as soon as the
Romans got a general of ability comparable with that of Hannibal,
victory was not long in following their banners. Secondly, Hannibal
himself, being dissatisfied with the original arms of his men, and
having immediately after his first victory furnished his troops with
the arms of the Romans, continued to employ them thenceforth to the
end.[84] Pyrrhus, again, availed himself not only of the arms, but also
of the troops of Italy, placing a maniple of Italians and a company
of his own phalanx alternately, in his battles against the Romans.
Yet even this did not enable him to win; the battles were somehow or
another always indecisive.
It was necessary to speak first on these points, to anticipate any
instances which might seem to make against my theory. I will now return
to my comparison.
+29.+ Many considerations may easily convince us that, if only the
phalanx has its proper formation and strength, nothing can resist it
face to face or withstand its charge. For as a man in close order
of battle occupies a space of three feet; and as the length of the
sarissae is sixteen cubits according to the original design, which
has been reduced in practice to fourteen; and as of these fourteen
four must be deducted, to allow for the distance between the two hands
holding it, and to balance the weight in front; it follows clearly that
each hoplite will have ten cubits of his sarissa projecting beyond his
body, when he lowers it with both hands, as he advances against the
enemy: hence, too, though the men of the second, third, and fourth rank
will have their sarissae projecting farther beyond the front rank than
the men of the fifth, yet even these last will have two cubits of their
sarissae beyond the front rank; if only the phalanx is properly formed
and the men close up properly both flank and rear, like the description
in Homer[85]—
“So buckler pressed on buckler; helm on helm;
And man on man: and waving horse-hair plumes
In polished head-piece mingled, as they swayed
In order: in such serried rank they stood.”
And if my description is true and exact, it is clear that in front of
each man of the front rank there will be five sarissae projecting to
distances varying by a descending scale of two cubits.
+30.+ With this point in our minds, it will not be difficult to imagine
what the appearance and strength of the whole phalanx is likely to be,
when, with lowered sarissae, it advances to the charge sixteen deep.
Of these sixteen ranks, all above the fifth are unable to reach with
their sarissae far enough to take actual part in the fighting. They,
therefore, do not lower them, but hold them with the points inclined
upwards over the shoulders of the ranks in front of them, to shield the
heads of the whole phalanx; for the sarissae are so closely serried,
that they repel missiles which have carried over the front ranks and
might fall upon the heads of those in the rear. These rear ranks,
however, during an advance, press forward those in front by the weight
of their bodies; and thus make the charge very forcible, and at the
same time render it impossible for the front ranks to face about.
[Sidenote: The Roman more open order compared with the phalanx.]
Such is the arrangement, general and detailed, of the phalanx. It
remains now to compare with it the peculiarities and distinctive
features of the Roman arms and tactics. Now, a Roman soldier in full
armour also requires a space of three square feet. But as their method
of fighting admits of individual motion for each man—because he defends
his body with a shield, which he moves about to any point from which
a blow is coming, and because he uses his sword both for cutting and
stabbing,—it is evident that each man must have a clear space, and
an interval of at least three feet both on flank and rear, if he is
to do his duty with any effect. The result of this will be that each
Roman soldier will face two of the front rank of a phalanx, so that he
has to encounter and fight against ten spears, which one man cannot
find time even to cut away, when once the two lines are engaged, nor
force his way through easily—seeing that the Roman front ranks are not
supported by the rear ranks, either by way of adding weight to their
charge, or vigour to the use of their swords. Therefore it may readily
be understood that, as I said before, it is impossible to confront a
charge of the phalanx, so long as it retains its proper formation and
strength.
[Sidenote: Why the phalanx fails.]
+31.+ Why is it then that the Romans conquer? And what is it that
brings disaster on those who employ the phalanx? Why, just because
war is full of uncertainties both as to time and place; whereas there
is but one time and one kind of ground in which a phalanx can fully
work. If, then, there were anything to compel the enemy to accommodate
himself to the time and place of the phalanx, when about to fight a
general engagement, it would be but natural to expect that those who
employed the phalanx would always carry off the victory. But if the
enemy finds it possible, and even easy, to avoid its attack, what
becomes of its formidable character? Again, no one denies that for
its employment it is indispensable to have a country flat, bare, and
without such impediments as ditches, cavities, depressions, steep
banks, or beds of rivers: for all such obstacles are sufficient to
hinder and dislocate this particular formation. And that it is, I may
say, impossible, or at any rate exceedingly rare to find a piece of
country of twenty stades, or sometimes of even greater extent, without
any such obstacles, every one will also admit. However, let us suppose
that such a district has been found. If the enemy decline to come down
into it, but traverse the country sacking the towns and territories
of the allies, what use will the phalanx be? For if it remains on the
ground suited to itself, it will not only fail to benefit its friends,
but will be incapable even of preserving itself; for the carriage of
provisions will be easily stopped by the enemy, seeing that they are
in undisputed possession of the country: while if it quits its proper
ground, from the wish to strike a blow, it will be an easy prey to the
enemy. Nay, if a general does descend into the plain, and yet does not
risk his whole army upon one charge of the phalanx or upon one chance,
but manœuvres for a time to avoid coming to close quarters in the
engagement, it is easy to learn what will be the result from what the
Romans are now actually doing.
+32.+ For no speculation is any longer required to test the accuracy
of what I am now saying: that can be done by referring to accomplished
facts.
[Sidenote: Flexibility of the Roman order.]
