CHAPTER II

EARLY MARRIED LIFE, BALLAD COLLECTING, _LAY OF THE LAST MINSTREL_,

_MARMION_

The Scotts, at Edinburgh, dwelt first in George Street, then in South

Castle Street, and finally in the house in North Castle Street, where he

resided till the time of his misfortunes. The rooms were soon full of

old pikes and guns and bows, of old armour, and of old books. Already

Scott’s library was considerable. He had read enormously, and it is

curious that a man of his unrivalled memory made so many written notes

of his reading. “Reading makes a full man,” but Gillies, an intelligent

if unpractical bore, says that, when in the full tide of authorship

later, Scott read comparatively little. His summers were passed in a

cottage at Lasswade, in the society of his early friends, and of the

families of Melville, of the historian, Patrick Fraser Tytler,

Woodhouselee, and of Buccleuch. His early friends were around

him--William Erskine, a good man and fastidious critic, William Clerk,

of Penicuik, Fergusson (Sir Adam), and many others. Gillies says that

Scott lived “alone,” and doubts “whether there was any one intimately

connected with Sir Walter Scott whose mind and habits were exactly

congenial.” But it is a commonplace that we all “live alone,” and

certainly Scott seems to have believed that he found, especially in

“Will Erskine,” all the sympathy, literary and social, that he could

expect or desire. In 1798 he made a new acquaintance, Mat Lewis, famous

then for his romance, _The Monk_, and busy with his _Tales of Wonder_.

[Sidenote: EARLY MARRIED LIFE]

Lewis, though no poet, was a neat metrist, and tutored Scott in the

practical details of prosody. To Lewis Scott offered versions of German

ballads, and other materials from his increasing store of original or

traditional _Volkslieder_. He entered the realm of poetry, not by the

usual gate of “subjective” lyrics about his own emotions, but through

the antiquarian and historical gate of old popular ballads, newly opened

by Bishop Percy, Herd, Ritson the excitable antiquary, and others. Sir

Philip Sidney had loved these songs of “blind crowders,” Addison had

praised them, Lady Wardlaw had imitated them, Burns had expressed but a

poor opinion of them, but German research and imitation had given a new

vogue to the ballads, which Scott, in boyhood, had collected whenever

he possessed a shilling to buy a printed chant. The simplicity and

spirit of the narrative folk songs did much to inspire and give vogue to

Wolf’s theory that the Homeric poems were, in origin, a kind of highly

superior long ballads, handed down by oral tradition. In this theory

Scott had no interest, about its truth he had no opinion, sitting silent

and bored when it was debated by Coleridge and Morritt. “I never,” he

says, “was so bethumped with words.” The vogue of the ballads lent a new

blow at the poetical theories of the eighteenth century, and at the

poetry of Pope. But Scott would not have it said that Pope was no poet,

a poet he _was_, but he dealt with themes that were no longer so much

appreciated as they had been in the age of Anne. Though a literary

innovator Sir Walter was not a literary iconoclast, and he loved no

poetry better than the stately and manly melancholy of Dr. Johnson’s

imitations of Juvenal.

Mat Lewis’s ballads were delayed in publication, but in January 1799 he

negotiated with a Mr. Bell for the issue of Scott’s version of Goethe’s

_Goetz Von Berlichingen_, “a very poor and incorrect translation;” so a

former owner of my copy of Lockhart has pencilled on the margin.

_Goetz_, at all events, made no impression on Coleridge’s detested

“reading public,” and though Scott carried to London, in 1799, an

original drama, _The House of Aspen_, which was put in rehearsal by

Kemble, it never saw the footlights. In later life he expressed disgust

at the idea of writing for “low and ignorant actors” (who may be

supposed to know their own business); perhaps he had been mortified by

the ways of managers. At this time his father died of paralysis; says

Lockhart, “I have lived to see the curtain rise and fall once more on a

similar scene.” The _Glenfinlas_ ballad was written at this time,

founded on a legend of the murderous fairy women of the woods, which I

have heard from the lips of a boatman on Loch Awe, and which Mr.

Stevenson found, unmistakably the same, among the natives of Samoa. A

more important ballad, the first in which he really showed his hand, was

_The Eve of St. John_, a legend of Smailholme tower. Here we find the

true Border spirit, the superstitious thrill, the galloping metre, the

essence of _The Lay of the Last Minstrel_. _Cadyow_, a ballad of the

murder of the Regent Moray, is also of this period, and though not in

the traditional manner, is most spirited.

