attachment to the alliance, and declared that the treaty should not be
obligatory till His Britannic Majesty shall have agreed to accept the
terms of a peace between France and Britain, proposed or accepted by
his Most Christian Majesty, and shall be ready to conclude _with him_
such treaty. The preamble, agreed to, and, as there is reason to
conclude, framed in England, is so expressed as to render it very
doubtful whether our treaty does not take place the moment France and
England have agreed on the terms of their treaty, though France should
refuse to sign till her allies were satisfied. This construction is
strongly supported in the House of Commons by the administration.
The separate article is in itself an object of no moment; the
territory it cedes is of little importance, and if, as our Ministers
assert, it made a part of West Florida previous to the war, it will,
on the peace, be annexed to the nation that shall retain that Colony;
but it is extremely well calculated to sow the seeds of distrust and
jealousy between the United Stales and their allies. It demonstrates a
marked preference for the English over the present possessors, and
seems to invite Britain to reconquer it. Though this may promote our
particular interest, it never can consist with our honor to prefer an
open enemy to a nation engaged in the same cause with us, and closely
connected to our ally. This article would, in my opinion, if avowed by
the United States, fully justify Spain in making a separate peace
without the least regard to our interest.
But this, Sir, is an inconsiderable evil, compared with those which
may result from its having been concealed from the Court of
Versailles. Mr Laurens informs Congress (and that too from letters of
a late date from London,) "that the people of England still retain the
idea of _our late Colonies_ and of _reconciliation_; _that Government
gives every possible encouragement to this humor_; that it has been
their incessant endeavor to detach us from our ally, and that it is
given out in London, that, _by signing the late preliminaries, they
have out-manoeuvred the Court of France_; that every engine had been
set at work; that every degree of craft, under the mask of returning
affection, will be practised for creating jealousies between the
States and their good and great ally." Mr Adams's letters of November,
speak the same language. If, Sir, we suppose these gentlemen to have
been well informed, how much reason have we to apprehend that this
secret article will prove in the hands of Britain a most dangerous
engine. They may reveal to the Court of France the jealousies our
Ministers entertain, the confidence they repose in them, with such
falsehoods and additions as will best serve their purposes, and, by
producing this secret article, gain credit for all they advance. This
line they certainly pursued with respect to France, revealing all that
they learnt from the Count de Vergennes, relative to his opinion of
the first commission; nor is there room to doubt, that Marbois' letter
was received through the same channel. And there is no reason to
believe, if (as our Ministers suppose) the Court of France had put
themselves more in their power, that they would neglect such promising
means of increasing the suspicions our Plenipotentiaries already
entertained.
Add to this, that this article may be used in Parliament, and with the
British nation at large, as a most powerful argument for continuing
the war, adducing, from the resentment it discovers to Spain, and the
distrusts it manifests of France, that the quadruple knot is untied.
But suppose, what may possibly be the case, that the British
administration are sincere, how is the honor and good faith of the
United States to be justified to their allies, and to the world, if by
any of those causes which daily operate, this secret, which is now
known to sixty or seventy people, should be discovered? To tell the
world that we suspected France, will not suffice, unless we can show
probable grounds for such suspicion. Our Ministers inform us, that
when they communicated the articles of the treaty to Count de
Vergennes, "he appeared _surprised_, but not _displeased_ at their
being so favorable to us." Mr Laurens declares expressly, "That he
sees no cause for entertaining more particular jealousy, than ought to
be kept up against every negotiating Court in the world, and not half
so much as should at this moment be upon the watch against every
motion arising from our new half friends."
I confess, Sir, though my sentiments are of little moment that I am
fully of this opinion, and that I tremble lest we should at this hour
be on the edge of a precipice, the more dangerous, as we have fixed
our eyes on the flattering prospect which lies beyond it. I am
persuaded that, the old maxim, "Honesty is the best policy," applies
with as much force to States as to individuals. In that persuasion, I
venture humbly to recommend, that such measures be adopted as to
manifest, that repeated professions of fidelity to their engagements,
and confidence in their ally, may not appear to have been made by
Congress to mask deceit. The caution, which negotiations require, and
the light in which objects have appeared to our Ministers, may justify
them, and perhaps entitle them to credit for attempting to serve us at
every personal hazard.
But, Sir, it certainly cannot consist with the honor of these States,
upon such slight grounds, to contradict their own resolutions, and
forfeit the confidence of an ally, to whom it has been so much
indebted, and whose aid it is at this moment supplicating for the
means of carrying on another campaign.
Under these impressions, I humbly submit these resolutions, namely;
"That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs be directed to communicate the
Separate Article in the Provisional Preliminary Treaty with Great
Britain, to the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty, in such manner
as will best tend to remove any unfavorable impression it may make on
the Court of France, of the sincerity of these States or their
Ministers.
"That the Ministers for negotiating be informed of this communication,
and of the reasons which influenced Congress to make it. That they be
instructed to agree, that in whatever hands West Florida may remain at
the conclusion of the war, the United States will be satisfied that
the line of Northern boundary be as described in the said separate,
articles.
