him, with an axe did cleave one of their heads, whereby the rest fled
and he escaped." In 1624 Causey, who sat in the Assembly, is thought to
have represented Jordan's Journey where he is listed as in residence
that same year and again in 1625. He was among the 31 who signed the
Assembly's reply to the declaration of charges against the Smith
administration of the Colony made by Alderman Johnson and others. His
plantation, Causey's Care, across the river from Jordan's Journey,
continued, it seems, and for years was a landmark of the vicinity.
Causey appears occasionally in the court records as when on May 23,
1625, he assumed a debt and obligation to "Doctor Pott" which required
the delivery of "one barrel of Indian corne" to "James Cittie at the
first cominge downe of the next boate."
WEST AND SHIRLEY HUNDRED (8)
This plantation, or hundred, on the north side of the James across from
the mouth of the Appomattox River first comes into view as one of the
areas in the Bermuda Incorporation established by Dale. Settlement is
thought to date from 1613. As time passed it appears to have developed
with less restrictive ties to Bermuda City than the hundreds adjoining
it on the south side of the river. There is little to indicate that
Bermuda Hundreds' claim on it in 1617 was ever seriously considered.
There is a glimpse of life here in Ralph Hamor's, _A True Discourse of
the Present Estate of Virginia_: "At West and Sherley Hundred, (seated
on the North side the river lower then the Bermuda 3 or 4 myles) are 25
commaunded by Captaine [Isaac] Maddeson who are imployed only in
planting and curing tobacco, with the profitt thereof to cloth
themselves, and all those who labor about the generall busynes." As such
it was one of 6 settlements in Virginia, fourth in point of population.
It continued to develop as a rather important community. Even though not
listed as sending representatives to Jamestown in 1619, it probably
shared the services of the Burgesses entered from Charles City. It was
listed as an established settlement when Argall left the Colony in
April, 1619. Its name in the first decade fluctuated considerably first
appearing as "Wests Sherly Hundred" then becoming "West and Sherly" and
then Sherley (or Shirley).
The list of those killed in the massacre has no entry specifically
labeled for this plantation indicating, perhaps, that the effect here
was light. This may explain why it was one of the few points designated
to be held after March 22, 1622, much the most interior, or westward
point on the north side of the James. In 1624 "West and Sherlow Hundred"
had its own Burgesses in the Assembly in the persons of Isaac Madison
and Richard Biggs. In 1623 a special appointment had been made to
Grivell Pooley, to make a special levy at "Sherley Hundred" and adjacent
plantations. This, being 10 pounds of tobacco and 1 bushel of corn "for
every planter and tradesman above the age of sixteene yeares alive at
the cropp" time, was to meet the Corporation's yearly minister's salary
and to aid in "publique charges."
In 1624 a total of 69 inhabitants were listed for Shirley Hundred, 45 in
the Hundred and 24 "at West and Sherlow hundred Island." Perhaps this
included the 16 persons who had been "planted at Sherley Hundred for
Barkley Hundred Company." A year later the population stood at 61 with
the decrease evidently all registered at the "Island." At this time
there were 17 houses, 2 boats and ample corn and fish and some peas.
There were 21 head of cattle, 24 hogs and 263 items of poultry. Small
arms (47) and armor (31) seemed adequate although Indians still
infested the place and occasionally a man was killed. Land grants listed
in May, 1625 totaled 36 (4,410 acres) but of these only 8 (1,150 acres)
were given as "planted." The majority of the holdings were 100 acres or
less and there were 3,000 acres of Company land below "Sherley Hundred
Island."
UPPER HUNDRED--"CURLS" (9)
This area, on the north side of the James below Henrico and across from
Bermuda (Nether) Hundred, was one of the several hundreds annexed to, or
included in, the corporation of Bermuda City. Settlement seems to have
begun in 1613 although little is known of events in the early years.
"Curls" evidently was a name suggested by the course of the river here.
The reported patent for 400 acres to Edward Gurgany in October, 1617 has
been assumed to have been in this area. In 1619 Gurgany's widow
bequeathed the tract to Capt. Thomas Harris. Progress in the occupation
and use of the ground was severely checked by the massacre.