[Sidenote: BEGINNING OF BALLANTYNE]

Scott’s destiny was now clear enough, the country had in him a new

“maker.” But he had no idea of a life of authorship, agreeing with Kerr

of Abbotrule that “a Lord President Scott might well be a famous

poet--in the vacation time.” Literature, he said, was a good staff, but

a bad crutch, and he looked to advance his worldly prospects and secure

his livelihood by the profession of the Bar. Our other poets, as a rule,

have meditated the Muse in perfect leisure, with no professional

distractions. But Scott’s literary work was all done in hours stolen

from an active official life. “I can get on quite as well from

recollection of nature, while sitting in the Parliament House, as if

wandering through wood and wold,” he said to Gillies, “though liable to

be roused out of a descriptive dream, if Balmuto, with a fierce grunt,

demands, ‘Where are your cautioners?’” Shelley composed while watching

“the bees in the ivy bloom;” Keats, while listening to the nightingale;

Scott, in the Parliament House, under the glare of Lord Balmuto. The

difference in method is manifest in the difference of the results. But

_Marmion_ was composed during gallops among the hills of Tweedside.

At this date, the winter of 1799, Scott met his school friend James

Ballantyne, then publishing a newspaper at Kelso, and Ballantyne printed

twelve copies of the new ballads. Scott liked the typography, thought of

a small volume of the old Border ballads, to be executed by his friend,

and the die was cast. The success of _The Border Minstrelsy_ made him an

author, association with the printer helped him on the long road to

financial ruin.

[Sidenote: BALLAD COLLECTING]

The same date, December 1799, saw Scott made Sheriff Depute of

Selkirkshire, “the Shirra of the Forest.” He at once invited Ballantyne

to settle as a printer and publisher in Edinburgh, while in the Forest,

when ballad hunting, he made the acquaintance of Leyden, scholar and

poet, of William Laidlaw, his lifelong friend, and of James Hogg, then

an Ettrick swain, “the most remarkable man who ever wore the maud of a

shepherd.” Hogg had none of the education of Burns. “Self taught am I,”

he might have said, like the minstrel of Odysseus, “but the Muse puts

into my heart all manner of lays.” Hogg was indeed the survivor of such

Borderers as, writes Bishop Lesley (1576), “make their own ballads of

adventures for themselves.” He has left a graphic account of his first

meeting with Scott. “Oh, lad, the Shirra’s come,” said Scott’s groom.

“Are ye the chap _that makes_ the auld ballads?” Hogg replied, “I could

not say that I had made ony very auld ballads,” but did James tell the

truth? He is under suspicion of having made the “very auld ballad” of

_Auld Maitland_, which his mother at once chanted to the Shirra. Scott

was as happy as his own Monkbarns, when he overheard Elspeth of the

Burntfoot crooning the ballad of Harlaw. The old lady told the Shirra

that she had learned _Auld Maitland_ “frae auld Andrew Moor, and he

learned it frae auld Baby Metlin” (Maitland) “wha was housekeeper to the

first” (Anderson) “laird of Tushilaw. She was said to have been another

than a gude ane....”

Baby Metlin having this character, I sought for her, aided by the

kindness of the minister of Ettrick, in the records of the Kirk Session

of Ettrick, hoping to find her under Church censure for some lawless

love. But there is no documentary trace of Baby, and the question is,

could Hogg, then ignorant of libraries, above all of the Maitland MSS.,

have forged the ballad of _Auld Maitland_, and made his mother an

accomplice in the pious fraud? It is to be remarked that Scott himself

says that he obtained _Auld Maitland_ in manuscript, from a farmer

(Laidlaw), and that the copy was derived from the recital of “an old

shepherd” (1802). None the less Mrs. Hogg may also have recited it,

having learned it from the old shepherd, Auld Andrew Moor. It is a

delicate point in ballad criticism. Such a hoax, at this date, by the

wily shepherd, appears to me to be impossible, and I lean to a theory

that _Auld Maitland_, and _The Outlaw Murray_, are literary imitations

of the ballad, compiled late in the seventeenth or early in the

eighteenth century, on some Maitland and Murray traditions. In any

case, Hogg had won the interest of Scott, whose temper he often tried

but whose patience he never exhausted. For Leyden, a more trustworthy

collector of ballads, Scott secured an appointment in the East, “a

distant and a deadly shore.”

[Sidenote: “LAY OF THE LAST MINSTREL”]

In 1802, the first two volumes of _The Border Minstrelsy_, later added

to and emended, were published in London, with all the treasures of

ancient lore in prefaces and notes; the first fruits, and noble fruits

they are, of Scott as an historian and writer in prose. Ballantyne,

still at Kelso, was the printer. Scott remarks that “I observed more

strict fidelity concerning my originals,” than Bishop Percy had done. To

what extent he altered and improved his originals cannot be known. He

confesses to “conjectural emendations” in _Kinmont Willie_, which he

found “much mangled by reciters.” Mr. Henderson credits him with verses

ix-xii, “mainly,” and with “numerous other touches.” I do not think that

in the ballad of Otterbourne he interpolated a passage bestowed on him

by Mr. Henderson, for he twice quoted the lines in moments of great

solemnity, and he was not the man to quote himself. The texts, though

they passed the scrutiny of the fierce Ritson, are much more

scientifically handled (with the aid of the Abbotsford and other MSS.)

by Professor Child, in his noble collection. He notes over forty minute

changes, in one ballad, from the MS. copy of Mrs. Brown. But _The Border

Minstrelsy_ gives the texts as the world knows them, as far as it _does_

know them, while the prose elevates “a set of men whose worth was hardly

known” to a pinnacle of romance. In their own days the Border riders

were regarded as public nuisances by statesmen, who only attempted to

educate them by the method of the gibbet. But now they were the delight

of “fine ladies, contending who shall be the most extravagant in

encomium.” A blessing on such fine ladies, who know what is good when

they see it!

