Returning in triumph to San Antonio, the Americans, whose position was

now so firmly established that they had no further use for General

Gutierrez, unceremoniously dismissed him, this action, doubtless, being

taken at the instance of Colonel Perry and his fellow officers, who

feared further treachery and dishonor if the Mexican were permitted

to remain in command. His place was taken by Don José Alvarez Toledo,

a distinguished Cuban who had formerly been a member of the Spanish

Cortes in Mexico but had been banished on account of his republican

sympathies. A few weeks after General Toledo assumed command a Spanish

force, four thousand strong, under General Arredondo, appeared before

San Antonio. Toledo at once marched out to meet them. His force

consisted of eight hundred and fifty Americans under Colonel Perry

and about twice that number of Mexicans; so it will be seen that the

Spaniards greatly outnumbered the Republicans. Throwing forward a line

of skirmishers for the purpose of engaging the enemy, General Arredondo

ambushed the major portion of his force behind earthworks masked by

the dense chaparral. The Americans, confident of victory, dashed

forward with their customary _élan_, whereupon the Spanish line, in

obedience to Arredondo’s orders, sullenly fell back. So cleverly did

the Spaniards feign retreat that it was not until the Americans were

well within the trap that had been set for them that Toledo recognized

his peril. Then he frantically ordered his buglers to sound the recall.

One column--that composed of Mexicans--obeyed the order promptly,

but the other, consisting of Americans, shouting, “No, we _never_

retreat!” swept forward to their deaths. Had the order to retreat never

been given, the Americans, notwithstanding the disparity of numbers,

would have been victorious, but, deprived of all support and raked

by the enemy’s cannon and musketry, even the prodigies of valor they

performed were unavailing to alter the result. So desperately did those

American adventurers fight, however, that, as some one has remarked,

“they made Spanish the language of hell.” When their rifles were empty

they used their pistols, and when their pistols were empty they used

their terrible long hunting-knives, ripping and stabbing and slashing

with those vicious weapons until they went down before sheer weight of

numbers. Some of them, grasping their empty rifles by the barrel, swung

them round their heads like flails, beating down the Spaniards who

opposed them until they were surrounded by heaps of men with cracked

and shattered skulls. Others, when their weapons broke, sprang at their

enemies with their naked hands and tore out their throats as hounds

tear out the throat of a deer. Such was the battle of the Medina,

fought on August 18, 1813. _Of the eight hundred and fifty Americans

who went into action only ninety-three came out alive._ If the battle

itself was a bloody one, its aftermath was even more so, the Spanish

cavalry pursuing and butchering without mercy all the fugitives they

could overtake. At Spanish Bluff, on the Trinity, the Spaniards took

eighty prisoners. Marching them into a clump of timber, they dug a

long, deep trench and, setting the prisoners on its edge, shot them in

groups of ten. It was a bloody, bloody business. That our histories

contain almost no mention of the Gachupin War, as this campaign was

known, is doubtless due to the fact that during the same period there

was a war in the United States and also one in Mexico, and the public

mind was thus drawn away from the events which were taking place in

Texas. Indeed, had it not been for the war between the United States

and Great Britain, which drew into its vortex the adventurous spirits

of the Southwest, Texas would have achieved her independence a dozen

years earlier than she did.

Toledo and Perry, with all that was left of the “Army of the North,”

escaped, after suffering fearful hardships, to the United States,

where they promptly began to recruit men for another venture into

the beckoning land beyond the Sabine. Though the head of the patriot

priest Hidalgo had been displayed by the Spanish authorities on the

walls of the citadel of Guanajuato as “a warning to Mexicans who

choose to revolt against Spanish rule,” as the placard attached to the

grisly trophy read, the grim object-lesson had not deterred another

priest, José Maria Morelos, from taking up the struggle for Mexican

independence where Hidalgo had laid it down. In order to co-operate

with this new champion of liberty, Toledo, at the head of a few hundred

Americans, sailed from New Orleans, landed on the Mexican coast near

Vera Cruz, and pushed up-country as far as El Puente del Rey, near

Jalapa, where he intrenched himself and sat down to await the arrival

of reinforcements from New Orleans under General Jean Joseph Humbert.

