The news brought in by the scouts that war-dances were going on in

the Indian villages and that the threatened storm was about to break

served to hasten Harrison’s preparations. The small, but exceedingly

businesslike, expedition which marched out of Vincennes on the 1st day

of November under the leadership of Governor Harrison, with Colonel

Boyd in direct command of the troops, consisted of the nine companies

of regulars which Boyd had brought from Pittsburg, six companies of

infantry of the Indiana militia, two companies of Indiana dragoons,

two companies of Kentucky mounted rifles, a company of Indiana mounted

rifles, and a company of scouts--about eleven hundred men in all.

Their uniforms would have looked strange and outlandish indeed to one

accustomed to the serviceable, dust-colored garb of the present-day

soldier, for the infantry wore high felt hats of the “stovepipe”

pattern, adorned with red-white-and-blue cockades, tight-waisted,

long-tailed coats of blue cloth with brass buttons, and pantaloons as

nearly skin-tight as the tailor could make them. The dragoons were

gorgeous in white buckskin breeches, high, varnished boots, “shell”

jackets which reached barely to the hips, and brass helmets with

streaming plumes of horsehair. Because the mounted riflemen who were

under the command of Captain Spencer wore gray uniforms lavishly

trimmed with yellow, they bore the nickname among the troops of

“Spencer’s Yellow-Jackets.” The only men of the force, indeed, who

were suitably clad for Indian warfare were the scouts, who wore the

hunting-shirts, leggings, and moccasins of soft-tanned buckskin, which

were the orthodox dress of the frontier.

Commanded by men of such wide experience in savage warfare as Harrison

and Boyd, it is needless to say that every precaution was taken against

surprise, the column moving in a formation which prepared it for

instant battle. The cavalry formed advance and rear guards, and small

detachments rode on either flank; the infantry marched in two columns,

one on either side of the trail, with the baggage wagons, pack-animals,

and beeves between them, while the scouts, thrown far out into the

forest, formed a moving cordon of skirmishers. After crossing the

Vermilion River the troops found themselves upon an immense prairie,

which stretched away, level as a floor, as far as the eye could see--as

far as the Illinois at Chicago, the guides asserted. It filled the

soldiers, who came from a rugged and heavily forested country, with the

greatest astonishment, for few of them had ever seen so vast an expanse

of level ground before. Shortly afterward, however, they left the

prairie and marched through open woods, over ground gashed and furrowed

by deep ravines. Here the greatest precautions had to be observed, for

clouds of Indian scouts hung upon the flanks of the column, and the

broken nature of the country fitted it admirably for ambushes.

Late in the afternoon of November 6, 1811, in a cold and drizzling

rain, Harrison gave orders to bivouac for the night on a piece of high

but swamp-surrounded ground on the banks of the Tippecanoe River, near

its junction with the Wabash, and barely five miles from the Prophet’s

Town. It was a triangular-shaped knoll, dotted with oaks, one side of

which dropped down in a sharp declivity to a little stream edged with

willows and heavy underbrush, while the other two sides sloped down

more gradually to a marshy prairie. The camp was arranged in the form

of an irregular parallelogram, with the regulars--who were the only

seasoned troops in the expedition--forming the front and rear, the

flanks being composed of mounted riflemen supported by militia, while

two troops of dragoons were held in reserve. In the centre of this

armed enclosure were parked the pack-animals and the baggage-train.

Though late in the night the moon rose from behind a bank of clouds;

the night was very dark, with occasional flurries of rain. The troops

lay on the rain-soaked ground with rifles loaded and bayonets fixed,

but they slept but little, I fancy, for they had brought no tents, few

of them were provided with blankets, and top-hats and tail-coats are

not exactly adapted to camping in the forest in November.

From his experience in previous campaigns, Harrison had learned

that, while in the vicinity of any considerable body of Indians, it

was the part of precaution to arouse his men quietly an hour or so

before daybreak, for it was a characteristic of the Indians to deliver

their attacks shortly before the dawn, which is the hour when tired

men sleep the soundest. Meanwhile, in the Indian camp preparations

were being stealthily made for the surprise and extermination of the

white invaders. Tecumseh was not present, being absent on one of his

proselyting tours among the southern tribes, but the prophet brought

out the sacred torch and the magic beans, which his followers had only

to touch, so he assured them, to become invulnerable to the enemy’s

bullets. This ceremony was followed by a series of incantations, war

songs and dances, until the Indians, now wrought up to a frenzy, were

ready for any deed of madness. Slipping like horrid phantoms through

the waist-high prairie grass in the blackness of the night, they crept

nearer and nearer to the sleeping camp, intending to surround the

position, stab the sentries, rush the camp, and slaughter every man in

it whom they could not take alive for the torture stake.