The Romans do not, then, attempt to extend their front to equal that
of a phalanx, and then charge directly upon it with their whole force:
but some of their divisions are kept in reserve, while others join
battle with the enemy at close quarters. Now, whether the phalanx in
its charge drives its opponents from their ground, or is itself driven
back, in either case its peculiar order is dislocated; for whether
in following the retiring, or flying from the advancing enemy, they
quit the rest of their forces: and when this takes place, the enemy’s
reserves can occupy the space thus left, and the ground which the
phalanx had just before been holding, and so no longer charge them
face to face, but fall upon them on their flank and rear. If, then,
it is easy to take precautions against the opportunities and peculiar
advantages of the phalanx, but impossible to do so in the case of its
disadvantages, must it not follow that in practice the difference
between these two systems is enormous? Of course those generals who
employ the phalanx must march over ground of every description, must
pitch camps, occupy points of advantage, besiege, and be besieged,
and meet with unexpected appearances of the enemy: for all these
are part and parcel of war, and have an important and sometimes
decisive influence on the ultimate victory. And in all these cases the
Macedonian phalanx is difficult, and sometimes impossible to handle,
because the men cannot act either in squads or separately. The Roman
order on the other hand is flexible: for every Roman, once armed and
on the field, is equally well equipped for every place, time, or
appearance of the enemy. He is, moreover, quite ready and needs to make
no change, whether he is required to fight in the main body, or in a
detachment, or in a single maniple, or even by himself. Therefore, as
the individual members of the Roman force are so much more serviceable,
their plans are also much more often attended by success than those of
others.
I thought it necessary to discuss this subject at some length, because
at the actual time of the occurrence many Greeks supposed when
the Macedonians were beaten that it was incredible; and many will
afterwards be at a loss to account for the inferiority of the phalanx
to the Roman system of arming.
[Sidenote: Prudent conduct of Philip.]
+33.+ Philip having thus done all he could in the battle, but having
been decisively beaten, after taking up as many of the survivors as he
could, proceeded through Tempe into Macedonia. On the night previous
to his start he sent one of his guard to Larisa, with orders to
destroy and burn the king’s correspondence. And it was an act worthy
of a king to retain, even in the midst of disaster, a recollection
of a necessary duty. For he knew well enough that, if these papers
came into the possession of the Romans, they would give many handles
to the enemy both against himself and his friends. It has, perhaps,
been the case with others that in prosperity they could not use power
with the moderation which becomes mortal men, while in disaster they
displayed caution and good sense; but certainly this was the case with
Philip. And this will be made manifest by what I shall subsequently
relate. For as I showed without reserve the justice of his measures at
the beginning of his reign, and the change for the worse which they
subsequently underwent; and showed when and why and how this took
place, with a detailed description of the actions in this part of his
career;[86] in the same way am I bound to set forth his repentance, and
the dexterity with which he changed with his change of fortune, and may
be said to have shown the highest prudence in meeting this crisis in
his affairs.
As for Flamininus, having after the battle taken the necessary measures
as to the captives and the rest of the spoils, he proceeded to
Larisa....
[Sidenote: Estrangement of Aetolians.]
[Sidenote: Flamininus grants fifteen days’ truce to Philip.]
+34.+ Flamininus was much annoyed at the selfishness displayed by the
Aetolians in regard to the spoils; and had no idea of leaving them to
be masters of Greece after he had deprived Philip of his supremacy
there. He was irritated also by their braggadocio, when he saw that
they claimed all the credit of the victory, and were filling Greece
with the report of their valour. Wherefore, wherever he met them
he behaved with hauteur, and never said a word on public business,
but carried out all his measures independently or by the agency of
his own friends. While the relations between these two were in this
strained state, some few days after the battle Demosthenes, Cycliadas,
and Limnaeus came on a mission from Philip; and, after considerable
discussion with them, Flamininus granted an immediate armistice of
fifteen days, and agreed to have a personal interview also with Philip
in the course of them to discuss the state of affairs. And this
interview being conducted in a courteous and friendly manner, the
suspicions entertained of Flamininus by the Aetolians blazed forth with
double fury. For as corruption, and the habit of never doing anything
without a bribe, had long been a common feature in Greek politics, and
as this was the acknowledged characteristic of the Aetolians, they
could not believe that Flamininus could so change in his relations with
Philip without a bribe. They did not know the habits and principles of
the Romans on this subject; but judging from themselves they concluded
that there was every probability of Philip in his present position
offering a large sum of money, and of Flamininus being unable to resist
the temptation.
[Sidenote: The disinterestedness of the Romans generally as to money.]
[Sidenote: Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus Minor.]
[Sidenote: Lucius Aemilius Paulus.]