Humbert, a Frenchman from the province of Lorraine, was a graduate of

the greatest school for fighters the world has ever known: the armies

of Napoleon. In 1789, when the French Revolution deluged France with

blood, he was a merchant in Rouvray. Closing his shop, he exchanged his

yardstick for a sabre and went to Paris to take a hand in the overthrow

of the monarchy, for he was a red-hot republican. His gallantry in

action won him a major-general’s commission, and four years later the

Directory promoted him to the rank of lieutenant-general and gave him

command of the expedition sent to Ireland, where he was forced to

surrender to Lord Cornwallis. Napoleon, who knew a soldier as far as

he could see one, made Humbert a general of division and second in

command of the ill-fated army sent to Haiti. But Humbert’s republican

convictions did not jibe with the imperialistic ambitions of Napoleon,

and the former suddenly decided that a life of exile in America was

preferable to life in a French prison. For a time he supported himself

by teaching in New Orleans, but it was like harnessing a war-horse to a

plough; so, when the Mexican junta sought his aid in 1814, the veteran

fighter raised an expeditionary force of nearly a thousand men, sailed

across the Gulf, landed on the shores of Mexico, and marched up to join

Toledo at El Puente del Rey. The revolutionary leader Morelos, who was

hard-pressed by the Spaniards, set out to join Toledo and Humbert,

but on the way was taken prisoner and died with his back to a stone

wall and his face to a firing-party. The same force which ended the

career of Morelos continued to El Puente del Rey and attempted to cut

off the retreat of Toledo and Humbert, but the old soldier of Napoleon

succeeded in cutting his way through them and in 1817, dejected and

discouraged, landed once more at New Orleans, where he spent the rest

of his days teaching in a French college, and his nights, no doubt,

dreaming of his exploits under the Napoleonic eagles.

The same year Humbert returned to New Orleans another soldier of the

empire, General Baron Charles François Antoine Lallemand, followed by

a hundred and fifty veterans who had seen service under the little

corporal, set out from the same city for that graveyard of ambitions,

Mexico. Baron Lallemand was one of the great soldiers of the empire

and, had Napoleon been victorious at Waterloo, would have been rewarded

with the baton of a marshal of France. Entering the army when a

youngster of eighteen, he followed the French eagles into every capital

of Europe, fighting his way up the ladder of promotion, round by round,

until, upon the Emperor’s return from Elba, he was given the epaulets

of a lieutenant-general and created a peer of France. He commanded the

artillery of the Imperial Guard at Waterloo and after that disaster

was sent by the Emperor to Captain Maitland, of the British navy, to

negotiate for his surrender. With tears streaming down his cheeks,

Lallemand begged that he might be permitted to accompany his imperial

master into exile. This being denied him, he refused to take service

under the Bourbons and, coming to America, attempted to found a colony

of French political refugees in Alabama, at a place which, in memory

of happier days, he named Marengo. The experiment proved a failure,

however; so in 1817 he led his colonists into Texas and attempted to

establish what he termed a _Champ d’Asile_ on the banks of the Trinity

River. But the Spanish authorities, obsessed with the idea that every

foreigner who appeared in Texas was plotting against them, despatched

a force against Lallemand and his colonists and drove them out. The

next few years General Lallemand spent in New Orleans devising schemes

for effecting the escape of his beloved Emperor from St. Helena,

but Napoleon’s death, in 1821, brought his carefully laid plan for

a rescue to naught. In 1830, upon the Bourbons being ejected from

France for good and all, Lallemand, to whom the Emperor had left a

legacy of a hundred thousand francs, returned to Paris. His civil and

military honors were restored by Louis Philippe, and the man who a few

years before had been pointed out on the streets of New Orleans as a

filibuster and an adventurer died a general of division, commander of

the Legion of Honor, military governor of Corsica, and a peer of France.