In pursuance of his custom of early rising, Harrison was just pulling

on his boots before the embers of a dying camp-fire, at four o’clock in

the morning, preparatory to rousing his men, when the silence of the

forest was suddenly broken by the crack of a sentry’s rifle. The echoes

had not time to die away before, from three sides of the camp, rose

the shrill, hair-raising war-whoop of the Indians. As familiar with the

lay of the land as a housewife is with the arrangements of her kitchen,

they had effected their plan of surrounding the camp, confident of

taking the suddenly awakened soldiers so completely by surprise that

they would be unable to offer an effectual resistance. Not a warrior of

them but did not look forward to returning to the Prophet’s Town with a

string of dripping scalp-locks at his waist.

The Indians, quite unlike their usual custom of keeping to cover,

fought as white men fight, for, made reckless by the prophet’s

assurances that his spells had made them invulnerable and that bullets

could not harm them, they advanced at a run across the open. At sight

of the oncoming wave of bedaubed and befeathered figures the raw levies

from Indiana and Kentucky visibly wavered and threatened to give way,

but Boyd’s regulars, though taken by surprise, showed the result of

their training by standing like a stone wall against the onset of the

whooping redskins. The engagement quickly became general. The chorus

of cheers and yells and groans and war-whoops was punctuated by the

continuous crackle of the frontiersmen’s rifles and the crashing

volleys of the infantry. Harrison, a conspicuous figure on a white

horse and wearing a white blanket coat, rode up and down the lines,

encouraging here, cautioning there, as cool and as quiet-voiced as

though back on the parade-ground at Vincennes.

The pressure was greatest at the angle of the camp where the first

attack was made, the troops stationed at this point having the greatest

difficulty in holding their position. Seeing this, Major Joseph H.

Daviess, a brilliant but hot-headed young Kentuckian who had achieved

fame by his relentless attacks on Aaron Burr, twice asked permission to

charge with his dragoons, and twice the governor sent back the answer:

“Tell Major Daviess to be patient; he shall have his chance before the

battle is over.” When Daviess for a third time urged his importunate

request, Harrison answered the messenger sharply: “Tell Major Daviess

he has twice heard my opinion; he may now use his own discretion.”

Discretion, however, was evidently not included in the Kentuckian’s

make-up, for no sooner had he received Harrison’s message than, with

barely a score of dismounted troopers, he charged the Indian line. So

foolhardy a performance could only be expected to end in disaster.

Daviess fell, mortally wounded, and his men, such of them as were not

dead, turned and fled for their lives.

[Illustration: The Indians, panic-stricken at the sight of the

oncoming troopers, broke and ran.]

The prophet, who had been chanting appeals to the Great Spirit from the

top of a rock within view of his warriors but safely out of range of

the American rifles (he evidently had some doubts as to the efficacy of

his charms), realized that, as a result of the unforeseen obstinacy of

the Americans’ resistance, victory was fast slipping from his grasp and

that his only hope of success lay in an overwhelming charge. Roused to

renewed fanaticism by his fervid exhortations, the Indians once again

swept forward, whooping like madmen. But the Americans were ready for

them, and as the yelling redskins came within range they met them with

a volley of buckshot which left them wavering, undecided whether to

come on or to retreat. Harrison, whose plan was to maintain his lines

unbroken until daylight and then make a general advance, and who had

been constantly riding from point to point within the camp to keep the

assailed positions reinforced, realized that the crucial moment had

arrived. Now was his chance to drive home the deciding blow. Boyd,

recognizing as quickly as Harrison the opportunity thus presented,

ordered a bugler to sound the charge, and his infantry roared down

upon the Indian line in a human avalanche tipped with steel. At the

same moment he ordered up the two squadrons of dragoons which he had

been holding in reserve. “Right into line!” he roared, in the voice

which had resounded over so many fields in far-off Hindustan. “Trot!

