returned again to the Jamestown area, aided, it seems, by the efforts of
Governor Samuel Argall. It was this 1617-19 period, too, that saw the
beginning of particular plantations which did much to populate the James
River basin as far as the falls. In 1619 at the time of the Assembly
meeting, there were eleven localities, or communities, that sent
representatives to Jamestown. Plantations continued to multiply until
the destruction of the massacre temporarily rolled back the number. For
a time the settlements were reduced to, perhaps, a dozen. Even the
massacre, however, could not long hold back what was becoming a tide.
The reoccupation of abandoned areas and the utilization of new land was
quickly the order of the day. In 1625 a total of 27 areas or communities
were reported. In this surge of expansion the center of population now
passed again from Jamestown and rested in the lower areas of the James.
In 1624 and 1625 Elizabeth City was indeed Virginia's most populous
community. In fact, early in 1625 the Elizabeth City group (Kecoughtan,
Buckroe, Newport News, etc.) had a greater population than did all of
the plantations above Jamestown. At this point "James Citty" and the
Island stood second with a population of 175 while Elizabeth City alone
had about 350.
The story of Virginia's first seventeen years was written all along the
banks of the James and much of it in the towns, forts, and plantations
that grew here. Each of them has an individual story and together they
give much of the story of Virginia's early years.
PASBEHEGH COUNTRY (1)
The country westward from Jamestown Island along the north shore of the
James River as far as the Chickahominy River was known early as
Pasbehegh Country from the Indians which inhabited there. Jamestown, as
a matter of fact, was considered to have been established in Pasbehegh
territory. This area began to feature in the immediate history of
Virginia when, in 1608, the colonists elected to build their glass
furnaces on the mainland at the top of the isthmus leading to the
Island. This, although an unsuccessful enterprise, functioned for a time
and people were in residence here. When the enterprise was revived about
1620 the same site, it is thought, was again used. In 1624 it is
reported that five persons were then living at the "glase house."
Presumably these were associated with the glass project.
The settlement of the general area is not clear as to date. It is stated
that Sir Thomas Dale granted "some small parcells" in Pasbehegh,
perhaps, as early as 1614. These probably were immediately seated and
planted. Samuel Argall returned to Virginia, which he had served well in
the 1609-14 days, as governor in 1617. He, likewise, is credited with
having granted "some small parcells" here. Argall, too, is identified
with the creation of a distinct settlement in the area, one that, for a
time, bore his name. This was Argall's Guift, more often mentioned as
Argall's Town.
ARGALL TOWN (1A)
Samuel Argall, it seems, was attracted to the area west of Jamestown and
established his people here. He and his associates had been assigned
2,400 acres for the transportation of 24 persons by Charter of March 30,
1617 issued just before he left England. This was one of the first such
grants. There were settlers with him, too, to be employed on land set
aside for the support of the Governor's office. Evidently his
settlement, or plantation, got underway in 1617 and two years later was
listed among the populated areas in the Colony. It was one of the eleven
communities which sent representatives to the First Assembly in 1619.
They were Thomas Pawlett and Edward Gourgaing.
To advance the settlement, Argall had contracted for the clearing of
some 300 acres of ground (600 pounds sterling it was to cost). This was
to be done by colonists assigned to Martin's Hundred. Other arrangements
were made with Captain William Powell to clear ground and to erect a
house, this to cost L50. This was the Powell whom Argall made the
Captain of the Governor's Company and Guard, Lieutenant Governor and
Commander of Jamestown, the blockhouses and the people. Evidently Argall
and Powell intended to pass on this cost to the "Inhabitants of
Paspaheigh, alias Argall's towne" for these people sought "an absolute
discharge from certain bondes wherein they stood bound to Captain
Samuell Argall for the payment of 600 lb and to Captain William Powell,
at Captaine Argall's appointment, for the payment of 50 lb more. To
Captaine Argall for 15 skore acres of wooddy ground, called by the name
of Argal's towne or Paspaheigh; to Captain Powell in respect of his
paines in clearing the grounde and building the houses, for which
Captaine Argal ought to have given him satisfaction."