[Sidenote: “LAY OF THE LAST MINSTREL”]

Scott says, with his usual acuteness, that we “sometimes impute that

effect to the poet, which is produced by the recollections and

associations which his verses excite.” When a man has been born in the

centre of Scott’s sheriffdom, when every name of a place in the ballads

and the _Lay_ is dear and familiar to him, he cannot be the most

impartial, though he may be not the least qualified critic of the poet,

who, we must remember, wrote for his own people. By 1802, Scott

announced to Ellis that he was engaged on “a long poem of my own ... a

kind of romance of Border chivalry, in a light horseman sort of stanza.”

This poem was _The Lay of the Last Minstrel_, which Borderers may be

excused for thinking the best, the freshest, and the most spontaneous of

all his romances in rhyme. The young Countess of Dalkeith (later,

Duchess of Buccleuch) had heard from Mr. Beattie of Mickledale a story

(known under another form, and as of recent date, in Glencoe) of a

mysterious being who made his appearance at a farm house, and there

resided. The being uttered the cry _Tint, tint, tint!_ (_Lost, lost,

lost!_), and was finally summoned away by a Voice calling to him by the

name of Gilpin Horner. This legend was “universally credited”: Lady

Dalkeith asked Scott to write a ballad on the theme, and thus Gilpin,

though criticized as an excrescence on the _Lay_, was really its only

begetter. While he was wondering what he could make of Gilpin, Scott

heard part of Coleridge’s _Christabel_, then in manuscript, recited by

Sir John Stoddart. The measure of _Christabel_ had previously been used

in comic verse, by Anthony Hall, Anstey, Wolcott and others, and Scott

seems to have assumed the right to employ it in a serious work. In this

he showed something of the deficient sense of _meum_ and _tuum_ which

marked his freebooting ancestors; and Coleridge, whose fragment was not

published till many years later, resented the appropriation and often

spoke of Scott’s poetry with contempt. A year passed before Scott

actually wrote the first stanzas of the _Lay_. He read them to Erskine

and Cranstoun, who said little, and he burned his manuscript. But later

he found that the critics were too much puzzled by the novelty of the

poem to give an opinion, and when one of them, probably Erskine,

suggested that an explanatory prologue was necessary, Scott introduced

the Last Minstrel, chanting to Monmouth’s widow, and went on with the

work, “at about the rate of a canto a week.”

In this casual manner he “found himself,” and his fame. The _Lay_ was

not published till 1805, and Scott’s energies were being given to an

edition of the romance of _Sir Tristrem_, and to elucidating the true

history of his favourite Thomas the Rymer, of Ercildoune. In later days

he purchased The Rymer’s Glen, so he chose to style it, below Eildon

tree, with the burn which murmurs by the cottage of Chiefswood. But _Sir

Tristrem_ and the Rymer were learned and unprofitable subjects. Despite

his need of money, Sir Walter was always ready to spend his time and

labour in literature which profited not, financially. “People may say

this or that of the pleasure or fame or profit as a motive of writing,”

he remarks. “I think the only pleasure is the actual exertion and

research....”

Society and his duties as Quartermaster-General of Volunteer horse were

combined with research and composition. Invasion seemed imminent, and

Scott worked both at his cavalry drill and at organizing the infantry

militia of his sheriffdom. In September 1803 he met Wordsworth and his

sister on their Scottish tour, when Wordsworth prayed for “an hour of

that Dundee” who drove the army of Mackay in rout through the pass of

Killiecrankie. It is curious to find Wordsworth, Ruskin and Scott united

among the friends of Claverhouse! Wordsworth professed himself “greatly

delighted” by Scott’s recitation of four cantos of the _Lay_, though

“the moving incident is not my trade,” any more than admiration of

contemporaries was Wordsworth’s foible. Later the admiration was mainly

on the side of Scott, though Wordsworth made noble amends in his

beautiful sonnet on Scott’s final and fated voyage to Italy.

[Sidenote: ASHESTIEL]

Matters of finance were now occupying Scott. At the Bar he had never

much more practice than that which came to him from his father’s office.

That was little indeed, usually under £200 a year, and grew less when

Scott’s father died, and his gifted but gay brother, Thomas, mismanaged

the business. With his sheriffdom, his private resources, and a legacy

of about £6,000 from an uncle, Scott was at the head of £1,000 a year.

