CHAPTER I

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LITERARY LIVES

EDITED BY

W. ROBERTSON NICOLL

SIR WALTER SCOTT

LITERARY LIVES

Edited by W. Robertson Nicoll, LL.D.

MATTHEW ARNOLD. By G. W. E. Russell.

CARDINAL NEWMAN. By William Barry, D.D.

JOHN BUNYAN. By W. Hale White.

COVENTRY PATMORE. By Edmund Gosse.

ERNEST RENAN. By William Barry, D.D.

CHARLOTTE BRONTË. By Clement K. Shorter.

SIR WALTER SCOTT. By Andrew Lang.

_IN PREPARATION_

R. H. HUTTON. By W. Robertson Nicoll.

GOETHE. By Edward Dowden.

HAZLITT. By Louise Imogen Guiney.

Each Volume, Illustrated, $1.00 net. Postage 10 cts.

[Illustration: =Sir Walter Scott.=

From the painting by John Graham Gilbert.]

Literary Lives

SIR WALTER SCOTT

BY

ANDREW LANG

_ILLUSTRATED_

NEW YORK

CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS

1906

COPYRIGHT, 1906, BY

CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS

Published, March, 1906

TROW DIRECTORY

PRINTING AND BOOKBINDING COMPANY

NEW YORK

TO

THE HON. MRS. MAXWELL-SCOTT

PREFACE

If all reading mankind had time to read Lockhart’s _Life of Scott_, a

brief volume on Sir Walter would be a thing without excuse. I am

informed, however, by the Editor of this Series that the appreciation of

Time, in our age, does not permit Lockhart to be universally read. I

have therefore tried to compress as much as I may of the essence of

Lockhart’s great book into small space, with a few additions from other

sources. In such efforts one compiler will present matter for which

another cannot find room. The volume differs from its excellent

predecessors by the late Mr. Hutton, and by Mr. Saintsbury, in being the

work of one who comes from Sir Walter’s own countryside, and has worked

over much of his historical ground, and over most of the MS. materials

which were handled by Lockhart.

The late regretted Mr. David Carnegie, after twice crossing the

Australian desert, summed up his results in the saying that no explorer

need go thither again. The Abbotsford MSS. are not a desert, but

Lockhart has omitted nothing in them which is of value, nothing which

bore essentially on his theme. No explorer need go thither again, save

to confirm his appreciation of the merits of Lockhart’s work. All other

books on Scott are but its satellites, and their glow, be it brighter or

fainter, is a borrowed radiance.

ST. ANDREWS, December 25, 1905.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

PAGE

ANCESTRY--CHILDHOOD--YOUTH--FIRST LOVE--MARRIAGE 1

CHAPTER II

EARLY MARRIED LIFE--BALLAD COLLECTING--“LAY

OF THE LAST MINSTREL”--“MARMION” 27

CHAPTER III

“QUARTERLY REVIEW”--“LADY OF THE LAKE”--“ROKEBY”--BALLANTYNE

AFFAIRS 59

CHAPTER IV

THE “WAVERLEY” NOVELS 83

CHAPTER V

“GUY MANNERING” TO “KENILWORTH” 110

CHAPTER VI

NOVELS--FINANCIAL RUIN--DEATH 157

CONCLUSION 205

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Sir Walter Scott, from the Painting by John

Graham Gilbert _Frontispiece_

FACING

PAGE

Sir Walter Scott, after the Painting by Sir Henry

Raeburn 26

Sir Walter Scott, from the Painting by Sir David

Wilkie, R.A. 54

Sir Walter Scott, from the Painting by Sir John

Watson Gordon, R.A. 54

Sir Walter Scott and his Friends, from the Painting

by Thomas Faed, R.A. 80

The Chantrey Bust of Sir Walter Scott, 1820 108

“The Abbotsford Family,” after the Painting by

Sir David Wilkie, R.A. 134

Abbotsford 158

Sir Walter Scott, after the Painting by Sir Thomas

Lawrence 186

Sir Walter Scott, from the Painting by Sir Edwin

Landseer, R.A. 198

SIR WALTER SCOTT

CHAPTER I

ANCESTRY, CHILDHOOD, YOUTH, FIRST LOVE, MARRIAGE

The visitor to Abbotsford, looking up at the ceiling of the hall,

beholds, in the painted shields, the heraldic record of the “heredity”