Seemingly the accommodations which resulted were good ones for when, in
1619, some newly arrived Martin's Hundred people were seated here, there
was good and convenient housing which enabled them to do the "best of
all new-comers." They reaped better crops and the list of those who died
was "not comparable to other places." Argall Town, however, was not
destined to become a settled community. It was on the Governor's land
and Yeardley proceeded after his arrival in 1619 to take a "petty rente"
from the settlers here "to make them acknowledge ... that Paspaheigho by
expresse wordes in the greate commission did belonge to the Governor and
that they had bene wrongfully seated by Capt. Argall upon that lande."
PASBEHEGH (PASPAHEGH) AND "THE MAINE" (1B-C)
With Yeardley's arrival steps were taken to lay out the 3,000 acres set
aside for the Governor's office. This was specified to be on the land
"formerly conquered or purchased from the Paspahegh Indians" and
included Argall Town. It seemingly was directly east of another 3,000
acres of Company land set aside for the profit of the Company. The
Company tract adjoined the Chickahominy River. Both the Company and
Governor's land was to be tilled chiefly by tenants. The exact bounds of
Pasbehegh, even with these specifications, is difficult to fix. Even
landownership in the period prior to 1625 is difficult to define. It
seems fairly evident that two communities developed in the area between
Powhatan Creek and the Chickahominy, that closest to Jamestown being
"the Maine" (mainland). There are references, however, that clearly
indicated that both were collectively referred to on occasion as
Pasbehegh, as when in 1621 there is mention of the "Subberbs of James
Cittie called by the name of Paspehayes," and on occasion as "the Main"
as in the listing of residents in 1624. On the other hand, other
references are equally as suggestive of two communities. There is
separate mention as early as 1619 and a clear differentiation in the
census of 1625.
In 1625 there were some 43 people at Pasbehegh including 10 of the
Governor's men. Among the total were 7 wives and 3 children. Seemingly
the decision to hold this area after the massacre, "James Cittie with
Paspehay," took the families back to the land. The settlement, in 1625,
seemed well stocked with arms but had no livestock.
Nearby in "the Maine" lived an additional 36 persons of which the
largest single muster was that of Thomas Bunn with his wife, son, a maid
and four other servants. It was somewhat less well equipped in arms than
its neighbor although in most categories it was comparable. Only 3
houses were enumerated yet this was 2 more than given for Pasbehegh.
Perhaps, living conditions were deteriorating.
It may be significant that the General Court in January, 1626,
reiterated the permission given "to the inhabitants of Pasbehaye to
remove themselves from that place." No restraint would be placed on them
"nor any other the inhabitants of the Maine to stay and inhabit there."
Perhaps, the insecurity of being on the "Governor's Land" was one reason
that these "free men" could, and wanted to, leave. The reasons offered,
however, were "the barreness of the ground whereon they plant," "the
badness of their utterly decayed houses" and "their small strength &
ability to hold & defend the same place."
SMITH'S (SOUTHAMPTON) HUNDRED (2)
This, along with Martin's Hundred and Argall's settlement, was among the
first particular plantations to be established in Virginia and was
founded and promoted by the "Society of Smyth's Hundred." It took its
name from Sir Thomas Smith who was treasurer of the Virginia Company and
a heavy investor. When he sold his interest in 1620 to his successor,
the Earl of Southampton, the designation was changed from Smith's to
Southampton Hundred. The initial grant was for some 80,000 acres and it
was located on the north shore of the James between the Chickahominy
River and the Weyanoke territory.
The first settlers to come over in the venture appear to have arrived in
the ship _George_ in 1617. In 1618 it was planned to send another 35 and
supplies were arranged including "Tooles for a brickyard" and "A mill to
grind" tools. The items enumerated can be found in the _Records of the
Virginia Company of London_ in Volume III, pages 95-96. From a good
start it seemingly became, for a time, the leading plantation on the
James. When Yeardley arrived as Governor he became interested in this
project in which he obviously had a financial stake at least to the
extent of bringing "out of England at my chardge 25 men this year [1619]
to furnish Smyth hundred...." Yeardley wrote on April 29, 1619, that the
plantation was "alltogether destitute of cowes." He asked that more be
sent and that authority be sought to purchase as they were available. He
hoped to get in the Colony "as many as will sett up 3 ploughs at Smythes
Hundred, for we have there great store of good cleered grounds." He was
disappointed in not having a good tobacco crop but drought and other
things had prevented it. "I cannot expect much tobako our cheifest care
must be for corne."