+35.+ If I had been speaking of an earlier period, and expressing what
was generally true, I should have had no hesitation in asserting of the
Romans as a nation that they would not be likely to do such a thing,—I
mean in the period before they engaged in wars beyond the sea, and
while they retained their own habits and principles uncontaminated.[87]
But in the present times I should not venture to say this of them all;
still, as individuals, I should be bold to say of the majority of the
men of Rome that they are capable of preserving their honesty in this
particular: and as evidence that I am making no impossible assertion,
I would quote two names which will command general assent,—I mean
first, Lucius Aemilius who conquered Perseus, and won the kingdom
of Macedonia. In that kingdom, besides all the other splendour and
wealth, there was found in the treasury more than six thousand talents
of gold and silver: yet he was so far from coveting any of this,
that he even refused to see it, and administered it by the hands of
others; though he was far from being superfluously wealthy himself,
but, on the contrary, was very badly off. At least, I know that on
his death, which occurred shortly after the war, when his own sons
Publius Scipio and Quintus Maximus wished to pay his wife her dowry,
amounting to twenty-five talents, they were reduced to such straits
that they would have been quite unable to do so if they had not sold
the household furniture and slaves, and some of the landed property
besides. And if what I say shall appear incredible to any one, he may
easily convince himself on the subject: for though there are many
controversies at Rome, and especially on this particular point, arising
from the antagonistic parties among them, yet he will find that what
I have just said about Aemilius is acknowledged by every one. Again,
Publius Scipio, son by blood of this Aemilius, and son by adoption of
Publius called the Great, when he got possession of Carthage, reckoned
the wealthiest city in the world, took absolutely nothing from it for
his own private use, either by purchase or by any other manner of
acquisition whatever, although he was by no means a very rich man, but
very moderately so for a Roman. But he not only abstained from the
wealth of Carthage itself, but refused to allow anything from Africa
at all to be mixed up with his private property. Therefore, in regard
to this man once more, any one who chooses to inquire will find that
his reputation in this particular is absolutely undisputed at Rome.
I shall, however, take a more suitable opportunity of treating this
subject at greater length.
[Sidenote: The congress of Tempe, B.C. 197.]
[Sidenote: Speech of King Amynandros.]
[Sidenote: Alexander the Aetolian.]
+36.+ Titus then having appointed Philip a day for the congress,
immediately wrote to the allies announcing when they were to appear;
and a few days afterwards came himself to the pass of Tempe at the
appointed time. When the allies had assembled, and the congress met,
the Roman imperator rose and bade each say on what terms they ought
to make peace with Philip. King Amynandros then delivered a short
and moderate speech, merely asking that “they would all have some
consideration for him, to prevent Philip, as soon as the Romans left
Greece, from turning the whole weight of his anger upon him; for the
Athamanes were always an easy prey to the Macedonians, because of
their weakness and the close contiguity of their territory.” When he
had finished, Alexander the Aetolian rose and complimented Flamininus
for “having assembled the allies in that congress to discuss the terms
of peace; and, above all, for having on the present occasion called
on each to express his opinion. But he was deluded and mistaken,”
he added, “if he believed that by making terms with Philip he would
secure the Romans peace or the Greeks freedom. For neither of these was
possible. But if he desired to accomplish both the design of his own
government and his own promises, which he had given to all the Greeks,
there was one way, and one only, of making terms with Macedonia, and
that was to eject Philip from his throne; and this could easily be done
if he did not let slip the present opportunity.”
After some further arguments in support of this view he sat down.
[Sidenote: Reply of Flamininus.]
+37.+ Flamininus here took up the argument, and said that “Alexander
was mistaken not only as to the policy of Rome, but also as to the
object which he proposed to himself, and above all as to the true
interests of Greece. For it was not the Roman way to utterly destroy
those with whom they had been at open war. A proof of his assertion
might be found in the war with Hannibal and the Carthaginians; for
though the Romans had received the severest provocation at their
hands, and afterwards had it in their power to do absolutely what they
pleased to them, yet they had adopted no extreme measures against the
Carthaginians. For his part, moreover, he had never entertained the
idea that it was necessary to wage an inexpiable war with Philip;
but on the contrary had been prepared before the battle to come to
terms with him, if he would have submitted to the Roman demands. He
was surprised, therefore, that those who had taken part in the former
peace conference should now adopt a tone of such irreconcilable
hostility. Have we not conquered? (say they). Yes, but this is the most
senseless of arguments. For brave men, when actually at war, should be
terrible and full of fire; when beaten, undaunted and courageous; when
victorious, on the other hand, moderate, placable, and humane. But your
present advice is the reverse of all this. Yet, in truth, to the Greeks
themselves it is greatly to their interest that Macedonia should be
humbled, but not at all so that she should be destroyed. For it might
chance thereby that they would experience the barbarity of Thracians
and Gauls, as has been the case more than once already.” He then added
that “the final decision of himself and Roman colleagues was, that, if
Philip would consent to fulfil all the conditions formerly enjoined
by the allies, they would grant him peace, subject, of course, to
the approval of the Senate: and that the Aetolians were free to take
what measures they chose for themselves.” Upon Phaeneas attempting to
reply that “Everything done hitherto went for nothing; for if Philip
managed to extricate himself from his present difficulties, he would
at once find some other occasion for hostilities,”—Flamininus sprang
at once from his seat, and said, with some heat, “Cease this trifling,
Phaeneas! For I will so settle the terms of the peace that Philip will
be unable, even if he wished it, to molest the Greeks.”
[Sidenote: On the third day of the conference Philip appears.]
[Sidenote: The Aetolians checkmated by Flamininus.]