of Sir Walter Scott. In his time the doctrine of heredity had not won

its way into the realm of popular science, but no man was more

interested in pedigree than the Laird. His ancestors were part of

himself, though he was _not_ descended from a “Duke of Buccleuch of the

fourteenth century,” as the _Dictionary of National Biography_ declares,

with English innocence. Three of the shields are occupied by white

cloudlets on a blue ground; the arms of certain of the Rutherford

ancestors, cadets of Hunthill, could not be traced. For the rest, if we

are among those who believe that genius comes from the Celtic race

alone, we learn with glee that the poet was not without his share of

Celtic blood. He descended, on the female side, from the Macdougals of

Makerston, and the Macdougals are perhaps the oldest family in

Scotland, are certainly among the four or five oldest families. But they

stood for the English cause against Bruce, a sorrow, no doubt, to their

famous descendant. The wife, again, of Scott’s great grandfather,

“Beardie” the Jacobite, was a Miss Campbell of Silvercraigs, counting

cousins with the Campbells, (who are at least as much Douglases as

Campbells) of Blythswood. Finally, the name of Scott, I presume, was

originally borne by some infinitely remote forefather, who was called

“The Scot” because he was Irish by birth though his family was settled,

first in Lanarkshire, later among the Cymri and English of Ettrickdale

and Teviotdale. So much for the Celtic side of Sir Walter.

[Sidenote: ANCESTRY]

On the other hand, the Rutherfords--his mother was a Rutherford--are

probably sprung from the Anglo-Norman _noblesse_ who came into Scotland

with David I, and obtained the lands whence they derive their name. They

are an older family, on the Border, than the Scotts, who are not on

record in Rankilburn before 1296. One of them (from whose loins also

comes the present genealogist) frequently signs (or at all events seals)

the charters of David I about 1140. The Swintons, famous in our early

wars, and the Haliburtons, cadets of Dirleton, have a similar origin, so

that in Scott met the blood of Highlands and Lowlands, Celtic,

Teutonic, and Norman. “There are few in Scotland,” says Lockhart, “under

the titled nobility, who could trace their blood to so many stocks of

historical distinction.” All Scottish men have a share in Sir Walter.

The people of Scotland, “gentle” or “simple,” have ever set store on

such ancestral connexions, and they certainly were a source of great

pleasure to Scott.

His mind was, in the first place, historical; rooted in and turning

towards the past, as the only explanation of the present. Before he

could read with ease, say at the age of four or five, he pored over

Scott of Satchells’ rhyming _True History of several Honourable Families

of the Right Honourable Name of Scot_. “I mind _spelling_ these lines,”

he said, when Constable gave him a copy of the book, in 1818. Indeed, he

was always “spelling” the legends and history of his race, while he was

making it famous by his pen, since accident forbade him to make it

glorious by his sword. One legend of the Scotts of Harden, the most

celebrated of all, is, I think, a _Märchen_, or popular tale, the story

of Muckle Mou’d Meg and her forced marriage with young Harden. Suppose

the unlikely case that William Scott, younger, of Harden, did undertake

a long expedition to seize the cattle of Murray of Elibank, on the upper

Tweed. I deem this most improbable, in the reign of James VI, when he

was seated on the English throne. But suppose it occurred, who can

believe that Elibank would dare to threaten young Harden with hanging on

the Elibank doom tree? Even if Scots law would have borne him out,

Elibank dared not face the feud of the strongest name on the Border.

Thus it is not to be credited that young Harden chose “Muckle Mou’d

Meg,” Elibank’s daughter, as an alternative to the gallows. Moreover,

the legend, I am informed, recurs in a province of Germany. If so, the

tale may be much older than the Harden-Elibank marriage. The contract of

that marriage is extant, and is not executed “on the parchment of a

drum,” as Lockhart romantically avers. Scott, better than most men, must

have known how more than doubtsome is the old legend.

He let no family tradition drop: rather, he gave a sword and a cocked

hat, in his own phrase, to each story. The ballad of _Kinmont Willie_,

the tale of the most daring and bloodless of romantic exploits,

certainly owes much to him, and he “brought out with a wet finger” (in

Randolph’s phrase) all the dim exploits and fading legends of Tweed,

Ettrick, Ail, Yarrow, and Teviot; streams, Dr. John Brown says,

“_fabulosi_ as ever was Hydaspes.”

