Curiously enough, it was during the thirteenth century when the

development of feminine education in the early university period was

at its height, that certain changes in the domestic economy of the

Bolognese are worthy of notice. Two kinds of prepared food became

popular, if they were not, indeed, both invented at this time. One of

them, bearing the classic name Bologna, is still with us, has spread

throughout the world, and is likely to continue to be an important

article of food for many centuries more. Another form of prepared food

was a sort of dessert called Bologna {221} pudding, prepared from

cereals, and which can still be purchased in Bologna, though

foreigners, as a rule, do not care much for it. These two articles of

food modified materially the preparation of food for meals at this

time. It was possible to buy both of these, as now, ready made, and so

the housewife was spared the bother and trouble and expenditure of

time required for this work. We have here one phase of the origin of

the delicatessen stores. This sort of change in domestic economy has

always been noted whenever women have gone out of the home for other

occupations and have become something less--or more--than the

housewives and mothers they were before. Such changes in the dietary,

however, in the direction of ready-made food are never popular with

men. One German historical writer has been unkind enough to say that

this is one of the reasons why the higher education gradually became

much less popular, or at least attracted less attention than before.

"Women want things for themselves, and if they are opposed insist on

getting them," is the way this cynic Teuton puts it. "If, after a

time, however, having got what they want, they find that the men do

not like them to have it, they gradually abandon it." According to him

Bologna and Bologna pudding saved the stooping over the kitchen range,

or whatever took its place in those days, and gave all classes of

women more opportunity for intellectual development or at least {222}

for occupation with things different from household duties, but after

a time the more or less resentful attitude of the men brought about a

change. However that may be is hard to say.

Another interesting feature of the history of these times connected in

some way with feminine education or, at least, with feminine

occupation with other things besides their households, was a great

devotion to a particular breed of pet dogs of which one hears much in

the accounts of the life at Bologna at this time. Here, once more, the

German cynic has had his say. He has suggested that, whenever women

became occupied with things outside their home, with a consequent

diminution in the number of children, they are almost sure to find an

outlet for their affections in devotion to dogs and other pets.

Apparently he would suggest that they literally go to the dogs. It is

very curious that just during this thirteenth century, when feminine

education at Bologna is at its height, one hears so much of these

pets. At other times in the world's history, when women have taken to

intellectual interests and especially when there has been a fall in

the birth-rate, this same attention to pet animals is worthy of study.

After the thirteenth century there seems to have been a reaction

against these pets. It is to be hoped that there is no connection

between this and the prepared foods spoken of, but the decline in the

popularity of pets and of woman's {223} occupation with intellectual

interests went hand in hand. For all of this I am indebted to German

authorities whose attitude towards feminine education may somewhat

prejudice them and, indeed, probably does so, but these things are

only mentioned as showing certain views that are held. The interesting

thing for us is that after a period of somewhat more than a century of

rather intense interest on the part of the women in nearly every phase

of the intellectual life, there is then a diminution of interest, so

that by the end of the fourteenth century women, even where feminine

intellectual life was vigorous, are occupied almost without exception

as they were before the university period, mainly with domestic

concerns.

While feminine education was so common in the ecclesiastically ruled

universities of Italy, the custom did not spread in Western Europe.

The reason is not far to seek. All of the western universities owe

their origins to Paris. Oxford was due to a withdrawal of English

students from Paris, Cambridge to a similar withdrawal from Oxford.

Many of the Scotch universities are grandchildren of Paris. All of the

French universities are direct descendants, except Montpellier. The

Spanish universities have a similar relation. The experience with

feminine education at Paris had been unfortunate. The Heloise and

Abelard incident came in a formative stage of the university. It

settled unfavorably the {224} whole question of feminine attendance at

universities for the west. It seems a small thing to have such a wide

and far-reaching influence, but it is very often on little things that

the success or failure of great social movements of any kind depends.