+38.+ After this they separated for that day. On the next the king
arrived: and on the third, when all the delegates were met for
discussion, Philip entered, and with great skill and tact diverted the
anger which they all entertained against him. For he said that “He
conceded the demands made on the former occasion by the Romans and
the allies, and remitted the decision on the remaining points to the
Senate.” But Phaeneas, one of the Aetolians present, said: “Why then,
Philip, do not you restore to us Larisa Cremaste, Pharsalus, Phthiotid
Thebes, and Echinus?” Whereupon Philip bade them take them over. But
Flamininus here interposed, and forbade the Aetolians to take over any
of the towns except Phthiotid Thebes; “for upon his approaching this
town with his army, and summoning it to submit to the Roman protection,
the Thebans had refused; and, as it had now come into his hands in
the course of war, he had the right of taking any measures he chose
regarding it.” Phaeneas and his colleagues indignantly protested at
this, and asserted that it was their clear right to recover the towns
previously members of their league, “first on the ground that they had
taken part in the recent war; and secondly in virtue of their original
treaty of alliance, according to which the movable property of the
conquered belonged to the Romans, the towns to the Aetolians.” To which
Flamininus answered that “they were mistaken in both points; for their
treaty with Rome had been annulled when they abandoned the Romans, and
made terms with Philip: and, even supposing that treaty to be still in
force, they had no right to recover or take over such cities as had
voluntarily put themselves under the protection of Rome, as the whole
of the cities in Thessaly had done, but only such as were taken by
force.[88]
[Sidenote: The terms of the peace settled. Winter of B.C. 197.]
+39.+ The other members of the congress were delighted at this speech
of Flamininus. But the Aetolians listened with indignation; and what
proved to be the beginning of serious evils was engendered. For this
quarrel was the spark from which, not long afterwards, both the war
with the Aetolians and that with Antiochus flamed out. The principal
motive of Flamininus in being thus forward in coming to terms was the
information he had received that Antiochus had started from Syria with
an army, with the intention of crossing over into Europe. Therefore he
was anxious lest Philip, catching at this chance, should determine to
defend the towns and protract the war; and lest meanwhile he should
himself be superseded by another commander from home, on whom the
honour of all that he had achieved would be diverted. Therefore the
terms which the king asked were granted: namely, that he should have
four months’ suspension of hostilities, paying Flamininus at once the
two hundred talents; delivering his son Demetrius and some others of
his friends as hostages; and sending to Rome to submit the decision
on the whole pacification to the Senate. Flamininus and Philip then
separated, after interchanging mutual pledges of fidelity, on the
understanding that, if the treaty were not confirmed, Flamininus was
to restore to Philip the two hundred talents and the hostages. All the
parties then sent ambassadors to Rome, some to support and others to
oppose the settlement....
[Sidenote: Foolish credulity, see ch. 13; and 31, 21.]
+40.+ Why is it that, though deceived again and again by the same
things and persons, we are unable to abandon our blind folly? For
this particular kind of fraud has often been committed before now,
and by many. That other men should allow themselves to be taken in is
perhaps not astonishing; but it is wonderful that those should do so
who are the authors and origin of the same kind of malpractice. But I
suppose the cause is the absence of that rule so happily expressed by
Epicharmus:
“Cool head and wise mistrust are wisdom’s sinews.”...
ASIA
+41.+ [They endeavoured] to prevent Antiochus from sailing along their
coast, not from enmity to him, but from a suspicion that by giving
support to Philip he would become an obstacle in the way of Greek
liberty....
King Antiochus was very desirous of possessing Ephesus, owing to its
extremely convenient position; for it appeared to occupy the position
of an Acropolis for expeditions by land and sea against Ionia and the
cities of the Hellespont, and to be always a most convenient base of
operations for the kings of Asia against Europe....
Of King Attalus, who now died, I think I ought to speak a suitable
word, as I have done in the case of others. [Sidebar: Death of
King Attalus, who had fallen ill at Thebes, before the battle
of Cynoscephalae, and had been brought home to die at Pergamum,
autumn, B.C. 197. Livy, 33, 21.] Originally he had no other external
qualification for royalty except money alone, which, indeed, if handled
with good sense and boldness, is of very great assistance in every
undertaking, but without these qualities is in its nature the origin
of evil, and, in fact, of utter ruin to very many. For in the first
place it engenders envy and malicious plots, and contributes largely
to the destruction of body and soul. For few indeed are the souls that
are able by the aid of wealth to repel dangers of this description.
This king’s greatness of mind therefore deserves our admiration,
because he never attempted to use his wealth for anything else but the
acquisition of royal power,—an object than which none greater can be
mentioned. Moreover he made the first step in this design, not only
by doing services to his friends and gaining their affection, but
also by achievements in war. For it was after conquering the Gauls,
the most formidable and warlike nation at that time in Asia, that he
assumed this rank and first puts himself forward as king. And though he
obtained this honour, and lived seventy-two years, of which he reigned
forty-four, he passed a life of the utmost virtue and goodness towards
his wife and children; kept faith with all allies and friends; and died
in the midst of a most glorious campaign, fighting for the liberty of
the Greeks; and what is more remarkable than all, though he left four
grown-up sons, he so well settled the question of succession, that
the crown was handed down to his children’s children without a single
dispute....
ITALY
[Sidenote: B.C. 196. Coss. L. Furius Purpureo, M. Claudius Marcellus.
The treaty with Philip is confirmed.]