[Sidenote: ANCESTRY]

The son of a Writer to the Signet, Scott was grandson of a speculative

Border yeoman, who laid out the entire sum necessary for stocking his

farm on one mare, and sold her at a double advantage. Possibly Scott may

have inherited the sanguine disposition of this adventurer. He was born

to make all the world familiar with the life and history of an ancient

kingdom, that, as a kingdom, had ceased to be, and with adventures

rapidly winning their way to oblivion.

Just when Scotland, seventy years after she was “no longer Scotland”

(according to Lockhart of Carnwath), merged into England, Nature sent

Burns to make Scottish peasant life immortal, and Scott to give

immortality to chivalrous Scottish romance. There are traces of love of

history and traces of intellectual ability in Scott’s nearest kin. His

lawyer father, born in 1729, was naturally more devoted to “analysing

abstruse feudal doctrines,” and to studying “Knox’s and Spottiswoode’s

folios” of the history of Kirk and State, than to the ordinary business

of his calling. Scott’s maternal uncle, Dr. Rutherford, “was one of the

best chemists in Europe”--we have Sir Walter’s word for it. Scott’s

mother was not only fond of the best literature, but had a memory for

points of history and genealogy almost as good as his own. “She

connected a long period of time with the present generation.” Scott

wrote when she died (1819), “for she remembered, and had often spoken

with a person who perfectly recollected the battle of Dunbar....” She

knew all about the etiquette of the covenanting conventicles under the

Restoration, when the lairds’ wives, little to the comfort of their

lords, sat on their saddles on the ground, listening to preachers like

Walsh or Cameron.

[Sidenote: CHILDHOOD]

Fortunate indeed was Scott in his mother, who did not spoil him, though

he must have been her favourite child. His eldest brother who attained

maturity not only fought under the glorious Rodney, but “had a strong

talent for literature,” and composed admirable verses. His brother

Thomas was credited by Sir Walter with considerable genius, and was put

forward by popular rumour as the author of the _Waverley_ novels. His

only surviving sister, Anne (died 1801), “lived in an ideal world, which

she had framed to herself by the force of imagination.” Scott himself

was well aware of his own tendency “to live in fantasy,” in the kingdom

of dreams, and in the end he discovered that in the kingdom of dreams he

had actually been living, as regards his own affairs, despite his strong

practical sense, and “the thread of the attorney” in his nature. His

genius, in short, was the flower and consummation of qualities existing

in his family; while it was associated, though we may presume not

casually, with such maladies as are current amongst families in

general. There would be genius abundantly, if genius were merely a

“sport” of disease.

At Abbotsford, in Sir Walter’s desk, are six bright locks of the hair of

six brothers and sisters of his, who were born and died between 1759 and

1766, an Anne, a Jean, and a Walter, two Roberts, and a John. These

early deaths were suspected to be due to the air of the old house in

College Wynd, built on the site of Kirk o’ Field, where Darnley was

murdered, perhaps on the site of the churchyard. But it was not till

after the birth of the second Walter (August 15, 1771) that his father

flitted to the pleasant wide George’s Square, beside the Meadows, and

thereafter no children of the house died in childhood.

His own life-long malady was perhaps of an osseous nature. An American

specialist has advanced the theory that “the peak”, the singularly tall

and narrow head of Scott (“better be Peveril of the Peak than Peter of

the Paunch,” he said to “Lord Peter”), was due to the early closure of

the sutures of the skull. The brain had to force a way upwards, not

laterally! However that may be, at the age of eighteen months, after

gambolling one night like a _fey_ child, little Walter was seized with a

teething fever, and, on the fourth day, was found to have lost the use

of his right leg. The malady, never cured entirely, but always the

cause of lameness, probably deprived Wellington of a gallant officer,

for Scott was by nature a man of action. But Wellington had lieutenants

enough, and the accident made possible the career of a poet.

“The making of him” began at once, for the child was removed to the

grandpaternal farm of Sandy Knowe, beneath the crags whence the Keep of

Smailholme (in _The Eve of St. John_) looks over “Tweed’s fair flood,

and all down Teviotdale,” over the wide plain and blue hills that had

seen so many battles and border frays. Here he was “first conscious of

existence”--or first remembered his consciousness--swathed in the skin

of a newly slain sheep, and crawling along the floor after a watch

dangled by his kinsman, Sir George Macdougal of Makerstoun.