When representatives were chosen for the Assembly in 1619, Capt. Thomas
Graves and Walter Shelley went up to Jamestown from Smith's Hundred.
Already a church had been founded here. It was St. Marys Church to which
Mary Robinson was a benefactor having made possible a communion cup, a
plate, a carpet, an altar cloth, "one surplisse" and other ornaments and
hangings to the value of twenty pounds. The Society of Smith's Hundred
became interested, too, in the rearing of Indian children in the
Christian way when another benefactor assured financial support. It was
agreed that arrangements would be found for all not accommodated at
Berkeley and Martin's hundreds and elsewhere. This particular plantation
was among those to be encouraged by Company and Colony. Products they
reaped could be returned to their own adventurers.
Yeardley continued for some time as commander of the hundred. He held
court, made land grants, and conducted other Colony business here,
perhaps, in "the now mansion house of mee the said George Yeardley in
Southampton Hundred." In January, 1620, he advised "not onely the
Adventurers for Smythes hundred, but the generall Company also, to send
hither husbandmen truly bred (whereof here is a great scarcity, or none
at all) both to manage the plough and breake our oxen and horses to that
busines." In the same period John Rolfe wrote that the Smith's Hundred
people had seen much sickness even though they were seated "at Dauncing
Point, the most convenyent place within their lymittes." For this reason
"no matter of gaine or greate industry can be expected from them." On
the matter of sickness George Thorpe wrote from Southampton Hundred on
December 19, 1620 that Virginia was healthy and that he was "perswaded
that more doe die here of the disease of theire minde then of theire
body by havinge this countrey victualles overpraised unto them in
England & by not knowinge they shall drinke water here." He added
hopefully, perhaps, that "wee have found a waie to make soe good drinke
of Indian corne," that he often preferred it to "good stronge Englishe
beare."
Society expenditures continued as forty-two more colonists were sent, of
which five died en route in August 1619. Supplies were dispatched,
including "English meale" and equipment furnished. The latter, early in
1620, included forty swords and thirty-three suits of armor plus two
more "better then ordinary" totaling thirty-two pounds in cost.
The two Smith's Hundred ventures into iron production failed for the
same reason that the College project failed. The men "were not able to
mannage an iron worke and soe turned good honest tobaccoe mongers." The
results of their fishing "in the North Colony," for which they had
special "lycence," are less clear. The plantation did have its own
shipping. Again, this time early in 1622, they were called on to
undertake the education and rearing of some 30 of the "infidelles
children," "Children of the Virginians."
The massacre appears to have been the blow that ended the promising
hopes of Smith's Hundred. Only 5 persons were slain here but the effects
were more far reaching. It was to be one of the settlements to be held
and well fortified. In June, 1622, it was reported that "the inhabitants
of Southampton Hundred since the late bloudy murthering of [the] nation
by the Indians, hath been often infested by them & still is above other
plantations wherby they are not onlie putt from planting corne, tobacco,
& other nessarie employmentes wherby they might be able to subsist, but
also have no corne for the present to maintaine life."
It would appear that the plantation was abandoned and that its survivors
may have been relocated at Hog Island where the adventurers had an
interest. This was an unfruitful end after the expenditure of some 6,000
pounds sterling. The net result in 1625 was some cattle, "land belonging
to Southampton Hundred containeing 100000 acres" and a tract with some
tenants on it at Hog Island.
"TANKS WEYANOKE" (3)
About midway along the north shore of the James River between the
Chickahominy and Appomattox Rivers is a projection of land that forces a
wide sharp turn in the James. The Indians called this Tanks (little)
Weyanoke, a place where the river goes around the land. This was
separate, and distinct, from Great Weyanoke which lay along the south
side of the James toward the Appomattox. The Weyanoke Indian tribe
inhabited both areas, yet their chief town was on the south side.
In 1617 the Indian chieftain Opechancanough, who later would master mind
the massacre, presented Sir George Yeardley with a sizeable tract here
later described as 2,200 acres. On November 18, 1618, in his
instructions, the Company confirmed the Indian grant to Yeardley "in
consideration of the long and good and faithful service done by ...
[him] in our said Colony and plantation of Virginia." Two hundred acres
were allowed for two shares of stock and 2,000 were allowed for services
rendered. Bounds for "Weyanoke," and for adjacent "Konwan" which was
also included, were described and it was declared to be in "the
territory of the said Charles City."