"That it is the sense of the United States in Congress, that the
articles agreed upon between the Ministers of these States, and those
of his Britannic Majesty, are not to take place until a peace shall
have been actually signed between their Most Christian and British
Majesties."
Congress will easily believe, that I offer these sentiments with the
utmost diffidence; that I see many and powerful arguments that
militate against them; that I feel extreme pain in advising a measure,
which may hurt the feelings of Ministers, to whom we are indebted for
their continued zeal and assiduity, all of whom I respect, and with
one of whom I have had the closest and most intimate friendship from
our earliest youth. But, Sir, it is a duty that my office requires;
and I am happy in reflecting that this duty is discharged, when I have
proposed what I think right, and that the better judgment of Congress
is to determine.[26]
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTES:
[26] See further remarks by Mr Livingston on this subject in _John
Jay's Correspondence_, Vol. VIII. p. 215; also _Correspondence of the
Commissioners for Peace_, Vol. X. p. 129.
* * * * *
CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.
Philadelphia, March 18th, 1783.
Sir,
Congress a few days since directed me to transmit to your Excellency a
copy of the provisional treaty for a peace between the United States
and Great Britain. I should have done it at an earlier day without any
particular direction, had not an order passed in Congress for
furnishing the Delegates of each State with a copy, that it might be
transmitted through them. In conformity to the second direction I have
the honor to enclose a copy, though I have no doubt that I have been
already anticipated by that forwarded by the Delegates of your State.
Yet, Sir, this letter may not be entirely useless when it assures you
that the conclusion of the treaty is still very uncertain. My public
letters are of such a nature as not to free me from apprehensions that
Britain still seeks rather to divide her enemies than to be reconciled
to them. Though this suspicion may not perhaps be well founded, yet
such conduct is so conformable to the general tenor of British
Councils, that it is at least the part of prudence to be upon our
guard against it. But whatsoever their intentions may be, the peace
must still depend upon so many contingencies that no preparation for
another campaign should be omitted on our part. None is neglected by
our antagonists. They have voted one hundred and ten thousand seamen
for the ensuing year. France continues her preparations, and will not
close the war till she can obtain honorable terms for her allies.
Little progress was made in their negotiations when my letters were
written. Count de Vergennes has thought it prudent to advise Congress
of this circumstance, that they might be prepared for every event. I
communicate it to your Excellency with similar views. I doubt not you
will avail yourself of this information to urge the State in which
you preside, to take such measures that they may not be found
unprovided in case our hopes of peace should be frustrated.
It would give me pleasure to learn the measures that have been
adopted, in consequence of the requisitions made in my letters to your
Excellency or your predecessors in office at different periods
relative to my Department, and more particularly to receive the
account so frequently called for of the damage done by the enemy in
your State.[27] I have reason to think had it been furnished in time,
it might have been of singular use to our Ministers, and perhaps have
tended to obtain some relief for the sufferers. It may not yet come
too late to be useful. Let me pray your Excellency to take measures
for furnishing three authentic copies by the earliest opportunity.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
FOOTNOTES:
[27] Proper alterations were made to this paragraph in the letter to
the Governor of Connecticut, as he had already sent the accounts
herein mentioned.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, }
March 21st, 1783. }
Sir,
I enclose for the inspection of Congress a letter received by the
Washington from Mr Barclay. I take this opportunity to remind
Congress, that I had the honor of laying before them, on the 23d day
of December, a letter from the same gentleman, which contained
objections to the convention for the appointment of Consuls, proposed
to be entered into between France and the United States, reasons for
sending him a new commission, constituting him Consul General in
France, with Count de Vergennes' objection to the one he now holds;
also a request of blank commissions for privateers and letters of
marque. This letter was committed to a special committee. I have not
yet been informed, whether they have reported; nor have I been honored
with the commands of Congress relative to these objects.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, March 24th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
You will by this express receive the agreeable intelligence of _a
general peace_, upon which I most sincerely congratulate you and the
army. Harmony, a regard for justice and fidelity to our engagements,
are all that now remains to render us a happy people. The vessel that
brought these despatches was sent out by the Count d'Estaing to recall
the French cruisers. As the Minister tells me he will forward the
orders and passports to your Excellency, I will not detain the
messenger till I have mine copied. This should in my opinion be
immediately sent either by Congress or your Excellency to Sir Guy
Carleton.
A private letter to me mentions, that the Bahama Islands are also
ceded to the British. Holland seems to have come worst off, and France
by getting little for herself has laid in a store of reputation,
which will be worth more than much territory. I must request your
Excellency to send on the enclosed letters by express to the Governor.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
_P. S._ I have thought proper to send Mr Lewis Morris to New York, to
inform General Carleton of the happy re-union of the powers at war,
and also of a resolution of Congress of this day, directing their
Agent of Marine to take proper measures to stop all further
hostilities by sea.