And ever, by the winter hearth,

Old tales I heard of woe or mirth,

Of lovers’ slights, of ladies’ charms,

Of witches’ spells, of warriors’ arms,--

Of patriot battles won of old

By Wallace Wight and Bruce the Bold,--

Of later fields of feud and fight,

When, pouring from their Highland height,

The Scottish clans, in headlong sway,

Had swept the scarlet ranks away.

[Sidenote: CHILDHOOD]

Sandyknowe was indeed “fit nurse for a poetic child,” “a sweet tempered

bairn, a darling with all about the house.” A miniature of three years

later shows us the tall forehead, the frank and eager air, the force and

charm of the child, certainly “a comely creature,” who, left alone among

the hills, “clapped his hands at the lightning, and cried ‘bonny, bonny’

at every flash.” He was “as eager to hear of the defeat of Washington,

as if I had had some deep and personal cause of antipathy to him”; while

he was already under the charm of the King over the Water, Charles,

lingering out his life at Florence, not answering the petition that he

would raise the standard among the faithful in America. “I remember

detesting the name of Cumberland with more than infant hatred,” for he

had heard, from an eye-witness, the story of the execution of the

Highland prisoners at Carlisle (1746). He learned by heart his first

ballad, a modern figment, _Hardiknute_; he shouted it through the house,

and disturbed an old divine who had seen Pope, and the wits of Queen

Anne’s time. It was not easy to keep young Walter “at the bit,” but his

aunt soon taught him “to read brawly.” He himself says that he “acquired

the rudiments of reading” at Bath, whither he was carried between the

ages of four and six.

Just afterwards, at Prestonpans, he made the acquaintance of a veteran

bearing the deathless name of Dalgetty, and of a Mr. Constable, in part

the original of Monkbarns, in _The Antiquary_, “the first person who

told me about Falstaff and Hotspur.” Returned to Edinburgh, he read

Homer (in Pope’s version), and the Border Ballads, with his mother, who

had “a strong turn to study poetry and works of devotion”--no poetry on

Sundays, a day “which in the end did none of us any good.”

We see “the making of him.” Before he was six Sir Walter was “made”; he

was a bold rider, a lover of nature and of the past, he was a Jacobite,

and the friend of epic and ballad. In short, as Mrs. Cockburn (a

Rutherford of the beautiful old house of Fairnalie-on-Tweed) remarked

before he was six, “he has the most extraordinary genius of a boy I ever

saw.... He reads like a Garrick.” No doubt his mother saw and kept these

things in her heart, but we do not hear that others of the family

recognized a genius in a boy who was a bookworm at home, and idle at

school.

He once, at this period, said a priggish thing, which Lockhart knew, but

has omitted. Some one, finding him at his book asked (as people do),

“Walter, why don’t you play with the other boys in the Square?”

“Oh, you can’t think how ignorant these boys are!”

[Sidenote: YOUTH]

One deeply sympathizes, but later he found nobody from whom he could not

learn something, were it but about “bend leather.”

Such were, in the old French phrase of chivalry, _Les Enfances

Gualtier_. Now the technical Age of Innocence was past, and, in October

1778, having seen seven summers, he went to the old Edinburgh High

School, to Mr. Frazer’s class. The age of entry was not, perhaps,

unnaturally early.[1]

“Duxships,” and gold medals, and the making of Greek Iambics were not

for Walter Scott. He was, he tells us, younger than the other boys in

the second class, and had made less progress than they in Latin. “This

was a real disadvantage,” as there was leeway to make up. He sat near

the bottom of the huge string of boys, perhaps eighty, and, as he truly

says, the boys used to fall into sets, “clubs and coteries,” according

to the benches which they occupied. There they used to sit, and play at

ingenious games--_e.g._ (in my time) a match between the Caesars and the

Apostles--conducted on the principle of a raffle; or a regatta of paper

boats blown across the floor. The tawse (a leather strap) descended on

their palms, but learning never came near them, and they moved up from

class to class by seniority, not by merit.