Gallop! _Charge!_ Hip, hip, here we go!” It was this charge, delivered

with the smashing suddenness with which a boxer gets in a solar-plexus

blow, which did the business. The Indians, panic-stricken at the

sight of the oncoming troopers in their brass helmets and streaming

plumes of horsehair, broke and ran. Tippecanoe was won, though at

a cost to the Americans of nearly two hundred killed and wounded,

including two lieutenant-colonels, two majors, five captains, and

several lieutenants. The discredited prophet, now become an object of

hatred and derision among his own people, fled for his life while the

victorious Americans burned his town behind him. Tecumseh, returning

from the south to be greeted by the news of the disaster to his plans

resulting from his brother’s folly, threw in his lot with the British,

commanded England’s Indian allies in the War of 1812, and died two

years later at the battle of the Thames, when his old adversary,

Harrison, once again led the Americans to victory. For his share in the

Tippecanoe triumph, Boyd received a brigadier-general’s commission.

Harrison was started on the road which was to end at the White House.

The peril of the great Indian confederation was ended forever, and the

civilization of the West was advanced a quarter of a century.

THE WAR THAT WASN’T A WAR

THE WAR THAT WASN’T A WAR

I wonder how many of the white-clad, white-shod folk who lounge their

winters away on the golf-links at St. Augustine or in wheeled chairs

propelled by Ethiopians along the fragrant pathways of Palm Beach

ever speculate as to how it happens that the flags which fly over the

Ponce de Leon and the Royal Poinciana are made of red, white, and blue

bunting instead, say, of red and yellow. Not many of them, I expect,

for professional joy hunters have no time to spare for history. I

wonder how many of those people who complacently regard themselves as

well-read and well-informed could tell you offhand, if you asked them,

how Florida became American or give you even the barest outline of the

conception and execution of that daring and cynical scheme whereby it

was added to the Union. I wonder how many professors of history in our

schools and colleges are aware that Florida was once a republic--for

but a brief time, it is true--with a flag and a president and an army

of its own. I wonder how many of our military and naval officers know

that we fought Spanish soldiers and stormed Spanish forts and captured

Spanish towns and hauled down Spanish colors (all quite unofficially,

of course) fourscore years before Schley and Sampson sunk the Spanish

fleet off Santiago. And, finally, I wonder how many people have ever

so much as heard of the Emperor McGillivray, who held his barbaric

court at Tallahassee and was a general in the armies of England, Spain,

and the United States at the same time; of Sir Gregor MacGregor, the

Scottish soldier of fortune who attempted to establish a kingdom at

Fernandina and died King of the Mosquito Coast; or any of those other

strange and romantic figures--De Aury, Hubbard, Peire, Humbert--who

followed him. It is a dashing story but a bloody one, and those who

have no stomach for intrigue and treachery and massacre and ambushes

and storming parties and filibustering expeditions had better turn

elsewhere for their reading.

Some one has aptly remarked that the history of Florida is but a bowl

of blood, and that, were a man to cast into it some chemical that

would separate the solid ingredients from the mere water, he would

find that the precipitate at the bottom consisted of little save

death and disappointment. Certainly the Spaniards were rewarded by

little more, for after they had ruled it for two hundred and fifty

years the net results of their labor were the beggarly settlements at

Pensacola and St. Augustine. In 1763 England ceded Havana to Spain in

exchange for Florida, and for a brief time that harassed country was on

speaking terms with peace and prosperity, for the English established

settlements and built roads and started schools, as is the quaint

Anglo-Saxon way. But with the loss of her American colonies, in 1783,

England suddenly concluded that it was not worth her while to retain

this now isolated province; so she ceded it back to Spain, and the

settlers found that their work had gone for nothing. A Spanish lethargy

promptly settled upon the land; grass sprang up in the main streets of

the towns; the noon-hour was expanded into a _siesta_ which lasted from

twelve to four; the indigo plantations started by the English colonists

were neglected and ran out; the injustice, cruelty, and oppression

which everywhere characterized Spanish rule entered upon a return

engagement; and Florida became a savage and lawless borderland, where

Indians, runaway slaves, filibusters, frontiersmen, and fugitives from

justice fought each other and united only in jeering at the feeble rule

of Spain.