The next man to strike a blow for Texas was Don Luis de Aury. De Aury

was a native of New Granada, as the present Republic of Colombia

was then called, and had played a brilliant part in the struggle

for freedom of Spain’s South American colonies. He entered the navy

of the young republic as a lieutenant in 1813. Three years later he

was appointed commandant-general of the naval forces of New Granada,

stationed at Cartagena. At the memorable siege of that city, to his

generosity and intrepidity hundreds of men, women, and children owed

their lives, for when the Spanish commander, Morillo, threatened to

butcher every person found alive within the city walls De Aury loaded

the non-combatants aboard his three small vessels, broke through

the Spanish squadron of thirty-five ships and landed his passengers

in safety. For this heroic exploit he was rewarded with the rank of

commodore, given the command of the united fleets of New Granada, La

Plata, Venezuela, and Mexico, and ordered to sweep Spanish commerce

from the Gulf. Learning of the splendid harbor afforded by the Bay of

Galveston, on the coast of Texas, he determined to occupy it and use it

as a base of operations against the Spanish. Accompanied by Don José

Herrera, the agent of the Mexican revolutionists in the United States,

De Aury landed on Galveston Island in September, 1816. A meeting was

held, a government organized, the Republican flag raised, Galveston

was declared a part of the Mexican Republic, and De Aury was chosen

civil and military governor of Texas and Galveston Island.

Here he was shortly joined by two other adventurers: our old friend,

Colonel Perry, who had escaped to the United States after the disaster

of the Medina, and Francisco Xavier Mina, a soldier of fortune from

Navarre. Mina’s parents, who were peasant farmers, had destined him for

the law, but when Napoleon invaded Spain, young Mina threw away his law

books, raised a band of guerillas, and harassed the invaders until his

name became a terror to the French. He was captured in 1812 and, after

several years in a French prison, went to England, where he made the

acquaintance of a number of Mexican political exiles, who induced him

to take a hand in freeing their native country. In September, 1816,

Mina’s expedition, consisting of two hundred infantry and a battery

of artillery, sailed from Baltimore for Galveston, where he found De

Aury with some four hundred well-drilled men and Colonel Perry with a

hundred more. In March, 1817, the three commanders sailed for the mouth

of the Rio Santander, fifty miles up the Mexican coast from Tampico,

and disembarked their forces at the river bar. The town of Soto la

Marina, sixty miles from the river’s mouth, fell without opposition,

and with its fall the leaders parted company. De Aury returned to

Galveston, but, finding the pirate Lafitte in possession, sailed away

in search of pastures new. Mina, ambitious for further conquests,

marched into the interior, capturing Valle de Mais, Peotillos, Real

de Rinos, and Venadito in rapid succession. At Venadito, however, his

streak of good fortune ended as suddenly as it had begun, for while his

men were scattered in search of plunder a Spanish force recaptured the

town and made Mina a prisoner. So relieved was the Spanish Government

at receiving word of his capture and execution that it ordered the

church-bells to be rung in every town in Mexico and made the viceroy a

count.

When Colonel Perry learned of Mina’s plan for marching into the

interior with the small force at his disposal, he flatly refused to

have anything to do with so harebrained a business and, with fifty of

his men, started up the coast in an attempt to make his way back to

the United States. As the disastrous retreat began in May, when water

was scarce and the heat in the swampy lowlands was almost unbearable,

they suffered terribly. Just as the little band of adventurers reached

the borders of Texas and were congratulating themselves on having all

but won to safety, a party of two hundred Spanish cavalry suddenly

appeared. Perry, throwing his men into line of battle, received the

onslaught of the lancers with a volley which checked them in mid-career

and would doubtless have ended the contest then and there had not the

garrison of the near-by town sallied out and taken the Americans in

the rear. Clothed in rags, scorched by the sun, parched from thirst,

half starved, surrounded by an overwhelming foe, gallantly did these

desperate men sustain their reputation for valor. Again and again the

lancers swept down upon them, again and again the garrison attacked

them in the rear, but always from the thinning line of heroes spat a

storm of lead so deadly that the Spaniards could not stand before it.

Blackened with smoke and powder, fainting from hunger and exhaustion,

bleeding from innumerable wounds, the adventurers fought like men who

welcomed death. The sun had disappeared; the shadows of night were

gathering thick upon the plain; but still a handful of powder-grimed,

blood-streaked men, standing back to back, amid a ring of dead and

dying, held off the enemy. As the darkness deepened, a single gallant

figure still waved a defiant sword: it was Perry, who, true to the

filibusters’ motto that “Americans never surrender,” fell by his own

hand.