He succeeded in obtaining the reversion of a Clerkship in the Court of

Sessions, doing the work for nothing while the holder, an old man,

lived; and, in the end of 1805, he put his £6,000 into the printing

business of James Ballantyne.

This was the beginning of evils. A barrister ought not to be a secret

partner in a commercial enterprise. Erskine alone knew the fact, and we

do not hear that Erskine remonstrated. Lockhart regretted that Scott,

who was now obliged to fix on a residence within his sheriffdom, did not

buy Broadmeadows with his windfall of £6,000. The place is beautifully

situated on the wooded left bank of Yarrow, between Hangingshaw and

Bowhill, and hard by the cottage of Mungo Park, the African traveller.

Here Scott might have lived happy and remote, in the heart of his own

country. But he was no hermit, he loved society, and he could not give

up his military duties. He left Lasswade, the Gandercleugh of his _Tales

of my Landlord_, and rented from a Russell cousin Ashestiel, a small

house, in part very old, on a steep cliff overhanging the Tweed, above

Yair. Only the hills behind the house severed him from Yarrow, the

fishing was excellent, hard by is Elibank, the tower of his ancestress,

“Muckle Mou’d Meg,” and Selkirk, where he administered justice, is

within an easy ride. The bridge over Tweed was not yet built, and Scott

had the unfading pleasure of risking his life in riding the flooded

ford. Here Scott reclaimed that honest poacher, Tom Purdie, his

lifelong retainer and friend, who, with rustic liberality of speech,

expressed his high opinion of Mrs. Scott’s attractions. Hard by is

Sunderland Hall, where Leslie’s troops bivouacked before they surprised

Montrose at Philiphaugh, and at Sunderland Hall was an excellent

antiquarian library open to the Shirra. Of him little trace remains at

Ashestiel, save the huge arm-chair which was borrowed for him in his

latest days of paralysis. At the Peel, within a few hundred yards, he

had an intelligent neighbour, Mrs. Laidlaw, wife of “Laird Nippy,” a

bonnet laird of an ancient line which lay under an old curse, not

unfulfilled. To Mrs. Laidlaw Scott presented all his poems, which, by

her bequest, have come into the hands of the present writer. Had Scott

been the owner, not the tenant, of Ashestiel, Abbotsford would never

have existed, “that unhappy palace of his race.”

[Sidenote: “LAY OF THE LAST MINSTREL”]

It was in January 1805 that the _Lay_ was published by Messrs. Longman.

To appreciate the _Lay_ and its success, we must either have read it in

childhood, when “glamour” seems a probable art (as to some unknown

extent it really is), and when lamps that burn eternally in tombs

present no difficulties to the reason; or we must have imagination

enough to understand how perfectly and delightfully _novel_ was the

poem. There had been a long interregnum in poetry in England. Cowper, as

we learn from Miss Marianne Dashwood in _Sense and Sensibility_, was

Scott’s only rival, and Cowper is not romantic. Wordsworth and Coleridge

were practically unknown to “the reading public,” Burns was barred by

“the dialect,” the school of Pope had dwindled into _The Triumphs of

Temper_. Meanwhile Mrs. Radcliffe had kindled and fed the sacred lamp of

love for all that Catherine Morland thought “truly horrid,” and had been

a favourite of Scott himself. In the _Lay_ the eager public found

mysteries far exceeding in delightfulness those of Mrs. Radcliffe, found

magic genuine, all unlike her spells which are explained away; they

found many novel and galloping measures of verse; they found nature; and

they found a knowledge of the past such as has never been combined with

glowing poetic imagination.

Mr. Saintsbury says with truth that “a very large, perhaps the much

larger, part of the appeal of the _Lay_ was metrical.” Scott appeared to

be as much an innovator in metres as Mr. Swinburne was, sixty years

after him. Scott knew nothing at all (nor do I) about “the iambic

dimeter, freely altered by the licences of equivalence, anacrusis, and

catalexis”: to him these terms were “bonny critic’s Greek,” and as

unintelligible as, to Andrew Fairservice, was “bonny lawyer’s Latin.”

But it does seem that he gave “extreme care” to his “scheme of metre”

in the _Lay_, not arranging it, as he said of one of his novels, “with

as much care as the rest, that is, with no care at all.” The result, to

quote Mr. Saintsbury, is “to some tastes, a medium quite unsurpassed for

the particular purpose,” and Scott’s later poems are, I venture to

think, in metre less exquisitely appropriate, and more monotonous. His

rhymed romances are in no sense epic, they are a new kind of composition

based on the ballad, but, owing to their length, in need of constant

variety of cadence. All these qualities were in the highest degree

novel, and never to be successfully imitated, seriously, though

susceptible of parody.