We have practically no record of any relaxation of university

regulations in this matter in the west. Perhaps the Teutonic character

was opposed to it, perhaps the Teutonic women were less anxious for

it, being more occupied with Church and children and their home, but

there was none, and its absence is responsible for the feeling so

common among us, that now for the first time in the world women are

enjoying the opportunity for the higher education.

Even the university epoch, however, is not the first phase of

opportunities for the education of woman in modern history. Far from

it, indeed, we can find much more than traces of a feminist movement

in other centuries before this, and, indeed, in many of them. When

Charlemagne established schools for his people and invited Alcuin, the

English monk, to develop educational institutions for his people, the

first and most important school was that of the imperial palace where

Alcuin himself taught. In this the women of Paris were given

opportunities quite as well as the men; indeed, they seem to have

taken a more vivid interest and their example seems to have been the

highest incentive for many of the men to take up a work so foreign to

their natures, {225} for as yet they had all the barbarous instincts

of their Gothic ancestors, only slightly tamed and modified by two or

three centuries of gradual uplift and religious training of character.

There are letters from the women of the palace, and especially

Charlemagne's daughter, to Alcuin, discussing phases of his teaching

and suggesting problems and questions with regard to the matters which

he had been making the subject of his instruction.

It would be easy to think that this incident of the Palace School did

not mean very much and that its passing influence did not make itself

felt widely nor for long. The state of education at this time must not

be forgotten. Only the clergy, as a rule, had leisure for it. All the

rest of the world were engaged either in the frequent wars or in a

tireless struggle for subsistence as farmers, merchants and craftsmen.

The nobility neglected education just as much as the upper classes

always do, though there were certain fashions which gained a foothold

and that seem to show that they had some interest. Many a nobleman of

the mediaeval centuries, however, boasted that he could not sign his

own name. He was rather proud of the fact that he had not lowered

himself to mere book knowledge. There were large numbers of the clergy

and the monks, however, and these were the scholars of the period.

There were also at this time large numbers of religious women, and

these in their leisure hours {226} spent much time at educational

matters and some of them accomplished lasting results. The mother of

the family, the court dame, the wife of the nobleman, whose castle was

much more the home of work than it has ever been at any time since,

had but little leisure for the intellectual life. The nuns devoted

themselves to beautiful handiwork, to the composition as well as the

transcription of books and to the cultural interests generally.

It has always been true, as a rule, that the woman who accomplished

anything in the intellectual life must be either a celibate, or at

most, the mother of but a child or two. The mother of a large family,

unless she is extremely exceptional, cannot be expected to be

productive in the intellectual life. She has not the time for original

work, and still less for the filing process necessary for appropriate

expression. There are rare exceptions, but they only prove the rule.

One of the two forms of production apparently women must give up to

devote themselves to the other. The nuns in the Middle Ages, in the

retirement of their convents, gave themselves much more than we are

likely to think possible, to literary and scientific production.

Within the past year I have published sketches of two distinguished

women of the tenth and twelfth centuries whose books show us the

intellectual interests of the women of this time. Only that women were

having opportunities for mental development {227} these would not have

been written, and as they were written for women, it is evident that

those interests were quite widely diffused. One of these two authors

comes in what is sometimes called the darkest of the Dark Ages, the

tenth century; the other was born in the eleventh. They serve to show

how much more intense than we are likely to think was the interest of

the time in things intellectual. Without printing and without any

proper means of publication, somehow these women succeeded in making

literary monuments that have outlasted the wreck and ruin of time, and

that have been of sufficient interest to mankind to be preserved among

vicissitudes which seemed surely destined to destroy them.