Scott was not always on the lowest benches, but flew to the top by

answering questions in “general information” (which nobody has), and

fell, by a rapid _dégringolade_, when topics were afoot about which

every industrious boy knew everything. He was the meteor of the form,

the translator of Horace or Virgil into rhyme, “the historian of the

class” (as Dr. Adam, the headmaster said), and he was “a bonny fechter.”

Owing to his lameness, he and his opponent used to fight sitting on

opposite benches--his victories were won, as he said, _in banco_. He

dared “the three kittle steps” on the narrow ledge of rock outside the

wall of Edinburgh Castle; helped to man the Cowgate in snowball riots,

and took part in the “stone bickers” against the street boys, which he

describes in the anecdote of Green Breeks. His private tutor had “a very

strong turn to anaticism,” and in argument with him Scott adopted the

side of Claverhouse and the Crown against Argyll and the Covenanters. “I

took up my politics at that period as King Charles II did his religion”

(King Charles is here much misunderstood), “from an idea that the

Cavalier creed was the more gentlemanlike of the two.”

[Sidenote: YOUTH]

In these controversies were the germs of _Old Mortality_. “The beastly

Covenanters,” wrote Scott to Southey in 1807, “hardly had any claim to

be called men, unless what was founded on their walking upon their hind

feet. You can hardly conceive the perfidy, cruelty, and stupidity of

these people, according to the accounts they have themselves preserved.”

But, when he came to write history, Scott adopted another view, and, out

of sheer love of fairness, was unfair to the Cavaliers. By “a nice

derangement of” dates, he introduced the worst cruelties of the

Cavaliers before they occurred, and did not mention at all the cause of

the severities--the Cameronian declaration of war by murder.

His old tutor could have done no better for “the good old cause,” but

modern popular historians do as much. Under the Headmaster, Dr. Adam,

“learned, useful, simple,” Scott rose to the highest form, though, like

St. Augustine, and for no better reason, he refused to learn Greek. He

certainly “never was a first-rate Latinist”--his quotations from Roman

poets prove that fact, no less than a false quantity in his only brace

of Latin elegiacs, for the tomb of his deerhound, Maida.[2]

Scott regretted his ignorance of Greek, “a loss never to be repaired,

considering what that language is, and who they were who employed it in

their compositions.” The most Homeric of later poets knew nothing of

Homer, which was to himself, certainly, an irreparable loss, for Pope

and Cowper could not impart to him a shadow of what Homer would have

been to him in the Greek. But great as is the delight which he missed,

it is not probable that a knowledge of Greek literature would have moved

Scott to imitate its order, its beauty, and its deep and poignant vein

of reflection on human destiny.

[Sidenote: YOUTH]

People blame Scott because he has not the depth of Shakespeare or of

Wordsworth, because Homer, a poet of war, of the sea, of the open air,

is far more prone than Scott was to melancholy reflection on the mystery

of human fortunes. But Scott was silent, not because he did not reflect,

but because he knew the futility of human reflection. _Humana perpessi

sumus_ is a phrase which escapes him in his age, when he looks back on a

lost and unforgotten love, on a broken life, on what might have been,

and what had been. “We are men, and have endured what men are born to

bear”--that is his brief philosophy. Why add words about it all? The

silence of Scott better proves the depth of his thought, and the

splendour of his courage, than the finest “reflections” that poets have

uttered in immortal words. It is not because his thought is shallow

that he never shows us the things which lie in the deep places of his

mind. “Men and houses have stood long enough, if they stand till they

fall with honour,” says his Baron Bradwardine. “Ilios must perish, the

city of Priam of the ashen spear,” says Homer--and what more is there to

say, for a man who does not wear his heart on his sleeve? Knowledge of

Greek poetry would not have induced Scott to write a line in the sense

of the melancholy of Greek epic poetry; a noble melancholy, but he will

utter none of its inspirations. On the side of precision, exquisite

proportion, rich delicacy of language, “loading every reef with gold,”

as Keats advised Shelley to do, Scott would have learned nothing from

Greece.

His genius was of another bent--

Flow forth, flow unconstrained, my Tale!

he says, knowing himself to be an improviser, not a minutely studious

artist. He knew his own path, and he followed it, holding his own art at

a lowly price. No critic is more severe on him for his laxities, for his

very “unpremeditated art” than he is himself. But, such as that art may

be, it was what he was born to accomplish, and, had he read as much

Greek as Tennyson, he would still have written as he rode

Without stop or stay down the rocky way,

and through the wan water of the river in spate. He was obedient to his

nature, and all the Greek Muses singing out of Olympus could not have

altered his nature, or changed the riding lilt of _Dick o’ the Cow_ for

more classical measures and a more chastened style.