"DIGGS HIS HUNDRED" (10)
This was a plantation, one of several, that Dale annexed to the new
Bermuda City incorporation in 1613. In this it was similar to Bermuda
Upper Hundred being on the north side of the river and adjoining it,
perhaps, on the west. Neither of these hundreds seems to have had the
closely integrated relationship with Bermuda City that the Bermuda
Nether and Rochdale hundreds had. Settlement, however, seems to date
from this early period even though little is known of it. An assignment
of 100 acres of land to Samuel Jordan in July, 1622 clearly establishes
that there was continuing activity at Diggs. This tract in "Diggs His
Hundred" had earlier been owned by one Mary Tue. This transaction,
shortly after the massacre certainly demonstrates that, although the
Indian slaughter caused evacuation here, interest in reoccupation
quickly revived.
THE "CITTY OF HENRICUS" (HENRICO) (11)
In the late summer of 1611 Sir Thomas Dale departed Jamestown with a
strong force of 300 men to proceed up river to establish a new
settlement. It was expected that it would become the chief seat in the
Colony. It would be further removed from the Spanish fear and threat, it
would be more healthful, and it could be made more defensible against
the Indians.
The Company and many of the settlers were dissatisfied with the
Jamestown location. Dale had begun to push this project soon after his
arrival in the Colony in May, 1611. He was acting on conviction and on
Company instructions. Seemingly the name of the new town had already
been chosen. It was to be Henrico in honor of Henry, Prince of Wales,
known too as the protector and patron of Virginia. He had explored and
found the site he liked, "a convenient strong, healthie and sweete seate
to plant a new Towne in." Already at Jamestown he had prepared "pales,
posts and railes to impaile his proposed new Towne."
Marshal Dale, leaving Governor Gates at Jamestown, proceeded upstream by
boat while the larger part of his party went overland led by Capt.
Edward Brewster. The latter encountered resistance from the Indians
particularly at the hand of "Munetute" ("called amongste us Jacke of the
feathers"). Dale and Brewster rendezvoused at the appointed place and
"after divers encounter and skirmishes with the salvages gained a
convenientt place for fortification where presently they did begin to
builde a foarte." The Indians continued to protest this invasion of
their territory with the most effective means at hand. The site selected
was a peninsula that jutted into the James from the north side some few
miles below the Arrahatock village.
Within 15 days Dale had impaled 7 acres of ground and then set to work
to build at each of the 5 corners of the town "very strong and high
commanders or watchtowers, a faire and handsome Church, and
storehouses." It was not until then that he turned to the matter of
houses and lodgings for "himself and men." Two miles inland he built a
strong pale some 2 miles in length which ran from river to river making
an island of the neck on which Henrico stood. Presumably this palisade
faced a ditch hence the term--"trench and pallizado." Hamor related in
1614 that in 4 months he had made Henrico "much better and of more worth
then all the work ever since the Colonie began."
His achievements were not come by easily. It was costly in life and in
loss of personal freedoms. It was achieved with the full enforcement of
the now famous "Dale laws." He moved quickly to punish deserters and law
breakers. George Percy related the results in graphic terms. Some "in a
moste severe manner [he] cawsed to be executed. Some he appointed to be
hanged, some burned, some to be broken upon wheles, others to be staked
and some to be shott to deathe; all theis extreme and crewell tortures
he used and inflicted upon them to terrefy the reste for attemptinge the
like...." These were stern measures that produced results and few of his
contemporary associates took issue including John Rolfe, Ralph Hamor,
Reverend Alexander Whitaker and even Sir Edwin Sandys. To them,
motivated by the spirit of the time, hard conditions required stern
handling.
Robert Johnson, in 1612, evaluated the new settlement as he saw it: "the
colony is removed up the river forescore miles further beyond Jamestown
to a place of high ground, strong and defensible by nature, a good air,
wholesome and clear, unlike the marshy seat at Jamestown, with fresh and
plenty of water springs, much fair and open grounds freed from woods,
and wood enough at hand." In 1614 Hamor described the town here as
having "3 streets of well framed howses, a hansom Church, and the
foundations of a more stately one laid, of brick, in length one hundred
foote, and fifty foot wide, beside store houses, watch houses, and such
like." Near it, and behind the pale, was a great quantity of corn
ground--enough to support the whole Colony and easy for "manuring and
husbandry."