At this time the colony was divided into two provinces, known as East

and West Florida. The former province was virtually identical with the

present State, extending from the Perdido River (now the boundary-line

between the States of Florida and Alabama) eastward to the Atlantic

Ocean, including the great peninsula lying south of Georgia and

stretching across almost six degrees of latitude. On its Atlantic

seaboard were the towns of Fernandina and St. Augustine, and on the

Gulf coast the ports of Pensacola and St. Marks. The province of West

Florida extended from the Perdido westward, according to the Spanish

claims, to the Mississippi and included the river town of Baton Rouge

and the Gulf port of Mobile. It will be seen, therefore, that Spain was

in possession of all that great semicircle of Gulf coast stretching

from Key West to New Orleans.

In 1803, Napoleon, hard-pressed for funds with which to continue his

European campaigns, sold the colony of Louisiana to the United States

as unconcernedly as though he were disposing of a suburban building

lot. This proceeding was typical of the utter indifference with which

the sovereigns of the Old World were accustomed to transfer their

colonies in the New. The colonists, however much they may have loved

their sovereign, their country, or her institutions, were bought,

sold, or given away, without their consent and often without their

knowledge. This enormous addition to the national domain made it not

only desirable but imperative that the United States acquire ports upon

the Gulf of Mexico, so that the settlers in Tennessee, Mississippi,

Alabama, and western Georgia might have an outlet for their products.

The gentlemen in frock coats and high black stocks who were at the

tiller of our ship of state determined, therefore, that the Floridas

must become American--peacefully if possible, forcibly if there was no

other way.

Now, it must be borne in mind that at this time Spain had no diplomatic

intercourse with the United States, the gigantic policy of Napoleon

having, for the time being, erased her from the list of nations. Thus

overwhelmed at home, her possessions in America were either in a state

of open revolt or in so defenseless a condition that they were ready to

drop like ripe plums into the hands of any nation which shook the tree.

It will thus be seen that the gentlemen in Washington quite evidently

knew what they were about when they chose a time when Mother Spain was

confined to her bed, as the result of the beating up she had received

from Napoleon, to elope with her daughter Florida.

Once set in motion, the machinery of conquest proceeded to pare off

slices of Florida with the neatness and despatch of a meat-cutting

machine. The plans of the American Government worked out as smoothly

as a church wedding which has been rehearsed beforehand. The

carefully laid scheme first manifested itself in October, 1810, when

a revolution broke out in that portion of West Florida bordering

upon the Mississippi. In that region there was a family of American

settlers named Kemper who had suffered many injustices under Spanish

rule. Two of these men, Samuel and Reuben (the same Reuben Kemper, by

the way, whose exploits in Mexico are described in “Adventurers All”),

determined to get rid of their hated rulers, incited the neighboring

settlers to rise in armed revolt. Assembling at St. Francisville, they

marched through the night, arrived before Baton Rouge at dawn, took

it by surprise, and after a skirmish in which the Spanish governor

was killed drove out the garrison and occupied the town. In order

to throw a cloak of legality over their acts, the revolutionists

organized a convention, issued a declaration of independence modelled

on Jefferson’s immortal document, elected Fulwar Skipwith, formerly

American diplomatic agent in France, president of the new republic,

and hoisted over the captured town a flag with a single star--the same

emblem under which the Texans were to win their independence thirty odd

years later. This done, the infant republic asked the United States to

recognize it as an independent nation. But President Monroe, instead of

extending recognition, asserting that the revolted province had been

ceded by Spain to France along with Louisiana in 1800, and therefore,

being part and parcel of Louisiana, belonged to the United States

anyway, declared the Territory of West Florida, as far east as the

Pearl River, an American possession.