[Sidenote: “LAY OF THE LAST MINSTREL”]

We do not now appreciate the charm of all this freshness. We live a

century later, “the gambol has been shown,” the Pegasus of romance has

been put through all his paces before generations of _blasés_ observers;

witches, goblins, and reivers are hackneyed, and only the young (for

whom Scott, like Theocritus, professedly sang) can recapture the joy

with which the world hailed the _Lay_. We have, moreover, what our

ancestors of 1805 had not, the verse of Shelley, Wordsworth, Tennyson,

Keats, and Coleridge present in our memories, verse deeply meditated,

rich in thought, delicate in expression, “every reef loaded with gold.”

Scott has these great rivals now, in 1805 he had no rivals save those

who filled the times, already remote, of great Elizabeth. Thus only the

young, and they who have in their hearts every name and memory of

Scott’s hills and waters, can offer to the _Lay_, or to his other

narrative poems, the welcome that the country gave in 1805. Only we, old

Borderers, or fresh boys and girls, are at the point of view. Others may

style the _Lay_ “a thirdrate _Waverley_ novel in rhyme,” “let ilka man

rouse the ford as he finds it”; it is a ford which I have many times

ridden with pleasure during many years. Out of the romance I choose an

episodic passage, in essence, though not in numbers, a ballad: it tells,

traditionally, how the clan of Scott won fair Eskdale. Probably they

obtained it on the forfeiture of a liege lord far from “tame,” that

Maxwell who, on the execution of the red Regent, took the Morton title,

dared the Douglas feud, and supported the Catholic cause to his ruin.

But tradition speaks otherwise.

Scotts of Eskdale, a stalwart band,

Came trooping down to Todshawhill;

By the sword they won their land,

And by the sword they hold it still.

Hearken, Ladye, to the tale,

How thy sons won fair Eskdale....

Earl Morton was lord of that valley fair,

The Beattisons were his vassals there.

The Earl was gentle, and mild of mood,

The vassals were warlike, and fierce, and rude;

High of heart and haughty of word,

Little they reck’d of a tame liege lord

The Earl into fair Eskdale came,

Homage and seignory to claim:

Of Gilbert the Galliard a heriot he sought,

Saying, “Give thy best steed, as a vassal ought.” ...

“Dear to me is my bonny white steed,

Oft has he help’d me at pinch of need;

Lord and Earl though thou be, I trow,

I can rein Bucksfoot better than thou.” ...

Word on word gave fuel to fire,

Till so highly blazed the Beattison’s ire,

But that the Earl the flight had ta’en,

The vassals there their lord had slain.

Sore he plied both whip and spur,

As he urged his steed through Eskdale muir;

And it fell down a weary weight,

Just on the threshold of Branksome gate.

[Sidenote: “LAY OF THE LAST MINSTREL”]

The Earl was a wrathful man to see,

Full fain avenged would he be,

In haste to Branksome’s Lord he spoke,

Saying--“Take these traitors to thy yoke:

For a cast of hawks, and a purse of gold

All Eskdale I’ll sell thee to have and hold

Beshrew thy heart, of the Beattisons’ clan

If thou leavest on Eske a landed man;

But spare Woodkerrick’s lands alone,

For he lent me his horse to escape upon.”

A glad man then was Branksome bold,

Down he flung him the purse of gold;

To Eskdale soon he spurred amain,

And with him five hundred riders has ta’en.

He left his merrymen in the mist of the hill,

And bade them hold them close and still;

And alone he wended to the plain,

To meet with the Galliard and all his train.

To Gilbert the Galliard thus he said: ...

“Know thou me for thy liege-lord and head;

Deal not with me as with Morton tame,

For Scots play best at the roughest game.

Give me in peace my heriot due,

Thy bonny white steed, or thou shalt rue.

If my horn I three times wind,

Eskdale shall long have the sound in mind.” ...

Loudly the Beattison laugh’d in scorn;

“Little care we for thy winded horn.

Ne’er shall it be the Galliard’s lot

To yield his steed to a haughty Scott.

Wend thou to Branksome back on foot,

With rusty spur and miry boot.”...

He blew his bugle so loud and hoarse,

That the dun deer started at fair Craikcross;

He blew again so loud and clear,

Through the gray mountain-mist there did lances appear;

And the third blast rang with such a din

That the echoes answered from Pentoun-linn,

And all his riders came lightly in.

Then had you seen a gallant shock,

When saddles were emptied, and lances broke!

For each scornful word the Galliard had said,

A Beattison on the field was laid.

His own good sword the chieftain drew,

And he bore the Galliard through and through;

Where the Beattisons’ blood mix’d with the rill,

The Galliard’s Haugh men call it still.

The Scots have scatter’d the Beattison clan,

In Eskdale they left but one landed man.

The valley of Eske, from the mouth to the source,

Was lost and won for that bonny white horse.