Probably the most remarkable of this long list of adventurers was the

Jean Lafitte whom De Aury found in possession of Galveston. A Frenchman

by birth and an American by adoption, he and his brother Pierre had,

during the early years of the century, established on Barataria

Island, near the mouth of the Mississippi, what was virtually a pirate

kingdom, where they drove a thriving trade with the planters along the

upper river and the merchants of New Orleans in smuggled slaves and

merchandise. Although both the State and federal authorities had made

repeated attempts to dislodge them, the Lafittes were at the height

of their prosperity when the second war with England began. When the

British armada destined for the conquest of Louisiana arrived off the

Mississippi, late in 1814, an officer was sent to Jean Lafitte offering

him fifty thousand dollars and a captain’s commission in the royal

navy if he would co-operate with the British in the capture of New

Orleans. Though Governor Claiborne, of Louisiana, had set a price on

his head, Lafitte, who was, it seemed, a patriot first and a pirate

afterward, hastened up the river to New Orleans, warned the governor

of the approach of the British fleet, and offered his services and

those of his men to Andrew Jackson for the defense of the city. His

offer was accepted in the spirit in which it was made, and Lafitte and

his red-shirted buccaneers played no small part in winning the famous

victory. They were mentioned in despatches by Jackson, thanked for

their services by the President and pardoned, and settled down for a

time to a lawful and humdrum existence. But for such men a life of

ease and safety held no attractions; so, about the time that De Aury’s

squadron sailed for Soto la Marina, Lafitte, with half a dozen vessels,

dropped casually into the harbor of Galveston and, as the place suited

him, coolly took possession.

By the close of 1817 the followers of Lafitte on Galveston Island had

increased to upward of a thousand men. They were of all nations and all

languages--fugitives from justice and fugitives from oppression. Those

of them who had wives brought them to the settlement at Galveston, and

those who had no wives brought their mistresses, so that the society

of the place, whatever may be said of its morals, began to assume

an air of permanency. On the site of the hut occupied by the late

governor, De Aury, Lafitte erected a pretentious house and built a

fort; other buildings sprang up, among them a “Yankee” boarding-house,

and, to complete the establishment, a small arsenal and dockyard were

constructed. To lend an air of respectability to his enterprise,

Lafitte obtained privateering commissions from several of the revolted

colonies of Spain, and for several years his cruisers, first under one

flag and then under another, conducted operations in the Gulf which

smacked considerably more of piracy than of privateering. In 1819

Lafitte was taken into the service of the Republican party in Mexico,

Galveston was officially made a port of entry, and he was appointed

governor of the island.

By the terms of the treaty whereby Spain, in 1819, sold Florida to

the United States, the latter agreed to accept the Sabine as its

western boundary and make no further claims to Texas. Though this

treaty aroused the most profound indignation throughout the Southwest,

nowhere did it rise so high as in the town of Natchez. From Natchez

had gone out each of the expeditions which, since the days of Philip

Nolan, had hammered against the Spanish barriers. To it had returned

every leader who had escaped death on the battle-field or before a

firing-party. In it, as a great river town enjoying a vast trade with

the interior, was gathered the most reckless, lawless, enterprising

population--flatboatmen, steamboatmen, frontiersmen--to be found in

all the Southwest. So, when Doctor James Long, an army surgeon who had

served under Jackson at New Orleans, called for recruits to make one

more attempt to free Texas, he did not call in vain. Early in June

Long set out from Natchez with only seventy-five men, but no sooner

had he crossed the Sabine and entered Texas than the survivors of

former expeditions hastened to join him, so that when Nacogdoches was

reached he had behind him upward of three hundred men: veterans who

had seen service under Nolan and Magee, and Kemper, and Gutierrez, and

Toledo, and Humbert, and Perry, and Mina, and De Aury. At Nacogdoches

Long established a provisional government, a supreme council was

elected, and Texas was proclaimed a free and independent republic.