This was but one of Yeardley's developed properties. He, it seems, put
men to work here and sought to open it up and make it profitable.
Presumably this was after 1619 yet before 1622. It was mentioned in
April, 1619 as a plantation begun in the period beginning in 1617. It
seems significant, however, that it had no representation in the
Assembly of 1619 unless it be assumed that the Smith's Hundred
representatives spoke for it or unless it was grouped with Yeardley's
Flowerdieu Hundred across the river.
At the time of the massacre "At Weynoack of Sir George Yeardly his
people" some 21, one of whom was Margery Blewet a woman, were slain.
With this, the plantation was abandoned and there seems no record of its
immediate reoccupation. There is no reason to think that it was ever
declared to be a part of Smith's Hundred to the east although Yeardley
was fearful of it at one point due principally to the activity of Samuel
Argall. The only entry in the land grants list of 1625 is "Tancks
Wayonoke over against Perceys Hundred, 2,000 acres." By this date
Yeardley had disposed of it through sale to Capt. Abraham Piercey who,
also, had purchased Flowerdieu (Piercey's) Hundred.
SWINHOWS (4)
George Swinhow was an "Adventurer to Virginia" about 1618 to the extent
of L37 10s. By 1620 this had increased to L62 10s, and included
provisions to the extent of 2 hogsheads and a half ton. He, himself,
came to Virginia in the _Diana_ and seems to have settled a plantation
on the north side of the James in the vicinity of Weyanoke and Westover.
This was prior to 1622. When the massacre came on March 22 it left 7
dead "at Mr. Swinhowe his house," Mrs. Swinhow, 2 sons, and 4 others.
There is no record that he returned to his 300 acres in the Corporation
of Charles City. In 1625 he was a resident of "the Maine" near Jamestown
where he had but one servant with him. Evidently he was a tobacco
planter, for when he died, a year later, he left "a hundred gilders
which was ten pounde sterlinge for to make the most of his tobacco."
WESTOVER (5)
It appears to have been in the summer of 1619 that Captain Francis West
laid out the site of Westover plantation. This was done on the strength
of fixing the grant of land in Virginia due Henry, the fourth Lord De La
Warr--son and heir of Governor De La Warr who served the Colony for many
years. There was some delay, however, in getting a duly authorized
patent. On January 10, 1620, when Yeardley wrote of seating the Berkeley
Hundred people, he appeared to be concerned lest he be accused of
infringing on the West claim. He pointed out that the new settlement was
more up river--"more towardes West and Sherley Hundred, and towardes
Charles Citty." He went further and stated that West, before his
departure for England, did not obtain "any grante" from him as Governor
and consequently the bounds of what he did lay out were not known
precisely.
There is scanty information relative to the development of Westover. At
the time of the Indian massacre, however, it is clear that three Wests,
Captain Francis, Captain Nathaniel, and Mr. John, all brothers and each
at one time governor of Virginia, were established here. Two persons
were killed at each of their plantations, "at Westover, about a mile
from Berkley Hundred." In the Assembly of 1624 Westover sent its
representative to the Assembly at Jamestown in the person of Samuel
Sharpe. This being the case, it is difficult to explain the absence of
the plantation from the list of 1624 and the muster of 1625. In the May,
1625 land tabulation, there is a single entry which reads "Att Westover
500 acres claymed by Captaine Francis West." From later events it would
appear that the plantation had a continuous history with, perhaps, a
small break caused by the massacre.
BERKELEY TOWN AND HUNDRED (6)
In February, 1619, the Virginia Company granted the authority to
establish a "particular plantation" in Virginia to a group composed of
Richard Berkeley, Sir William Throckmorton, Sir George Yeardley, George
Thorpe and John Smyth of Nibley. The initial move toward settlement
appears to have been made in the following summer when a ship, the
_Margaret_, was fitted out and dispatched with emigrants and supplies.
The 35, whose names are known, reached Virginia and on November 30,
Ferdinando Yate, one of the group who chronicled the voyage, reported
that "in the evening god bethanked we came to anker at Necketan
[Kecoughtan] in a good harbore."