For these reasons, as he was not, like Keats, a Greek born out of due

time, but a minstrel of the Mosstroopers, we need not regret that he was

ignorant of the greatest of all literatures. Of Latin, he had enough to

serve his ends. He seldom cites Virgil: he appears to have preferred

Lucan. He could read, at sight, such Latin as he wanted to read, which

was mainly medieval. His knowledge of Italian, German, Spanish, and

French was of the same handy homemade character. He picked up the

tongues in the course of reading books in the tongues, books of chivalry

and romance. His French, when he spoke in that language was, as one of

the Court of the exiled Charles X in Holyrood said, “the French of the

good Sire de Joinville.”

[Sidenote: YOUTH]

From childhood, and all through his schoolboy days, and afterwards, he

was a narrator. A lady who knew him in early boyhood says that he had a

myth for every occasion. “Even when he wanted ink to his pen he would

get up some ludicrous story about sending his doggie to the mill again.”

We are reminded of the two Stevensons, telling each other stories about

the continents and isles in the milk and porridge which they were

eating. “He used also to interest us ...” says a lady, “by telling us

the _visions_, as he called them, which he had when lying alone ... when

kept from going to church on a Sunday by ill-health ... misty and

sublime sketches of the regions above which he had visited in his

trance.” The lady thought that he had a tendency to “superstition,” but

he was only giving examples of the uprisings from the “subliminal”

regions which are open to genius. It was with invented stories that he

amused his friends, Irving and James Ballantyne, whom he met at a school

of which he was a casual pupil at Kelso. He once kept a fellow-traveller

awake all night, by his narrative of the foul murder of Archbishop

Sharp, told as they drove across Magus Moor, the scene of that “godly

fact.”

The men and women whom he met in boyhood, oddities, “characters,” people

his novels. Chance scraps of humour remained in the most retentive of

memories, reappeared in his romances, and made it impossible for his old

friends to doubt his authorship. His long country walks were directed

to places of historical interest, in which he found that scarce any one

else was interested, before he peopled them with the figures of his

dreams.

In his thirteenth year Scott matriculated at the town’s college of

Edinburgh. At this time he was once in the same room with Burns, whom he

enlightened as to the authorship of lines by Langhorne, written under a

weak engraving of Bunbury’s, a soldier dead in the snow beside his wife

and dog. It is curious that the author’s name, in fact, is printed under

the verses. Scott remarked of Burns’ eyes, that “he never saw their like

in a human head.” “His countenance was more massive than it looks in any

of the portraits.” The late Dr. Boyd of St. Andrews (A.K.H.B.) once

asked a sister of Burns which of the portraits of her brother was the

best likeness? “They a’ mak’ him ower like a gentleman,” she replied,

and no doubt she meant that they missed the massiveness of his

countenance. Scott thought Burns too humble in his attitude towards

young Ferguson, in whom he recognized his master; not wholly an error,

and a generous error at worst. Scott also thought himself “unworthy to

tie Burns’ shoes,” so noble was the generosity of either poet.

[Sidenote: YOUTH]

His fifteenth year saw Scott, already a lawyer’s apprentice, in the

Highlands, happy in the society of Stewart of Invernahyle, who had

fought a sword and target duel with Rob Roy (at Ardsheil, I think), had

been out with the Prince, and supplied the central incidents of

_Waverley_. “The blawing bleezing lairds” were not much to the taste of

the elder Mr. Scott, who was unconsciously sitting for his own portrait

as the elder Fairford in _Redgauntlet_, a picture rich in affectionate

humour. “The office,” in Edinburgh, swallows up a large proportion of

the schoolboys. To Mr. R. L. Stevenson, “the office” seemed a Minotaur,

but Scott found in it his profit. He acquired, as a copyist, the quality

of steady prolonged writing; the faculty of sitting at it which Anthony

Trollope called “rump.” He once covered, without interruption, a hundred

and twenty pages of folio, at three-pence the page, gaining thirty

shillings to spend on books or a dirk. Looking at the MSS. of his

novels, down to the never-to-be-published _Knights of Malta_, written

during his last voyage to Italy, we see the steady, unfaltering, speedy

hand of the law writer, with scarce a correction or an erasure. After

his ruin, after his breakdown in health, he once wrote the “copy” of

sixty printed pages of a novel in a day. He had acquired the power of

sitting at it, without which his colossal labours, in the leisure hours

of a busy official life, would have been impossible. He could not have

done this had he not been of Herculean strength, the strongest man in

the acquaintance of the Ettrick Shepherd. “Though you may think him a

poor lamiter, he’s the first to begin a row, and the last to end it,”