One of the two ladies was Roswitha, or Hrotswitha, a nun of

Gandersheim, in what is now Hanover, who in the tenth century wrote a

series of comedies in imitation of Terence, probably not meant to be

played but to be read. She says in the preface that the reason for

writing them was that so many religious were reading the indecent

literature of classical Rome, with the excuse that it was necessary

for the cultivation of style or for the completion of their education,

that she wanted and had striven to write something moral and Christian

to replace the older writings. That preface of itself ought to be

enough to show us that in the nunneries along the Rhine, of which we

know that there were many, there must have been a much more {228}

widespread and ardent interest in literature, and, above all, in

classic literature, than we have had any idea of until recently.

Hrotswitha, to give her her Saxon name, was only a young woman of

twenty-five when she wrote the series of stories and plays thus

prefaced, and while her style, of course, does not compare with the

classics, worse Latin has often been written by people who were sure

that they knew more about Latinity than any nun of the obscure tenth

century could possibly have known.

The other woman writer of about this time was Hildegarde, the abbess

of a monastery along the Rhine, born at the end of the eleventh

century, who wrote a text-book of medicine, which was the most

important document in the history of medicine in this century. The

nuns were the nurses and the hospital attendants and in the country

places, to a great extent, the physicians of this time. In the cities

there were regular practitioners of medicine, but the infirmarian of a

monastery cared for the ailing monks and the people on the monastery

estates when ill, and often they were many in number, and the

infirmarian of a convent did the same thing for the sisters and for at

least the women folk among the people of the neighborhood. It was in

order to gather together and preserve the medical traditions of the

monasteries and convents that Hildegarde, who afterwards came to be

known as St. Hildegarde, wrote her volume on medicine. It has been

recently {229} issued in the collection of old writings called

"Migne's Patrologia," and has drawn many praises from historical

critics for the amount of information which it contains. These two,

Hroswitha and Hildegarde, furnish abundant evidence of the

intellectual life of the convents of this old time and more than hint

at how much has been lost that might have helped us to a larger

knowledge of them.

With this in mind it will be easier to understand a preceding phase of

the history of feminine education in Europe. The first nation that was

converted to Christianity in a body, so that Christian ideas and

ideals had a chance for assertion and application in the life of the

people, was Ireland. Christianity when introduced into Rome met with

the determined opposition of old paganism. After the migration of

nations and the coming down of the barbarians upon the Roman Empire,

there was little opportunity for Christianity to assert itself until

after these Teutonic peoples had been lifted out of their barbarism to

a higher plane of civilization. In Ireland, however, not only did

conversion to Christianity convert the whole people, but it came to a

people who possessed already a high degree of civilization and

culture, a literature that we have been learning to think more and

more of in recent years, many arts, and the development of science, in

the form of medicine at least, to a high degree. The law and music,

the language and the literature of {230} the early Irish all show us a

highly cultivated people. When Christianity came to them, then,

education became its watchword. Schools were opened everywhere on the

island. Ireland became The Island of Saints and of Scholars, and

literally thousands of students flocked from England and the mainland

to these Irish schools. The first and the greatest of these was that

founded by St. Patrick himself at Armagh. During the century after his

death there were probably at one time as many as 5,000 students at

Armagh. Only next in importance to this great school of the Irish

apostle was that of his great feminine co-worker, St. Brigid, who did

for the women of Ireland what St. Patrick had been doing for the men.

It is probable that there were 8,000 students at Kildare, Brigid's

great school, at one time. It is curious to think that there should

have been something like co-education 1,500 years ago, and, above all,

in Ireland, but Kildare seems to have had a system not unlike that in

vogue at many of our universities in the modern time. The male and

female students were thoroughly segregated,--may I say this is not the

last time in the world's history that segregation was the

distinguishing trait of co-education,--but the teachers of the men at

Kildare seem also to have lectured to the women. The men occupied an

entirely subsidiary position, however; even the bishops of Kildare in

Brigid's time were appointed on her recommendation. For centuries

{231} afterwards the Abbess of Kildare, Brigid's successor, had the

privilege of a commanding voice in the selection of the bishop. The

school at Kildare was conducted mainly by and for women, though there

were men in the neighboring monastery who taught both classes of

pupils.