For the rest, from fair Margaret, the lost love,

Lovelier than the rose so red,

Yet paler than the violet pale,

to Wat Tinnlin, and

The hot and hardy Rutherford

Whom men called Dickon-draw-the-sword,

[Sidenote: “LAY OF THE LAST MINSTREL”]

the characters are all my ancient friends, and the time has been when

the romance was history to me. The history, of course, is handled with

all Scott’s freedom. Michael Scott had been dead for several centuries,

not for some seventy years, and the approximate date of the tale must be

the year of the religious revolution, 1559-1560; “the Regent” must be

Mary of Guise. Men no longer made their vows to St. Modan and St. Mary

of the Lowes, whose chapel the Scots burned in 1557: it had become

fashionable to wreck churches, thanks to preaching bakers and tailors,

Paul Methuen and Harlaw. Be these things as they may, and let critics be

critics as of old,

Still Yarrow, as he rolls along

Bears burden to the Minstrel’s song.

The _Lay_, as Scott wrote to Wordsworth, “has the merit of being written

with heart and good will, and for no other reason than to discharge my

mind of the ideas which from infancy have rushed upon it. I believe such

verses will generally be found interesting, because enthusiastic.” Whoso

reads the _Lay_ as it was written, “with heart and goodwill,” is not

likely to complain of its lack of interest. The opening dialogue of the

Spirits of river and hill, the ride of William of Deloraine through the

red spate of Ail water, the scene of fair Melrose beheld aright, the

opening of the Wizard’s tomb, in the splendour of the lamp that burns

eternally; the fluttering viewless forms that haunt the aisles; the

tilting between Cranstoun and Deloraine; the pranks of the page; the

courage of the young Buccleuch; his bluff English captors; the bustle of

the Warden’s raid; the riding in of the outlying mosstroopers; the final

scene of the Wizard’s appearance and the passing of the page; with the

beautiful ballads of the minstrels, make up a noble set of scenes, then

absolutely fresh and poignant.

[Sidenote: “WAVERLEY” BEGUN]

While the public, unlike Sir Henry Eaglefield, did not need three

readings to convince them of the excellence of the _Lay_, the critics

were as wise as usual. It is never easy to keep one’s temper in reading

Jeffrey’s criticisms. If not “the ideal whipper-snapper,” at least he

was always thinking, not of the natural appeal of a poet “to the simple

primary feelings of his kind,” but of what Mr. Jeffrey could say to the

abatement of the poet’s merits. Ellis thought Jeffrey’s review “equally

acute and impartial,” and it _was_ impartial compared with his critique

of _Marmion_. The poem should have been something else, not what it was.

It should have “been more full of incident,” as if it _could_ be more

full of incident! The Goblin was “a merely local superstition,” to which

Scott, of all men, could most easily have replied by proofs that the

superstition, practically that of the Brownie, is universal. For example

Froissart gives us, in Orthon, a goblin page, though not a malevolent

specimen of the genus. Jeffrey said, and one would “like to have felt

Mr. Jeffrey’s bumps”--as Charles Lamb said of a less famous

dullard--that “Mr. Scott must either sacrifice his Border prejudices, or

offend his readers in the other parts of the Empire!” Jeffrey writes

like the snappish pedant of a provincial newspaper. When _Marmion_

appeared, Jeffrey found, on the other hand, that it was not Scottish

enough! Pitt and Fox equally admired the work, the public bought it as

poetry is no longer bought, and Scott sold his copyright at the ransom

of £500, which, with a royalty of £169 6_s._ on the first edition, and a

present of £100 to buy a horse, from Messrs. Longman, made up his whole

literary profits on the transaction.

The money probably went into his printing business, with Ballantyne &

Co., and already (1805) we find that firm “receiving accommodation from

Sir William Forbes,” the banker. They were always receiving or being

refused “accommodation”; Scottish business had a paper basis; its bills

represented fairy gold that turned to withered leaves; though Scott, as

an Editor (of Dryden’s works at this time), put large quantities of

business in the way of his printing firm. His practice at the Bar was a

thing of the past: he was waiting for dead men’s shoes as a Clerk of the

Court of Session; and, while toiling over Dryden’s works, he began

_Waverley_, hoping to publish it by Christmas 1805. He purposely did not

make a brilliant start, though the description of Edward Waverley’s

studies is a copy of his own, and William Erskine did not think highly

of the first seven chapters. So Scott threw the manuscript aside, to his

admirers a misfortune. _Waverley_ would have been as great a success as

it was nine years later: Scott would have worked the new vein, the

“Bonanza mine,” and for eighteen new Waverley novels (at the rate of

two yearly) we would cheerfully give up _Marmion_, _The Lady of the

Lake_, _Rokeby_, and _The Lord of the Isles_. _Dis aliter visum._

It was now that Scott adopted the system of rising from bed to write at

five in the morning. On one occasion he had the cruelty to return and

awake Mrs. Scott, with the tidings, which he knew to be wholly

uninteresting to her, that he had discovered the meaning of the name of

a burn that passes through his estate. While taking brief holiday at

Gilsland, he was summoned to mount and ride to Dalkeith, the rendezvous

of the Forest, by the beacon fire which proved to be a false alarm. The

story is told in _The Antiquary_. Scott met the Forest men pouring in

down every water, and I have heard, from my own people, that the

inhabitants of the little Border towns meant to burn them, if Napoleon

landed, drive their flocks into the hills, and fight it out in the old

Border way, a burnt country and a guerilla foe. It was during his ride

of a hundred miles in twenty-four hours that Scott composed the lines

beginning--

The forest of Glenmore is dree,

It is all of black pine and the dark oak tree.