+42.+ After Marcus Marcellus had entered upon the consulship the
ambassadors from Philip, and from Flamininus and the allies, arrived
at Rome to discuss the treaty with Philip; and after a lengthened
hearing the confirmation of the terms was decreed in the Senate. But on
the matter being brought before the people, Marcus Claudius, who was
ambitious of being himself sent to Greece, spoke against the treaty,
and did his best to get it rejected. The people however ratified the
terms, in accordance with the wish of Flamininus; and, upon this being
settled, the Senate immediately despatched a commission of ten men
of high rank to arrange the settlement of Greece in conjunction with
Flamininus, and to confirm the freedom of the Greeks. Among others
Damoxenus of Aegium and his colleagues, envoys from the Achaean
league, made a proposal in the Senate for an alliance with Rome; but
as some opposition was raised to this at the time, on account of a
counter-claim of the Eleians upon Triphylia, and of the Messenians, who
were at the time actually in alliance with Rome, upon Asine and Pylus,
and of the Aetolians upon Heraea,—the decision was referred to the
commission of ten. Such were the proceedings in the Senate....
GREECE
[Sidenote: Philip allows his Boeotian followers to return home.]
[Sidenote: Zeuxippus and Peisistratus, heads of the Romanising party,
determine to get rid of Brachylles, B.C. 196.]
+43.+ After the battle of Cynoscephalae, as Flamininus was wintering
at Elateia, the Boeotians, being anxious to recover their citizens
who had served in Philip’s army, sent an embassy to Flamininus to
try and secure their safety. Wishing to encourage the loyalty of the
Boeotians to himself, because he was already anxious as to the action
of Antiochus, he readily assented to their petition. These men were
promptly restored from Macedonia, and one of them named Brachylles
the Boeotians at once elected Boeotarch; and in a similar spirit
honoured and promoted, as much as before, such of the others as were
thought to be well disposed to the royal house of Macedonia. They
also sent an embassy to Philip to thank him for the return of the
young men, thus derogating from the favour done them by Flamininus,—a
measure highly disquieting to Zeuxippus and Peisistratus, and all who
were regarded as partisans of Rome; because they foresaw what would
happen to themselves and their families, knowing quite well that if
the Romans quitted Greece, and Philip remained closely supporting the
political party opposed to themselves, it would be unsafe for them to
remain citizens of Boeotia. They therefore agreed among themselves
to send an embassy to Flamininus in Elateia: and having obtained an
interview with him, they made a lengthy and elaborate statement on this
subject, describing the state of popular feeling which was now adverse
to themselves, and discanting on the untrustworthiness of democratic
assemblies. And finally, they ventured to say that “Unless they could
overawe the common people by getting rid of Brachylles, there could
be no security for the party in favour of Rome as soon as the legions
departed.” After listening to these arguments Flamininus replied that
“He would not personally take any part in such a measure, but he
would not hinder those who wished to do so.” Finally, he bade them
speak to Alexamenus the Strategus of the Aetolians. Zeuxippus and his
colleagues accepted the suggestion, and communicated with Alexamenus,
who at once consented; and agreeing to carry out their proposal sent
three Aetolians and three Italians, all young men, to assassinate
Brachylles....
[Sidenote: Zeuxippus condemned by his own conscience. See Livy, 33, 28.]
There is no more terrible witness, or more formidable accuser, than the
conscience which resides in each man’s breast....
[Sidenote: The Senatus Consultum.]
+44.+ About this same time the ten commissioners arrived from Rome
who were to effect the settlement of Greece, bringing with them the
decree of the Senate on the peace with Philip. The main points of the
decree were these: “All other Greeks, whether in Asia or Europe, to be
free and enjoy their own laws; but that Philip should hand over to the
Romans those at present under his authority, and all towns in which he
had a garrison, before the Isthmian games; and restore Euromus, Pedasa,
Bargylia, Iasus, Abydos, Thasus, Marinus, and Perinthus to freedom, and
remove his garrisons from them. That Flamininus should write to Prusias
commanding him to liberate Cius, in accordance with the decree of the
Senate. That Philip should restore to the Romans within the same period
all captives and deserters; and likewise all decked ships, except three
and his one sixteen-banked vessel; and should pay a thousand talents,
half at once, and half by instalments spread over ten years.”
[Sidenote: Objections of the Aetolians.]
+45.+ Upon this decree being published in Greece, it created a feeling
of confidence and gratification in all the communities except the
Aetolians. These last were annoyed at not getting all they expected,
and attempted to run down the decree by saying that it was mere words,
without anything practical in it; and they based upon the clauses of
the decree itself some such arguments as follow, by way of disquieting
those who would listen to them. They said “That there were two distinct
clauses in the decree relating to the cities garrisoned by Philip: one
ordering him to remove those garrisons and to hand over the cities to
the Romans; the other bidding him withdraw his garrisons and set the
cities free. Those that were to be set free were definitely named, and
they were towns in Asia; and it was plain, therefore, that those which
were to be handed over to the Romans were those in Europe, namely,
Oreus, Eretria, Chalcis, Demetrias, and Corinth. Hence it was plain
that the Romans were receiving the ‘fetters of Greece’ from the hands
of Philip, and that the Greeks were getting, not freedom, but a change
of masters.”
[Sidenote: The commissioners sit at Corinth, and declare all Greek
cities free, except the Acrocorinthus, Demetrias, and Chalcis.]