Realizing, however, that he could not hope to hold the territory thus

easily occupied for any length of time unaided, Long despatched a

commission to Galveston to ask the co-operation of Lafitte. Though the

pirate chieftain received the commissioners with marked courtesy and

entertained them at the “Red House,” as his residence was called, with

the lavish hospitality for which he was noted, he told them bluntly

that, though Doctor Long had his best wishes for success, the fate of

Nolan and Perry and Mina and a host of others ought to convince him

how hopeless it was to wage war against Spain with so insignificant

a force. Upon receiving this answer, Doctor Long, believing that a

personal application to the buccaneer might meet with better success,

himself set out for Galveston. As luck would have it, he reached

there on the same day that the American war-ship _Enterprise_ dropped

anchor in the harbor and its commander, Lieutenant Kearny, informed

Lafitte that he had imperative orders from Washington to break up the

establishment at Galveston. There was nothing left for Lafitte but to

obey, and a few days later the rising tide carried outside Galveston

bar the _Pride_ and the other vessels comprising the fleet of the last

of the buccaneers, who abandoned the shores of Texas forever.[B]

Doctor Long, thoroughly discouraged, returned to Nacogdoches to find a

Spanish army close at hand and his own forces completely demoralized.

Surrounded and outnumbered, resistance was useless and he surrendered.

Though Spanish dominion in Mexico was now at an end, Doctor Long and

a number of his companions were sent to the capital, where for several

months he was held a prisoner, the vigorous representations of the

American minister finally resulting in his release. The Mexicans had

no more intention than the Spaniards, however, of permitting Texas

to achieve independence, which, doubtless, accounts for the fact

that Doctor Long, who was known as a champion of Texan liberty, was

assassinated by a soldier in the streets of the capital a few days

after his release from prison. But he and the long line of adventurers

who preceded him did not fight and die in vain, for they paved the way

for the Austins and Sam Houston, the final liberators of Texas, who, a

few years later, crossed the Sabine and completed the work that Nolan,

Magee, Kemper, Gutierrez, Toledo, Humbert, Perry, Mina, De Aury, and

Long had begun. As for Lafitte, the most picturesque adventurer of them

all, he sailed away from Galveston and, following the example of that

long line of buccaneers of whom he was the last, spent his latter years

in harrying the commerce of the Dons upon the Spanish main. Along the

palm-fringed Gulf coast his memory still survives, and at night the

superstitious sailors sometimes claim to see the ghostly spars of his

rakish craft and to hear, borne by the night breeze, the rumble of his

distant cannonading.

“The palmetto leaves are whispering, while the gentle trade-winds blow,

And the soothing Southern zephyrs are sighing soft and low,

As a silvery moonlight glistens, and the droning fireflies glow,

Comes a voice from out the cypress,

‘Lights out! Lafitte! Heave ho!’”

WHEN WE SMASHED THE PROPHET’S POWER

WHEN WE SMASHED THE PROPHET’S POWER

It is a curious and interesting fact that, just as in the year 1754 a

collision between French and English scouting parties on the banks of

the Youghiogheny River, deep in the American wilderness, began a war

that changed the map of Europe, so in 1811 a battle on the banks of the

Wabash between Americans and Indians started an avalanche which ended

by crushing Napoleon.

The nineteenth century was still in its swaddling-clothes at the time

this story opens; the war of the Revolution had been over barely a

quarter of a century, and a second war with England was shortly to

begin. Though the borders of the United States nominally extended to

the Rockies, the banks of the Mississippi really marked the outermost

picket-line of civilization. Beyond that lay a vast and virgin

wilderness, inconceivably rich in minerals, game, and timber, but still

in the power of more or less hostile tribes of Indians. Up to 1800

the whole of that region lying beyond the Ohio, including the present

States of Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Michigan, Iowa, and Missouri,

was officially designated as the Northwest Territory, but in that year

the northern half of this region was organized as the Indian Territory,

or, as it came to be known in time, the Territory of Indiana.

The governor of this great province was a young man named William

Henry Harrison. This youth--he was only twenty-seven at the time of

his appointment--was invested with one of the most extraordinary

commissions ever issued by our government. In addition to being the

governor of a Territory whose area was greater than that of the German

Empire, he was commander-in-chief of the Territorial militia, Indian

agent, land commissioner, and sole lawgiver. He had the power to adopt

from the statutes upon the books of any of the States any and every

law which he deemed applicable to the needs of the Territory. He

appointed all the judges and other civil officials and all military

officers below the rank of general. He possessed and exercised the

authority to divide the Territory into counties and townships. He held

the prerogative of pardon. His decision as to the validity of existing

land grants, many of which were technically worthless, was final,

and his signature upon a title was a remedy for all defects. As the

representative of the United States in its relations with the Indians,

he held the power to negotiate treaties and to make treaty payments.

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