[Sidenote: PARTY SPIRIT]

The April of 1806 saw Scott in London; already a “lion,” he was

presented at the tiny Court of Caroline, Princess of Wales, who at this

time was taken up by the Tories, as the Prince of Wales was then of the

Whig party; much as another Prince of Wales, Frederick, was something of

a Jacobite. He found that the Princess had an exaggerated freedom of

manner, and presently “it came to be thought so.” She called him “a

faint-hearted troubadour,” and he had no mind for the part of

Chastelard. In town he met Joanna Baillie, whose plays he appreciated

with more of generosity than critical faculty. His instalment as Clerk

of Session was not welcomed by the Whigs, and, in irritation, “he for

the first time put himself forward as a decided Tory partisan.” The

Tories, at all events, were not pro-French. It would have been well if

Scott could have taken the advice of Lord Dalkeith (Feb. 20, 1806), “Go

to the hills and converse with the Spirit of the Fells, or any Spirit

but the Spirit of Party, which is the fellest fiend that ever disturbed

Harmony and social pleasure.”

On June 27, 1806, Scott wrote his “Health to Lord Melville,” the Tory

governing spirit of Scotland, whom the Whigs were impeaching. James

Ballantyne sang this lay at a public dinner on Lord Melville’s

acquittal. The Princess of Wales was saluted in this song, which

contained the words “Tally ho to the Fox” (C. J. Fox). This does not

appear an amazing indiscretion, in a parcel of party verses, but the

Whigs were greatly shocked. If a Briton must be a party man, he may as

righteously belong to one party as the other. But the Whigs ever

cherished the belief that they were the righteous. The worst effect of

Scott’s politics was his connexion with journals, from the stately

_Quarterly_ to the inglorious _Beacon_, which carried political rancour

into literary criticism. It is true that Hazlitt wrote as furiously and

vilely against Coleridge in _The Edinburgh Review_, which was Whig, as

any one ever did against Keats in _The Quarterly_, which is Tory. But

Whig offences, in history as in literature, are condoned by historians,

and forgotten by most people, while Gifford, of the _Quarterly_, and the

conductors of _Blackwood_ remain in the pillory. In any case, with the

brutal outrages of criticism Scott had nothing to do. He was foremost to

praise _Frankenstein_, supposing it to be by Shelley, when Shelley was

the target of Tory insults; and he invited Charles Lamb to Abbotsford,

when Lamb was being attacked as a leader of the Cockney School.[3] Lamb

missed the chance of coursing and salmon fishing with a Scot who would

not have aroused in him “an imperfect sympathy.”

However Lamb and Shelley were not known in Scotland in 1806, when the

affairs of Scott’s brother Thomas made it necessary for Walter to

[Sidenote: “MARMION”]

earn money by his pen. He received £1,000 from Constable for the

copyright of an unwritten poem, _Marmion_, and mortgaged his time and

genius to help a brother. Constable was then rather a dealer in rare old

books than a publisher, but he foresaw Scott’s success, and outbid

Messrs. Longman, if, indeed, they made any bid at all. To his brother

Thomas he wrote a series of letters, still, I think, unpublished, and

mainly noteworthy for the goodness of head, the wisdom, the benevolence

and tact of the writer. By the end of 1807 he was finishing at once his

_Life of Dryden_, and his _Marmion_; who, as he wrote to Lady Louisa

Stuart in January 1808, is “gasping upon Flodden Field,” though Scott

hoped, that day, “to knock him on the head with a few thumping stanzas.”

When we remember that, by his brother’s failure, the whole affairs of

the estates of the Marquis of Abercorn were thrown on his hands “in a

state of unutterable confusion,” and at his own responsibility, we may

estimate his industry. Describing the research needed by his _Dryden_ he

writes--

From my research the boldest spiders fled,

And moths retreating trembled as I read,

while at the same time he was leading Marmion from disgrace to death,

and was passing the heart of the day in his official duties (1807). But

by the end of February 1808, _Marmion_ was in the hands of the public,

equipped with the charming epistles to friends which precede the cantos.

Contrasting the over full life of Scott, and all his innumerable

distractions, with the “day long blessed idleness” of Tennyson, we

cannot expect from _Marmion_ the delicate finish of _The Idylls of the

King_. On the other hand, if Scott had enjoyed the leisure of Tennyson,

his rhymed romances would not have been better or other than they are.