These arguments of the Aetolians were repeated _ad nauseam_. But,
meanwhile, Flamininus left Elateia with the ten commissioners, and
having crossed to Anticyra, sailed straight to Corinth, and there sat
in council with the commissioners, and considered the whole settlement
to be made. But as the adverse comments of the Aetolians obtained
wide currency, and were accepted by some, Flamininus was forced to
enter upon many elaborate arguments in the meetings of the commission,
trying to convince the commissioners that if they wished to acquire
unalloyed praise from the Greeks, and to establish firmly in the minds
of all that they had originally come into the country not to gain any
advantage for Rome, but simply to secure the freedom of Greece, they
must abandon every district and free all the cities now garrisoned by
Philip. But this was just the point in dispute among the commissioners;
for, as to all other cities, a decision had been definitely arrived at
in Rome, and the ten commissioners had express instructions; but about
Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias they had been allowed a discretion on
account of Antiochus, in order that they might take such measures as
they thought best from a view of actual events. For it was notorious
that this king had for some time past been meditating an interference
in Europe. However, as far as Corinth was concerned, Flamininus
prevailed on the commissioners to free it at once and restore it to the
Achaean league, from respect to the terms of the original agreement;
but he retained the Acrocorinthus, Demetrias, and Chalcis.
[Sidenote: The Isthmian games, July B. C. 196.]
[Sidenote: Proclamation of the freedom of the Greek cities.]
+46.+ When these decisions had been come to, the time for the
celebration of the Isthmian games arrived, The expectation of what
would happen there drew the men of highest rank from nearly every
quarter of the world; and there was a great deal of talk on the subject
from one end of the assembled multitude to the other, and expressed in
varied language. Some said that from certain of the places and towns it
was impossible that the Romans could withdraw; while others asserted
that they would withdraw from those considered most important, but
would retain others that were less prominent, though capable of being
quite as serviceable. And such persons even took upon themselves in
their ingenuity to designate the precise places which would be thus
treated. While people were still in this state of uncertainty, all the
world being assembled on the stadium to watch the games, the herald
came forward, and having proclaimed silence by the sound of a trumpet,
delivered the following proclamation: “The senate of Rome and Titus
Quintius, proconsul and imperator, having conquered King Philip and
the Macedonians in war, declare the following peoples free, without
garrison, or tribute, in full enjoyment of the laws of their respective
countries: namely, Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans, Achaeans
of Phthiotis, Magnesians, Thessalians, Perrhaebians.”
[Sidenote: An exciting scene.]
Now as the first words of the proclamation were the signal for a
tremendous outburst of clapping, some of the people could not hear it
at all, and some wanted to hear it again; but the majority feeling
incredulous, and thinking that they heard the words in a kind of
dream, so utterly unexpected was it, another impulse induced every one
to shout to the herald and trumpeter to come into the middle of the
stadium and repeat the words: I suppose because the people wished not
only to hear but to see the speaker, in their inability to credit the
announcement. But when the herald, having advanced into the middle
of the crowd, once more, by his trumpeter, hushed the clamour, and
repeated exactly the same proclamation as before, there was such an
outbreak of clapping as is difficult to convey to the imagination of
my readers at this time. When at length the clapping ceased, no one
paid any attention whatever to the athletes, but all were talking
to themselves or each other, and seemed like people bereft of their
senses. Nay, after the games were over, in the extravagance of
their joy, they nearly killed Flamininus by the exhibition of their
gratitude. Some wanted to look him in the face and call him their
preserver; others were eager to touch his hand; most threw garlands
and fillets upon him; until between them they nearly crushed him to
death. But though this expression of popular gratitude was thought to
have been extravagant, one might say with confidence that it fell short
of the importance of the actual event. For that the Romans and their
leader Flamininus should have deliberately incurred unlimited expense
and danger, for the sole purpose of freeing Greece, deserved their
admiration; and it was also a great thing that their power was equal to
their intention. But the greatest thing of all is that Fortune foiled
their attempt by none of her usual caprices, but that every single
thing came to a successful issue at the same time: so that all Greeks,
Asiatic and European alike, were by a single proclamation become “free,
without garrison or tribute, and enjoying their own laws.”
[Sidenote: Answer of commissioners to King Antiochus.]
[Sidenote: Final arrangements.]
+47.+ The Isthmian festival having come to an end, the first persons
with whom the commissioners dealt were the ambassadors from Antiochus.
They instructed them that “Their master must abstain from attacking
those cities in Asia which were autonomous, and go to war with none
of them; and must evacuate those that had been subject to Ptolemy or
Philip. In addition to this they forbade him to cross over into Europe
with an army; for no Greek henceforth was to be attacked in war or
to be enslaved to any one. Finally, they said that some of their own
number would go to visit Antiochus.” With this answer Hegesianax and
Lysias returned to Antiochus. They next summoned the representatives
of all the nations and cities, and declared to them the decisions of
the commissioners. The Macedonian tribe of the Orestae, on the ground
of their having joined Rome during the war, they declared autonomous;
the Perrhaebians, Dolopes, and Magnesians they declared to be free.
To the Thessalians, in addition to their freedom, they assigned the
Phthiotid Achaeans, with the exception, however, of Phthiotid Thebes
and Pharsalus: for the Aetolians made such a point of their claim to
Pharsalus, as also to Leucas, on the ground of the rights secured
them by the original treaty, that the commissioners referred the
consideration of their demand in regard to these places back again to
the Senate, but allowed them to retain Phocis and Locris as members of
their league, as they had been before. Corinth, Triphylia, and Heraea
they handed over to the Achaeans. Oreus and Eretria the majority wished
to give to King Eumenes, but on the instance of Flamininus this design
was not confirmed; and, accordingly, a short time afterwards these
towns, with Carystus, were declared free by the Senate. To Pleuratus
they assigned Lychnis and Parthus in Illyria, towns which had been
subject to Philip; and Amynandros they allowed to retain all such
strongholds as he had taken from Philip during the war.