Two years later it seems evident that the "citty of Henricus" had
retrogressed, perhaps, out of emphasis on Bermuda City just down river.
At this time there were only 38 men and boys "at _Henrico_ and in the
precints." Of these 22 were "Farmors," the rest were "Officers and
others." Although it was "our furthest habitacion into the land" it was
listed as self sufficient in "food and apparell." Captain Smalley, in
the absence of James Davis, was in command and the minister was William
Wickham. Wickham "in his life and doctrine gives good examples, and
godlie instructions to the people."
Even though the "citty" continued its decline, the Incorporation, of
which it was the center, carried on its name. In 1619 Henrico was
reported to have had but a few "old" houses, and a "ruinated" Church
with some other buildings "in the Island." It continued, however, as a
fixed community until destroyed by the Indians during, and after, the
massacre. On March 22, 1622 only 5 were killed at "Henrico Iland." It
was represented in the assembly of 1619 by John Polentine and Thomas
Dowse. The latter may have been actually living on the College land,
above the "citty," where he had earlier received a patent from the hand
of Argall. There is no mention of Henrico town in 1624 and 1625. As a
matter of fact, the only settlement in the entire Incorporation of
Henrico listed in the census of 1625 was the College Land. This had been
the only community, too, to send representatives to the Assembly in
1624. The effects of the massacre in this area had been great.
ARRAHATOCK (12)
When the settlers first reached Virginia the Arrahatock Indian village
appears to have been located several miles above the point where Henrico
City was established in 1611. It was, perhaps, near "Arahatec's Joy"
where the exploring colonists were feasted on June 2, 1607. This was on
the north side of the river which they called the Popham side after
Chief Justice Popham. When Dale laid out his town of "Henricus," it was
described as "near to an Indian Towne called Arasahattocke."
At some point in the story, the Indians left, or were driven out of,
their town site which was appropriated by the colonists. Even though it
was close to, and appears to have been grouped often with the Henrico
settlement, it seems, too, to have been a separate and distinct
community. At Argall's departure in the spring of 1619, it was listed as
one of seven Virginia settlements with Henrico being another. When
Yeardley arrived just a little later both Arrahatock and Henrico were
listed among the forts, towns and plantations which he found.
In the Assembly of 1619 Thomas Dowse and John Polentine represented the
"citty of Henricus" and must have spoken for Arrahatock as well. The
site appears to have been included in the College lands a fact that was
protested by William Weldon the Commander of the men who settled this
property. At the time, late 1619 and early 1620, Capt. Samuel Mathews
was established at "Harrowatox" on an excellent site where he had at
least two surplus houses. Weldon, with a small complement of his college
tenants, was assigned to be "in consortship with Captaine Mathewes" for
security and other purposes.
There is some reason to think that the settlement of Arrahatock
("harichatox" or "harry hattocks") reappeared after the massacre. At
least its identity as a place name continued for a time.
THE COLLEGE LANDS (13)
In the property listing for Virginia made in May, 1625, there is an
entry that reads: "On the northerly side of James River, from the Falles
downe to Henerico containing about x miles in length, are the publique
land's, reserved & laid out, wherof 10,000 acres, for the Universitie
lands, 3000 Acres for the Companys lands, with other land belonging to
the Colledge; the common land for the Corporation [of Henrico] 1500
acres." The University and College lands were a testimony to the
interest, the efforts, and the work of the Company in behalf of the
Christianization of the Indians and the advancement of education in
Virginia. The enterprise did not materialize, yet there had been every
expectation that it would.
Concentrated attention on the proposed University and, particularly, the
College began in 1619 although there is evidence that Argall, when
Governor, did some work in this direction. Specific evidence of interest
toward Christianizing the Indians and educating the "infidels children"
in Virginia is easy to find in the literature and records of the period.