In the Introduction to Canto Third, written to Erskine, he tells us that

criticism was wasted on him--

Then wild as cloud, or stream or gale,

Flow on, flow unconfined, my tale.

He will not imitate

those masters, o’er whose tomb

Immortal laurels ever bloom,

Instructive of the feeble bard

as the murmurs from the tomb may be. He will not even desert the fabled

past to chant the glories of the “Red Cross Hero” (Sir Sidney Smith),

nor of Sir Ralph Abercromby. But he foresees and predicts

The hour of Germany’s revenge,

[Illustration: Sir Walter Scott, 1830.

From the painting by Sir John Watson Gordon, R.A.]

[Illustration: Sir Walter Scott.

[Sidenote: “MARMION”]

From a painting by Sir David Wilkie, R.A.]

and that then

When breathing fury for her sake,

Some new Arminius shall awake,

Her champion, ere he strike, shall come,

To whet his sword on Brunswick’s tomb.

In few years the hour and the champion came, Field-Marshal Von Blücher.

A poet has seldom been a better prophet.

The plot of _Marmion_ is in one way strangely akin to the plot of

_Ivanhoe_. In both we have a hard-bitten, hard-hearted, and unscrupulous

knight, Marmion and the Templar. In both we have a pilgrim guide, who is

no pilgrim, but a knight in disguise, returned from exile, with a deep

grudge against the Templar, or Marmion (Wilfred, Wilton). Both sets of

partners are rivals in love, at least if Wilfred, as we believe, loved

Rebecca. In both we have a tourney between the rivals, in which Marmion

and the Templar are defeated by Wilton and Wilfred. But Marmion’s

behaviour, both in regard to his lady page, and in the matter of the

forgery, is much worse than that of the Templar at his worst, though,

amidst his infamy, he is a knight as bold and haughty as the traitor

Ganelon in the _Chanson de Roland_. The high revenge of the lady page,

Constance, as she goes to her death by hunger, stirred even Jeffrey.

“The scene of elfin chivalry” in which Marmion tilts with the phantom

knight, was suggested by a Latin legend, forged and sent to Scott by

Surtees of Mainsforth, who several times palmed off on the Sheriff

ballads of his own making. Pitscottie, the candid old Fifeshire

chronicler, supplied the omens which, as in the _Odyssey_, lead up to

the catastrophe of Flodden Field. Marmion was made to travel to

Edinburgh by a path that mortal man never took, Scott desiring to

describe the castles on the way, and a favourite view of Edinburgh from

Blackford Hill. This passage of landscape has been elaborately and

justly praised by Mr. Ruskin. For poetical purposes Lady Heron is

brought to Holyrood, though she was at her castle beneath Flodden Edge,

and the artifice is justified by her song of _Young Lochinvar_. But it

is the closing battle piece that makes the fortune of _Marmion_.

[Sidenote: JEFFREY]

“All ends in song,” and in song end Scotland’s sorrows for that fatal

unforgotten fight, in which all was lost but honour. Scarce a great

family but lost her sons, the yeomen and peasants died like paladins,

and the strongest of the Stuart kings made the best end of all of them,

rushing forth from the fighting “schiltrom” and falling, pierced with

arrows and hacked with bills, not a lance’s length from the English

general. For this we have Surrey’s own word, and true it is that if the

Scots were never led with less skill, they never did battle with more

indomitable courage. Had not every leader fallen, save Home, the next

day would have seen a renewal of the battle--

Where shivered was fair Scotland’s Spear,

And broken was her shield.

Flodden secured the success of _Marmion_, and gave the laurels to the

brow of Scott. But it is certain that our age could dispense with Clara

and her lover! The fiend of party, detested by Lord Dalkeith, moved the

Whigs to take umbrage because more moan was made for Pitt than for Fox

in one of the Introductory pieces, where by an error of the press

several lines of the lament for Fox were omitted in early copies. “All

the Whigs here are in arms against _Marmion_,” wrote Scott (March 13,

1808). Jeffrey now complained of “the manifest neglect of Scottish

feelings,” which had been so injuriously flattered in the _Lay_, to the

indignation of the rest of the Empire! Lockhart justly remarks that it

was the _British_ patriotism which vexed Jeffrey, whose _Edinburgh

Review_ did its best to throw cold water on the spirit of national

resistance to Napoleon. He professed that his stupid criticism was a

well meant effort to draw Scott from “so idle a task” as that in which

he displayed his “pedantry.” Scott could bear the spite till Jeffrey

charged him with want of patriotism, and that arrow rankled. Jeffrey

dined with him on the day when Scott read the critique, and was

cordially received, but his host ceased to write in the _Edinburgh

Review_, and raised up another like unto it, a rival, the Tory

_Quarterly_.

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