Shortly after the capture of Baton Rouge Colonel Kemper, acting under

orders from the revolutionary government, led another expedition

against Mobile. Made overconfident by their easy triumph at Baton

Rouge, the filibusters encamped a few miles above Mobile and spent the

night in a grand carousal in celebration of their anticipated victory

on the morrow. But the Spanish governor, learning from a spy of the

Americans’ befuddled condition, sallied out at the head of three

hundred men, took the revolutionists by surprise, and completely routed

them. A major and nine men who were taken prisoners were transported

to Havana, where they paid for their affront to the majesty of Spain by

spending five years in Morro Castle. A few weeks later a strong force

of American regulars arrived off Mobile and coolly sat down within

sight of the Spanish fortifications. They explained their presence to

the Spanish governor by saying that they had been sent by the American

Government to protect him and his men from further attacks by the

insurgents. The gentlemen who were shaping the policies of the nation

in Washington certainly must have had a sense of humor. Though the

Spanish flag still flew over Mobile, the United States was now, to all

intents and purposes, in complete possession of West Florida. In the

spring of 1812, when the American Government finally determined on a

war with England, the strategic importance of Mobile became apparent

and President Monroe, deciding that the time had come to end the farce,

despatched an expedition under General Wilkinson to oust the Spanish

garrison and formally occupy the city. The United States was now in

full possession of one of the Gulf ports she had so long been coveting,

and the machinery of conquest was still in working order.

Meanwhile the American Government, having heard rumors that the British

were about to assume control of East Florida under the provisions

of a secret arrangement with Spain, asked permission of the Spanish

authorities to occupy that province with troops that it might not be

used by the British as a base of operations. (The occupation was to

be purely temporary; oh, yes indeed, the American troops would be

withdrawn as soon as the war-clouds which were piling up along the

political horizon lifted a little.) It is scarcely to be wondered at,

however, that Spain curtly refused the request, whereupon Congress,

in secret session, passed an act authorizing the seizure of East

Florida. But it would have smacked too much of highway robbery or of

burglary, whichever you choose to call it, for the United States to

have sent a military expedition into the province and taken it by force

of arms. That would have been just a little too coarse and crude and

might, moreover, have called forth a European protest. But surely no

blame could be attached to the United States because the settlers in

southern Georgia, exasperated, they said, by the lawless conditions

which prevailed in the adjacent Spanish province, suddenly determined

to follow the example of their neighbors in West Florida and organize

a republican form of government in East Florida as a preliminary to

applying for admission to the Union. It was a strange coincidence, was

it not, that the instigator of the revolution, General George Mathews,

a former governor of Georgia, had been appointed a commissioner, under

the secret act of Congress, to secure the province? Amelia Island,

lying just off the Florida coast and a little below the boundary of

Georgia, provided an admirable base of operations. The fine harbor of

its capital, Fernandina, was just becoming of considerable commercial

importance and in Spanish hands might prove a serious menace to

the United States in the approaching war with England. Hence the

acquisition of this island and harbor was regarded by the American

authorities as a military necessity. Early in 1812, therefore, a force

of some two hundred Georgian frontiersmen under General Mathews moved

down upon Fernandina and sent a flag of truce, demanding the surrender

of the town and island. As a flotilla of American gunboats, by a

streak of the greatest good luck, happened into the harbor at this

psychological moment, and a force of American regulars, by another

singular coincidence, appeared upon the scene and placed themselves

under Mathews’s orders, there was nothing left for the Spanish

commandant but to haul down his flag. Whereupon General Mathews,

assuming the attitude of a protector, took possession of the place in

the name of the United States. With the precedent of Baton Rouge to

guide him, Mathews naturally supposed that the secret and ambiguously

worded instructions under which he had gone to Fernandina meant that

he was to take possession of East Florida, and he was strengthened

in this supposition by the condition of affairs that he found there.

St. Mary’s River was filled with British vessels engaged in smuggling

British merchandise into the United States in defiance of the Embargo

Act, while Amelia Island was a notorious rendezvous for smugglers, upon

whom the Spanish authorities looked with marked tolerance, if, indeed,

they did not lend them actual assistance. As soon as the Americans

took possession a custom-house was established, the smuggling promptly

ceased, and over the fort was raised a flag bearing the inscription:

“_Vox populi lex salutis._” Though the uneducated frontiersmen were

a trifle hazy as to the motto’s meaning, it sounded well and lent

a certain air of dignity to the proceedings. The next move of the

insurgents, now become eight hundred strong by reinforcements from

Georgia, was to besiege the Spanish governor in St. Augustine, for

Mathews, confident that Congress would pass a bill sanctioning his

seizure of the province, ran things with a high hand. As a matter

of fact, such a bill was passed by the House in secret session, but

was rejected by the Senate, whereupon President Madison disavowed

the act of Mathews and ordered him to evacuate the territory he had

seized--probably because it was deemed unwise to provoke hostilities

with another power at the very moment we had declared war on England.

But the conquest of Florida was not abandoned--merely postponed.

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