Yeardley's instructions in 1618 carried the order to locate a suitable
place for a university in the Henrico area. He was to make immediate
preparation for building a college there. A generous contribution had
already been made in England towards the "planting of a college" and
10,000 acres were to be set aside as an endowment.
When the bishop's collection for the college had reached L1,500, a
decision was made. Rather than start construction with too little, it
was resolved to send fifty "tenants-at-halves" to work on the land. Half
of their income would go to the college project and half to themselves.
Profits, it was expected, would augment the building and maintenance
fund and help to support tutors and students. In the meanwhile, friendly
relations with the Indians were important to make possible the willing
education of their children.
The tenants reached Virginia in November, 1619, under the command of
William Weldon. Being poorly supplied, however, and inexperienced, the
Governor dispersed 30 of them among the old planters and sent Weldon and
the remainder to be with Capt. Samuel Mathews at Arrahatock which was
actually within the College lands. This was a poor beginning and meant
that little would happen within a year. Weldon thought the land to be
excellent; "a goodly heritage beinge as pleasant & fruitfull a soile as
any this land yeeldeth." It troubled him, however, that two of the best
locations were already claimed and planted: one by Mathews, "for the
use of Sir Thomas Midleton & Alderman Johnson," and one by Thomas Dowse.
Both were by virtue of grants from Argall. He knew, too, that he needed
more men and more supplies. In the meanwhile Virginia's first assembly
had endorsed the idea of the "University and Colledge" and asked that it
be pushed to fulfillment.
In England, the early beginnings were seen not to have been too
successful and the Company committee set up for the purpose explored
various possibilities. In the spring of 1620, George Thorpe, a gentleman
of the King's privy chamber and a member of the Company Council, was
made deputy for the Company to prosecute the project. Already he had
gone to Virginia in the interest of Berkeley Hundred. Previously, it
appears, an additional fifty tenants had been dispatched to the Colony.
In the meanwhile, much Company effort was diverted to the East India
School. This free school, planned to have dependence on Henrico College,
was projected for Charles City. Although emphasis was on the education
of the Indian, it seems clear that the colonists' children were likewise
a consideration. There is specific comment on this as it related to the
East India School.
Donations in money and kind such as books and communion service
continued to be forthcoming in England. An audit of the Company books
early in 1622 showed college receipts to the extent of L2,043 and
expenditures of L1,477. In Virginia, George Thorpe continued to
encourage peace and friendship with the Indians setting an excellent
personal example in this. He did what he could, too, to develop the
College lands even planting vines to the number of 10,000.
Then came the massacre which took George Thorpe and 17 of the "Colledge
People" located about 2 miles above "Henrico-Citie." The college project
did not survive this blow even though the Company urged it and the 60
surviving tenants were returned to the land in the spring of 1623 with
the hope of building houses and planting orchards and gardens.
Brickmakers were held to their contract against the time when the
erection of the "fabricke of the colledge" would be possible.
In 1624, there were 29 persons living on the college lands, and,
according to the census of 1625, this had dropped to 22 who were living
in 8 houses. They were then deficient in food, excepting fish, and in
livestock and were not too well armed, having but 16 armors, 6 swords,
and 18 fixed pieces. The excursion into ironmaking had failed after the
expenditure of "the greatest parte of the stock belonginge to the
Colledge." With the dissolution of the Company the spark for the project
seemed gone. One student of this subject, Robert Hunt Land, has
concluded: "Possibly a greater blow to Henrico College than the massacre
was the revocation of the charter of the Virginia Company of London."
THE FALLS (14)
One of President Wingfield's first acts in May, 1607, after the
construction of James Fort was underway, was the dispatch of a party to
explore the river above Jamestown. Twenty-two men under Capt.
Christopher Newport left on May 21 and proceeded inland to the falls of
the James.
in six dayes they arrived at a [Indian] Towne called Powhatan,
consisting of some twelve houses, pleasantly seated on a hill;
before it three fertile Iles, about it many of their cornefields,
the place is very pleasant, and strong by nature ... To this place
the river is navigable: but higher within a mile, by reason of the
rockes and isles, there is not passage for a small boat, this they
call the Falles.