said a naval officer. Like his own Corporal Raddlebanes, he once fought

three men with his stick, for an hour by the Tron clock--not that of

Shrewsbury.

We are apt to forget how young Scott was, at this period. He was only

eighteen when he piloted a young English friend through the shoals and

reefs of early misadventure. He can scarcely have been nineteen when he

met _Le Manteau Vert_, Miss Stewart Belches (daughter of Sir John

Stewart Belches of Invermay), the object of his first and undying love.

His friends thought him cold towards the fair, but, in truth, he was

shielded by a pure affection. Concerning the lady, I have heard much,

from Mrs. Wilson (_née_ Macleod), whose aged aunt, or great-aunt, like

Scott, fell in love with the bride of William Forbes. “She was more like

an angel than a woman,” the old lady would say. Scott’s passion endured

for five years (“three years of dreaming and two of wakening,” he says),

inspiring him, as time went on, to severe application in his legal

studies, and to his first efforts in literature.

[Sidenote: FIRST LOVE]

Lockhart did not know the details of the ending of the vision. “What a

romance to tell--and told I fear it will one day be,” wrote Scott after

his ruin. But told the romance never will or can be, except in the

merest outline. Scott thought that he had something to complain of, as

appears from his poem, _The Violet_, about “my false love,” and in

verses describing Fitz James’ broken sleep, in _The Lady of the Lake_.

Then, ... from my couch may heavenly might

Chase that worst phantom of the night--

Again return the scenes of youth,

Of confident undoubting truth

* * * * *

They come, in dim procession led,

The cold, the faithless, and the dead.

* * * * *

Dreamed he of death, or broken vow,

Or is it all a vision now?

Scott, according to Lady Louisa Stuart, said that he always, in later

life, dreamed of his lost love before any great misfortune. In age and

sickness, his _Journal_ tells much of his thoughts of her, of the name

he had cut in runic characters on the grass below the tower of St.

Rule’s at St. Andrews, the name that “still had power to stir his

heart.” But years went by before the vision ended--the vision of the

lady of _Rokeby_, of _Redgauntlet_, and of the _Lay of the Last

Minstrel_; “by many names one form.”

It is because he knew passion too well that he is not a poet of passion.

There is nothing in Scott like the melancholy or peevish repining of the

lovers in _Locksley Hall_ and in _Maud_. Only in the fugitive farewell

caress of Diana Vernon, stooping from her saddle on the darkling moor

before she rides into the night, do we feel the heart-throb of Walter

Scott. Of love as of human life he knew too much to speak. He did not

“make copy” of his deepest thoughts or of his deepest affections. I am

not saying “They were pedants who could speak,” or blaming those who can

“unlock their hearts” with a sonnet or any other poetic key. But simply

it was not Sir Walter’s way; and we must take him with his

limitations--honourable to the man, if unfortunate for the poet.

We see him, a splendid figure, “tall, much above the usual stature, cast

in the very mould of a youthful Hercules; the head set on with singular

grace, the throat and chest after the truest model of the antique, the

hands delicately finished, the whole outline that of extraordinary

vigour, without as yet a touch of clumsiness.” The “lamiter” “could

persuade a pretty young woman to sit and talk with me, hour after hour,

in a corner of a ballroom, while all the world were capering in our

view.”