Perhaps the most interesting feature of the education of Kildare is

that it was not concerned exclusively, nor even for the major part

apparently, with book-learning. The book-learning of the Irish schools

was celebrated. Down at Kildare, however, certain of the arts and

crafts were cultivated with special success. Lace-making and the

illumination of books were two of the favorite occupations of these

students at Kildare in which marvellous success was achieved. The

tradition of Irish lace-making which has maintained itself during all

the centuries began, or at least, secured its first great prestige, in

Brigid's time. Gerald the Welshman, sometimes spoken of as Giraldus

Cambrensis, told of having seen during a journey in Ireland centuries

after Brigid's time, but nearly a thousand years ago, a copy of the

Scriptures that was wonderfully illuminated. He thought it the most

beautiful book in the world. His description tallies very closely with

that of the Book of Kells. Some have even ventured to suggest that he

actually saw the Book of Kells at Kildare. This is extremely

improbable, however, and the Book of Kells almost surely originated

elsewhere. There {232} seems, however, to have been at Kildare some

book nearly as beautiful as the Book of Kells, made there, and

establishing peradventure the thoroughness of the artistic education

given at Kildare at this time.

So much for feminine influence and education under Christianity. Most

people are likely to know much more of the place of women in Greece

and Rome than during Christian times. We are prone, however, to

exaggerate the dependence of woman among both Latins and Greeks and to

think that she had very few opportunities for intellectual development

and almost none for expression of her personality and the exertion of

her influence. Here, once more, as in many other phases of this

subject we are, through ignorance, assuming conditions in the past

that are quite unlike those which actually existed. Recently in the

_Atlantic Monthly,_ Mrs. Emily James Putnam, sometime the Dean of

Barnard, in an article on "The Roman Lady," [Footnote 17] has

completely undermined usual notions with regard to the position of the

Roman woman. The Roman matrons had rights all their own, and succeeded

in asserting themselves in many ways. There was never any seclusion of

the women in Rome and the Roman _matrona_ at all times enjoyed

personal freedom, entertained her husband's guests, had a voice in his

affairs, managed his house and came and went as she pleased. Mrs.

Putnam suggests that "in {233} early days she shared the labors and

the dangers of the insecure life of a weak people among hostile

neighbors. It may not be fanciful to say that the liberty of the Roman

woman of classical times was the inherited reward of the prowess of a

pioneer ancestress, in the same way as the social freedom of the

American woman to-day comes to her from the brave Colonial

housemother, able to work and, when need was, to fight."

[Footnote 17: _Atlantic Monthly,_ June, 1910.]

Indeed the more one studies social life in Rome the more clear does it

become that conditions were very similar for women to what they are in

this latest of the republics here in America. This will not be

surprising if we but learn to realize that the circumstances of the

development of Rome itself, the environment in which the women were

placed resembled ours of the later time much more closely than we have

had any idea of until recent years. The Italian historian, Ferrero,

has read new lessons into Roman history for us by showing us the past

in terms of the present.

The conditions that developed at Rome, as I have said, were very

similar to those which developed in the modern American republic.

Riches came, luxury arose. Eastern slaves came to do all the work in

the household that could formerly be accomplished by the women, Greek

hand-maidens particularly took every solicitude out of her hands, and

then the Roman matron looked around for something to occupy herself

with, and {234} it was not long before we have expressions from the

men that would remind us of many things that have been said in the

last generation or so. There is a well-known speech of Cato delivered

in opposition to the repeal of the Oppian Law which forbade women to

hold property, that is reported by Livy and sounds strangely modern.

Mrs. Putnam talks of it very aptly, "as an expression of the ever

recurrent uneasiness of the male in the presence of the insurgent

female."