Newport's shallop could go no further. Then, as reported, "upon one of
the little iletts at the mouth of the falls ... [Newport] sett up a
crosse with this inscription _Jacobus Rex_. 1607. and his owne name
below: At the erecting hereof we prayed for our king and our owne
prosperous succes in this his action, and proclaimed him king, with a
greate showte."
And so it was for more than two years. It was in the late summer of 1609
that Smith sent Capt. Francis West out from Jamestown to establish a
settlement at the Falls. He left with 140 men and a six months food
supply "to inhabitt there." He secured a site that proved too low in
elevation being subject to inundation in times of high water. When Smith
went up to look over the new post, he negotiated with the Indians to
take over their fortified settlement on a point of high ground. This
included lodgings and "300 acres of ground readie to plant," a place
which Smith called "Nonsuch."
The shift of site was made in West's absence and when he returned he was
not happy with the situation. He preferred the site of his choice and
the settlers returned again "to the open aire of West Fort," abandoning
"Nonsuch." Indian attack followed and the settlement became untenable.
In the fall West returned with his men to Jamestown having lost a goodly
number at the "Falles" as well as eleven men and a boat at "Arsetocke" a
few miles downstream. One more settlement had temporarily failed.
Lord De La Warr attempted to re-establish the post here in 1610 and
built "Laware's Fort" from which he planned to search for minerals in
the coming spring. This, too, failed when illness caused him to return
to Jamestown, the same sickness, perhaps, that led him to quit Virginia
a little later.
FALLING CREEK (15)
In 1619 the Company sent 150 persons to Virginia "to set up three iron
works" in view of the fact of "proofe having been made of the
extraordinary goodnesse of that iron." This was further manifestation of
the continuing interest in Virginia resources, particularly iron. This
apparently led to the establishment at Falling Creek of the first
regular ironworks within the Colony.
These workmen, equipped "with all Materials and other provisions
therunto belonging," were under the direction, care, and charge of a
Captain Bluett (Blewet) with whom the Company had contracted. His death,
along with that of the "principall officers and cheife men," created
some confusion. Yeardley promised to do what he could with this company
since he had found "an excellent water and good oare." The lack of "good
understanding workers" was, however, serious. In June, 1620, John Pory
reported on the "Iron workes" which were "so much affected by the
Company." His logic seemed good when he deplored the lack of initial
"deliberation there in England." A more careful survey in the Colony by
a skilled leader would have been helpful, too, even though "abundant
iron ... and fit places to make it in" had been partially scouted. This
comment was made despite the 110 Warwickshire and Staffordshire and the
forty Sussex workmen, described as "all framed to iron works," who had
been contracted for the project.
It was reported a year later that "the iron workes goeth forward veary
well." Another contemporary commented on the works and spoke of "having
already receaved a good proofe thereof by iron sent from there." This
might have been small comfort for the L4,000 which had been spent
already.
In May, 1621, realizing that a replacement for Bluett was needed, the
Company entered into an agreement with John Berkeley, "sometimes of
Beverstone Castle in the County of Glocester (a gentleman of honourable
familie)," as "Master & over-seer" of the works at the site "called The
falling Creeke." He agreed to take himself, his son Maurice, three
servants from his "private family" and twenty workmen. These would
include eight for the furnace (two founders, two keepers, two filers and
two carpenters) and twelve others (four finers, two servants, two
"chaffery men," two "hammer men" and two servants). He would get L30
toward furnishing his personal group, plus their transportation, and L20
to cover the assembly of the workmen. The twenty workmen, to be bound
for seven years of service to the Company, would be transported and
"victualled as other tenantes for one whole yeare at the Companies
charge."
Letters were dispatched to the Colony urging special care and attention
for this new company made up of Berkeley and "his ging." Berkeley
evidently felt that the Falling Creek site was ideal "for wood, water,
mines and stone." His letters indicated that he expected to be producing
good quantities of iron by the late spring of 1622. He envisioned much
more for the now L5,000 investment than the disparagingly reported
return of a "fire shovell and tonges and a little barre of iron made by
a bloomery...." He, however, did not expect the massacre.