[Sidenote: The commissioners separate and go to various parts of
Greece.]
[Sidenote: Two go to Antiochus and others to Philip.]
[Sidenote: Gnaeus Cornelius at the congress of the Aetolian league.]
+48.+ This business completed, the commissioners separated in various
directions: Publius Lentulus sailed to Bargylia and announced its
freedom; Lucius Stertinius did the same to Hephaestia, Thasus, and the
cities in Thrace; while Publius Villius and Lucius Terentius started
to visit Antiochus; and Gnaeus Cornelius with his colleagues went to
king Philip. They met him near Tempe, and after speaking with him on
the other matters about which they had instructions, they advised him
to send an embassy to Rome, to ask for an alliance, in order to obviate
all suspicion of being on the watch for an opportunity in expectation
of the arrival of Antiochus. The king agreeing to follow this advice,
Cornelius left him and went to the league congress at Thermus; and
coming into the public assembly urged the Aetolians in a lengthy speech
to abide by the policy they had adopted, from the first, and maintain
their good disposition towards the Romans. Many rose to answer: of whom
some expressed dissatisfaction with the Romans in moderate and decorous
language, for not having used their good fortune with sufficient regard
to their joint interests, and for not observing the original compact;
while others delivered violent invectives, asserting that the Romans
would never have set foot on Greece or conquered Philip if it had not
been for them. Cornelius disdained to answer these speeches in detail,
but he advised them to send ambassadors to Rome, for they would get
full justice in the Senate: which they accordingly did. Such was the
conclusion of the war with Philip....
ASIA
+49.+ Whenever they are reduced to the last extremity, as the phrase
goes, they will fly to the Romans for protection and commit themselves
and their city to them....[89]
[Sidenote: Antiochus in the Chersonesus and Thrace, B.C. 196.]
[Sidenote: Speech of Lucius Cornelius.]
+50.+ Just when the designs of Antiochus in Thrace were succeeding
to his heart’s desire, Lucius Cornelius and his party sailed into
Selybria. These were the envoys sent by the Senate to conclude a peace
between Antiochus and Ptolemy. And at the same time there arrived
Publius Lentulus from Bargylia, Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius
from Thasus, three of the ten commissioners for Greece. Their arrival
having been promptly announced to Antiochus, they all assembled within
the next few days at Lysimacheia; and it so happened that Hegesianax
and Lysias, who had been on the mission to Flamininus, arrived about
the same time. The private intercourse between the king and the Romans
was informal and friendly; but when presently they met in conference
to discuss public affairs, things took quite another aspect. Lucius
Cornelius demanded that Antiochus should evacuate all the cities
subject to Ptolemy which he had taken in Asia; while he warned him in
solemn and emphatic language that he must do so also to the cities
subject to Philip, “for it was ridiculous that Antiochus should come in
and take the prizes of the war which Rome had waged with Philip.” He
also admonished him to abstain from attacking autonomous cities, and
added that “He was at a loss to conjecture with what view Antiochus
had crossed over to Europe with such a powerful army and fleet; for if
it were not with the intention of attacking the Romans, there was no
explanation left that any reasonable person could accept.” With these
words the Romans ceased speaking.
[Sidenote: The reply of Antiochus.]
[Sidenote: Lysimachus conquered by Seleucus Nicanor, B.C. 281.]
+51.+ The king began his reply by saying that “He did not understand
by what right the Romans raised a controversy with him in regard to
the cities in Asia. They were the last people in the world who had any
claim to do so.” Next he claimed that “They should refrain entirely
from interfering in the affairs of Asia, seeing that he never in the
least degree interposed in those of Italy. He had crossed into Europe
with his army to recover his possessions in the Chersonese and the
cities in Thrace; his right to the government of these places being
superior to that of any one in the world. For this was originally
the principality of Lysimachus; and as Seleucus waged war with and
conquered that prince, the whole domain of Lysimachus passed to
Seleucus[90]: then owing to the multifarious interests which distracted
the attention of his predecessors, first Ptolemy and then Philip had
managed to wrest this country from them and secure it for themselves.
He had not then availed himself of Philip’s difficulties to take
it, but had _recovered_ possession of it in the exercise of his
undoubted rights. It was no injury to the Romans that he should now be
restoring to their homes, and settling again in their city, the people
of Lysimacheia who had been expelled by an unexpected raid of the
Thracians. He was doing this, not from any intention of attacking the
Romans, but to prepare a place of residence for his son Seleucus. As
for the autonomous cities of Asia, they must acquire their freedom by
his free grace, not by an injunction from Rome. As for Ptolemy, he was
about to settle matters amicably with him: for it was his intention to
confirm their friendship by a matrimonial alliance.”
[Sidenote: Antiochus refuses to acknowledge the Romans as arbitrators.]
+52.+ But upon Lucius expressing an opinion that they ought to call
in the representatives of Lampsacus and Smyrna and give them a
hearing, this was done. The envoys from Lampsacus were Parmenio and
Pythodorus, and from Smyrna Coeranus. These men expressing themselves
with much openness, Antiochus was irritated at the idea of defending
himself against accusers before a tribunal of Romans, and interrupting
Parmenio, said: “A truce to your long speeches: I do not choose to have
my controversies with you decided before a Roman but before a Rhodian
court.” Thereupon they broke up the conference very far from pleased
with each other....
EGYPT
[Sidenote: Death of Scopas. See _supra_, 13, 2; 16, 18, B.C. 196.]