"'If, Romans,' said he, 'every individual among us had made it a rule

to maintain the prerogative and authority of a husband with respect to

his own wife, we should have less trouble with the whole sex. It was

not without painful emotions of shame that I just now made my way into

the forum through a crowd of women. Had I not been restrained by

respect for the modesty and dignity of some individuals among them, I

should have said to them, "What sort of practice is this, of running

out into public, besetting the streets, and addressing other women's

husbands? Could not each have made the same request to her husband at

home? Are your blandishments more seductive in public than in private,

and with other women's husbands than your own?"

"'Our ancestors thought it not proper that women should transact any,

even private business, without a director. We, it seems, suffer them

now to interfere in the management of state {235} affairs. Will you

give the reins to their untractable nature and their uncontrolled

passions? This is the smallest of the injunctions laid on them by

usage or the laws, all of which women bear with impatience; they long

for liberty, or rather for license. What will they not attempt if they

win this victory? The moment they have arrived at an equality with

men, they will become your superiors.'"

The social conditions which developed at Rome are indeed so strangely

like those with which we are now familiar as to be quite startling. As

a mere man I should hesitate to suggest this, since it refers

particularly to feminine affairs and domestic concerns, but since it

has been betrayed by one of the sex perhaps I may venture to quote it.

Once more I turn to Mrs. Putnam for an apt expression of the

conditions. She says:

"The Greeks, who, to be sure, had nothing in their dwellings that

was not beautiful, had still supposed the great works of art were

for public places. With the Romans began the private collection of

chefs-d'oeuvre in its most snobbish aspect. The parts played by the

sexes in this enterprise sometimes showed the same division of labor

that prevails very largely in a certain great nation of our own day

that shall be nameless: the husband paid for the best art that money

could buy, and the wife learned to talk about it and to entertain

the artist. It is true that the Roman lady began also to improve her

mind. She {236} studied Greek, and hired Greek masters to teach her

history and philosophy. Ladies flocked to hear lectures on all sorts

of subjects, originating the odd connection between scholarship and

fashion which still persists."

This subject may be pursued with ever-increasing recognition of

similarity between that time and our own. For instance, Mrs. Putnam

says: "A woman of fashion, we are told, reckoned it among her

ornaments if it were said of her that she was well read and a thinker,

and that she wrote lyrics almost worthy of Sappho. She, too, must have

her hired escort of teachers, and listen to them now and then, at

table or while she was having her hair dressed,--at other times she

was too busy. And often while the philosopher was discussing high

ethical themes her maid would come in with a love-letter, and the

argument must wait till it was answered.

"Nothing very important in the way of production resulted from all the

lady's literary activity. The verses, if Sulpicia's they be, are the

sole surviving evidence of creative effort among her kind; and,

respectable as they are, they need not disturb Sappho's repose. It was

indirectly that the Roman lady affected literature, since kinds began

to be produced to her special taste; for it is hardly an accident that

the _vers de societe_ should expand, and the novel originate, in

periods when for the first time women were a large element in the

reading public."

{237}

In our time it has been said, that one of the reasons why the young

man does not marry is often that he is fearful of the superiority of

the college-bred young woman. He knows that he himself has no more

intelligence than is absolutely necessary for the proper conduct of

life, and he fears that his "breaks" in grammar, in literature, in

taste for art, in social things, may make him the laughing-stock of

the educated woman. We would be reasonably sure, most of us, that at

least this is the first time in the world's history that anything like

this has happened. It is rather interesting, however, to read some of

the reflections of the Roman satiric poets on the state of affairs

that developed in Rome as a consequence of study and lectures and at

least supposed scholarship becoming the fashion. "I hate the woman,"

says Juvenal, "who is always turning back to the grammatical rules of

Palaemon and consulting them; the feminine antiquary who recalls

verses unknown to me, and corrects the words of an unpolished friend

which even a man would not observe. Let a husband be allowed to make a

solecism in peace." I recommend the reading of Juvenal to the college

young woman of the modern time, not only for its classic but for its

social value.

Education: How Old The New · 第 13 / 26 段