It was a little later that the site of the settlement was selected on
the north side of the James. Reputed to contain 8,000 acres and 12-1/2
square miles, it was above Westover and "more towards West and Sherley
Hundred, and towards Charles Citty." Yeardley elected to describe it
thus to emphasize that it did not conflict with any claims of the Wests
at Westover. Yate concluded his journal relating "we are well settled in
good land by the means of the Governor of this cuntrie." He noted, too,
that "our house is built with a stoore convenient." "The people were
then following daiely husbantrie, sum to clering ground for corn and
tobacko, sum to building houses, sum to plant vines and mulberie trees."
A number of the papers concerned with the initial establishment of
Berkeley Hundred survive and at least give an insight into what was
intended. The undertaking was expected to reflect "to the honor of
allmighty god, the inlargeinge of Christian religion and to the
augmentation and renowne of the generall plantation in that cuntry, and
the particular good and profit of ourselves, men and servants, as wee
hope." There was a very special instruction, perhaps, of some unusual
note: "wee ordaine that the day of our ships arrivall at the place
assigned for plantation in the land of Virginia shall be yearly and
perputualy keept holy as a day of thanksgiving to Almighty god." Was
this the first specific Thanksgiving Day in America?
Capt. John Woodleefe was named, and sent, as governor or commander of
the new plantation. He, a man of some years of experience in Virginia
affairs, was cautioned to keep his and Berkeley Hundred affairs separate
and not to seat his own people "unles full ten English miles from ..."
Berkeley. Specific orders were given him relative to building houses
which should be "homelike" and "covered with boardes," some "framed" and
to enclosing 400 acres "with a strong pale of seaven foote and halfe
highe." Religious conformity and practice was stressed. All was to be
"observed and kept, according as it is used in the Church of England."
There was soon a change in direction as a new charter placed the
management of affairs in Virginia directly in the hands of George Thorpe
and of William Tracy who was assigned Throckmorton's interest in the
project. Thorpe left for the Colony in the spring of 1620 and with him
went 3 men and "six kyne." A larger reinforcement accompanied Tracy. It
included 50 persons who left England in the fall of 1620 reaching
Virginia on January 29, 1621. Tracy wrote in September that he had in
his Company "4 maid servants 3 maried wives & 2 young children my wife
and daughter & son." The full list of supplies that came at this time is
preserved (_Records of the Virginia Company of London_, III, 385-393)
and tells much of life and conditions in Virginia. It included 2
grindstones, 2 mill stones, garden seeds: parsnips, carrot, cabbage,
turnip, lettuce, onion, mustard and garlic; books on "husbandry &
huswifry;" 22,500 "nayles of severall sorts;" and "sives to make
gunpowder in Virginia." (_See the Appendix._)
Things were well advanced when the massacre hit Berkeley Hundred. Eleven
were killed here including Capt. George Thorpe "one of his Majesties
pensioners." Then came abandonment from which no clearcut survival seems
to have been achieved. In the spring of 1622 those who "remayneth" must
have been relocated. Four persons sent from England "before the news of
the massacre was heard" arrived in June and there is mention of others
going for Berkeley in August. In July, 1623 John Smith promised to
supply "my servants now living in Virginia in Berckley Hundreth" and
others at least to the extent of L100. Two months later the _Bonny Bess_
is reported to have brought people and supplies for Berkeley in its
cargo.
In January, 1624, it was reported that 16 men, all of whom are named,
were "planted at Sherley Hundred for Barkley Hundred Company." This
indicates that the settlement at Berkeley had not yet been reactivated.
Further indication is found in the assignment of Richard Milton of
"Shirley Hundred" to look after the "Barkley Hundred" cattle for which
he would get 50 pounds of tobacco and "the milke of the said Kyne."
Perhaps these are the same cattle which had been taken to Jordan's
Journey, by overseer Kemish, just after the massacre. There is no
mention of Berkeley in the list of 1624, or in the muster of 1625.
CAUSEY'S CARE (OR "CLEARE") (7)
Nathaniel Causey was an old soldier who came to Virginia in the First
Supply early in 1608. It was on December 10, 1620 that he obtained a
grant that he began to develop as a private plantation. This appears to
have been located just to the east of West and Shirley Hundred on the
north side of the James. If we accept the entry in the land list of May,
1625 this was for some 200 acres. Presumably he and his wife, Thomasine,
also an "old planter" who had come to the Colony in 1609, lived here, at
least for a time, perhaps, with servants which numbered 5 in 1625.