+53.+ Many people have a yearning for bold and glorious undertakings,
but few dare actually attempt them. Yet Scopas had much fairer
opportunities for a hazardous and bold career than Cleomenes. For the
latter, though circumvented by his enemies, and reduced to depend
upon such forces as his servants and friends could supply, yet left
no chance untried, and tested every one to the best of his ability,
valuing an honourable death more highly than a life of disgrace. But
Scopas, with all the advantages of a formidable body of soldiers and
of the excellent opportunity afforded by the youth of the king, by his
own delays and halting counsels allowed himself to be circumvented.
For having ascertained that he was holding a meeting of his partisans
at his own house, and was consulting with them, Aristomenes sent
some of the royal bodyguards and summoned him to the king’s council.
Whereupon Scopas was so infatuated that he was neither bold enough to
carry out his designs, nor able to make up his mind to obey the king’s
summons,—which is in itself the most extreme step,—until Aristomenes,
understanding the blunder he had made, caused soldiers and elephants to
surround his house, and sent Ptolemy son of Eumenes in with some young
men, with orders to bring him quietly if he would come, but, if not, by
force. When Ptolemy entered the house and informed Scopas that the king
summoned him, he refused at first to obey, but remained looking fixedly
at Ptolemy, and for a long while preserved a threatening attitude as
though he wondered at his audacity; and when Ptolemy came boldly up
to him and took hold of his chlamys, he called on the bystanders to
help him. But seeing that the number of young men who had accompanied
Ptolemy into the house was large, and being informed by some one of the
military array surrounding it outside, he yielded to circumstances, and
went, accompanied by his friends, in obedience to the summons.
[Sidenote: Scopas before the council.]
[Sidenote: Death of Dicaearchus.]
+54.+ On his entering the council chamber the king was the first to
state the accusation against him, which he did briefly. He was followed
by Polycrates lately arrived from Cyprus; and he again by Aristomenes.
The charges made by them all were much to the same effect as what I
have just stated; but there was now added to them the seditious meeting
with his friends, and his refusal to obey the summons of the king. On
these charges he was unanimously condemned, not only by the members
of the council, but also by the envoys of foreign nations who were
present. And when Aristomenes was about to commence his accusation
he brought in a large number of other Greeks of rank also to support
him, as well as the Aetolian ambassadors who had come to negotiate
a peace, among whom was Dorimachus son of Nicostratus. When these
speeches had been delivered, Scopas endeavoured to put forward certain
pleas in his defence: but gaining no attention from any one, owing to
the senseless nature of his proceedings, he was taken along with his
friends to prison. There after nightfall Aristomenes caused Scopas and
his family to be put to death by poison; but did not allow Dicaearchus
to die until he had had him racked and scourged, thus inflicting on him
a punishment which he thoroughly deserved in the name of all Greece.
For this was the Dicaearchus whom Philip, when he resolved upon his
treacherous attack on the Cyclades and the cities of the Hellespont,
appointed leader of the whole fleet and the entire enterprise: who
being thus sent out to perform an act of flagrant wickedness, not only
thought that he was doing nothing wrong, but in the extravagance of
his infatuation imagined that he would strike terror into the gods as
well as man. For wherever he anchored he used to build two altars, to
Impiety and Lawlessness, and, offering sacrifice upon these altars,
worshipped them as his gods. Therefore in my opinion he met with a just
retribution both from gods and men: for as his life had been spent
in defiance to the laws of nature, his end was properly also one of
unnatural horror. All the other Aetolians who wished to depart were
allowed by the king to go in possession of their property.
[Sidenote: Enormous wealth collected by Scopas.]
+55.+ As in the lifetime of Scopas his love of money had been
notorious, for his avarice did in fact surpass that of any man in the
world, so after his death was it made still more conspicuous by the
enormous amount of gold and other property found in his house; for by
the assistance of the coarse manners and drunken habits of Charimortus
he had absolutely pillaged the kingdom.
[Sidenote: The anacleteria of Ptolemy Epiphanes, B.C. 176. Aet. 12.]
Having thus settled the Aetolian business to their liking, the
courtiers turned their attention to the ceremony of instituting the
king into the management of his office, called the _Anacleteria_. His
age was not indeed yet so far advanced as to make this necessary; but
they thought that the kingdom would gain a certain degree of firmness
and a fresh impulse towards prosperity, if it were known that the king
had assumed the independent direction of the government. They then made
the preparations for the ceremony with great splendour, and carried
it out in a manner worthy of the greatness of the kingdom, Polycrates
being considered to have contributed very largely to the accomplishment
of their efforts. For this man had enjoyed even during his youth,
in the reign of the late king, a reputation second to no one in the
court for fidelity and practical ability; and this reputation he had
maintained during the present reign also. For having been entrusted
with the management of Cyprus and its revenues, when its affairs were
in a critical and complicate state, he not only preserved the island
for the young king, but collected a very considerable sum of money,
with which he had just arrived and had paid to the king, after handing
over the government of Cyprus to Ptolemy of Megalopolis. But though
he obtained great applause by this, and a large fortune immediately
afterwards, yet, as he grew older, he drifted into extravagant
debauchery and scandalous indulgence. Nor was the reputation of
Ptolemy, son of Agesarchus very different in the later part of his
life. But in regard to these men, when we come to the proper time, I
shall not shrink from stating the circumstances which disgraced their
official life....