[Sidenote: FIRST LOVE]

This was the lad who shone in The Speculative Society; who roamed with

Shortreed from Charlieshope to Charlieshope, dear to all the Dandie

Dinmonts of Liddesdale, “sober or drunk, he was aye the gentleman.” You

could not wander in Liddesdale, in these days, without the risk of being

“fou”: though even among these “champion bowlsmen” Scott had the

strongest head. “How brawlie he suited himself to every body,” as to

“auld Thomas of Twizzlehope,” who possessed “the real lilt of _Dick o’

the Cow_,” and a punch bowl fatal to sobriety. The real lilt, or “a

genuine old Border war horn” was worth a headache. Mr. Hutton, in his

book on Scott, made his moan over the story of the arrival of a keg of

brandy that interrupted religious exercise in Liddesdale. _Autres temps,

autres moeurs_, and Scott, during these ballad-hunting expeditions, was

not yet twenty-one. In defending the Rev. Mr. Macnaught, before the

General Assembly, on a charge of lack of sobriety, and of “toying with a

sweetie wife” and singing sculdudery chants, Scott edified the General

Assembly by the distinction between _ebrius_ and _ebriosus_, between

being drunk and being a drunkard. But the Assembly decided that Mr.

Macnaught was _ebriosus_. In getting up this case Scott visited, for the

only time, the country of the Picts of Galloway, and of _Guy Mannering_.

The period of the Reign of Terror, in France, found Scott taking part

in anti-revolutionary “rows” in Edinburgh. Nothing hints that he, like

Wordsworth, conceived a passionate affection for the Revolution. The

Radicals had a plot of the good old Jacobite kind for seizing the Castle

(1794), but Scott rejected such romance, and was a volunteer on the side

of order. In 1795 he conceived that his love suit was prospering, as

appears plainly in a letter; despite “his habitual effort to suppress,

as far as words were concerned, the more tender feelings, which in no

heart were deeper than in his.” He translated Bürger’s ballad of Lenore

(a refashioning of a _volkslied_ current in modern Greece, and as _The

Suffolk Tragedy_, in England), and laid “a richly bound and blazoned

copy” at his lady’s feet (1796). The rhymes are spirited--

Tramp, tramp! along the land they rode,

Splash, splash, along the sea,

The scourge is red, the spur drops blood,

The flashing pebbles flee!

[Sidenote: FIRST LOVE]

But the lady “gave to gold, what song could never buy,” as her unfriends

may have said. But as her chosen lover was William Forbes, of the house

of the good old Lord Pitsligo of the Forty-Five, and as Mr. (later Sir

William) Forbes remained the staunchest friend of Scott, we may be

certain that Green Mantle merely obeyed her heart.

“I shudder,” wrote a friend, “at the violence of his most irritable and

ungovernable mind.” He little knew Scott, who rode from his lady’s house

into the hills, “eating his own heart, avoiding the paths of men,” and

said nothing. The fatal October of his rejection (1796) saw the

publication of his first book, a slim quarto, containing translations of

Bürger’s ballads. The lady of Harden, a Saxon by birth, corrected “his

Scotticisms, and more especially his Scottish _rhymes_.” He had become

the minstrel of “the Rough Clan” of Scott, and was a friend of the

Houses of Harden (his chief’s) and of Buccleuch.

Scotland lost Burns in 1796, but did not yet take up Scott, whose

ballads literally served “to line a box,” as Tennyson says, and were

delivered over to the trunk-makers. He made no moan, and, in April 1797,

his heart, as he says, “was handsomely pierced.” At Gilsland he met the

dark-eyed Miss Charpentier, of French origin, daughter of M. Jean

Charpentier (_Ecuyer du Roi_), and fell in love. I think that, in Julia

Mannering, the lively dark beauty of _Guy Mannering_, we have a portrait

from the life of Scott’s bride. In personal appearance the two ladies

are unmistakably identical, and Miss Charpentier, in a letter of

November 27, 1797, chaffs her lover exactly as Julia Mannering chaffs

her austere father. Scott had written about his desire to be buried in

Dryburgh Abbey, and Miss Charpentier thought him dismal and premature.

She did not care for romance, she did not pamper Scott by pretending to

the faintest sympathy with his studies, but she was a merry bride, a

true wife, and, when the splendour of celebrity shone on Scott, it did

_not_ burn up (as a friend feared that it might) the unmoved Semele who

shared the glory. Scott was married at Carlisle, in the church of St.

Mary, on Christmas Eve, 1797.

I have often wondered whether, after his marriage, Scott was in the

habit of meeting his “false love” in the society of Edinburgh. His heart

was “handsomely pieced,” he says, but _haeret lethalis arundo_.

[Illustration: Sir Walter Scott.

After a painting by Sir Henry Raeburn.]

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