* * * * *
TO SIR GUY CARLETON, COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S
FORCES IN NORTH AMERICA.
Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, }
March 24th, 1783. }
Sir,
I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that a vessel arrived here
last night from Cadiz, despatched by order of Count d'Estaing to
recall the cruisers of his Most Christian Majesty, and to prevent the
further effusion of blood at sea. A copy of the order is enclosed,
having been certified by the Chevalier de la Luzerne to be a true
copy. Though this may not be considered by your Excellency as
official, yet your humanity will induce you to think it sufficiently
authentic to justify your taking immediate measures to stop the
further effusion of blood, on which principle Congress have been
pleased to pass the enclosed resolution.
The vessel which brought these orders did not sail with express design
to come to the port of Philadelphia, and has, therefore, brought no
official letters, so that I have it not in my power to afford you any
further information as to the terms of a general peace, than what are
contained in the enclosed extract transmitted to me by the Marquis de
Lafayette; with this further addition, that the Bahama Islands are
restored to Great Britain.
Mr Morris, one of my Secretaries, will have the honor to deliver this
to your Excellency, and may be intrusted with any despatches which you
may choose to deliver him, that may contain further information than
we have yet received on an event so interesting to us and to humanity
as the return of peace.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO REAR ADMIRAL DIGBY.
Office of Foreign Affairs, Philadelphia, }
March 24th, 1783. }
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose for your perusal the copy of a letter,
which I have just written to his Excellency General Carleton. If the
subject of it should relate more to you than to his Department, I am
satisfied that you will find equal pleasure in adopting such measures
as humanity dictates, and mutually concur with the United States in
the best means of extending, as early as possible, the blessings of
peace to the subjects or citizens of the nations at war.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
SIR GUY CARLETON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
New York, March 26th, 1783.
Sir,
I have received your letter of the 24th instant, enclosing a
resolution of Congress of the same date, taken in consequence of the
arrival of the cutter, Triomphe, commanded by Lieutenant du Quesne,
with, orders of the 10th of February last, given at Cadiz by Vice
Admiral d'Estaing, for him to put to sea and cruize on such stations
as he shall judge most likely to meet with ships of his nation, and
inform them of the happy reconciliation of the belligerent powers, and
to order all their ships of war to cease hostilities against those of
Great Britain; the Preliminary Articles of a general peace being
signed the 20th of January. You thereupon are pleased to express your
expectation that I would think this information thus conveyed,
"sufficiently authentic to justify my taking immediate measures to
stop the further effusion of blood."
For my own part, I have hitherto abstained from all hostilities, and
this conduct I meant to continue so far as our own security would
permit; but how great soever my desire is to put an entire stop to the
calamities of war, and whatever respect this information may deserve,
yet I do not find myself thereby justified in recommending measures
that might give facility to the fleets and armies menacing any part of
the King's possessions, to carry their hostilities into execution.
To adopt a measure of this importance, it is necessary I should
receive orders from home, which I may reasonably expect every hour, as
a cruiser sent out on other purposes is already arrived at
Philadelphia; and I assure you, Sir, I only wait the official
certainty of this great event, to assume the language, and the spirit
too, of the most perfect conciliation and peace.
I perceive, Sir, by the resolution enclosed in your letter, that
Congress have thought fit to consider this information as authentic,
and, thereupon, have taken one considerable step towards carrying the
terms of peace into immediate execution.
Another, not less important, I presume, has been taken, or is taking.
With the cessation of hostilities, I perceive, is connected in the
seventh Article of the provisional treaty an engagement, that "all
prisoners on both sides shall be set at liberty;" of this event,
therefore, I hope likewise speedily to receive the very necessary and
welcome notice, as I shall find the highest satisfaction in seeing
released on all sides, men upon whom the evils and calamities of war
have more peculiarly fallen.
I am, Sir, &c.
GUY CARLETON.
* * * * *
ADMIRAL DIGBY TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
New York, March 27th, 1783.
Sir,
I have received your letter, enclosing me the resolve of Congress,
with a copy of a letter to his Excellency, Sir Guy Carleton, but, as I
have as yet received no official accounts from England, I must wait
till you, on your side, relieve our prisoners, before I give that
general relief to you, I so much wish. There can be no reason for
detaining our prisoners one moment, as Congress must suppose the peace
signed. I shall take every precaution in my power consistent with my
duty, to stop any further mischief upon the seas, but should
recommend the preventing any vessels sailing, as I have not yet
received sufficient authority to enable me to withdraw my cruisers.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT DIGBY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, March 28th, 1783.
Sir,
There remains in my hands the sum of thirtyeight thousand three
hundred and thirtytwo livres, equal on exchange at par to about seven
thousand three hundred and ten dollars, arising from the excess on the
payment of the salaries of the Ministers of the United States in
Europe, occasioned by the course of exchange during the last year,
which Congress have been pleased to direct that I should pass to the
account of the United States. In this I have not calculated six
hundred and eightyeight livres excess upon M. Dumas's account, being
too inconsiderable to make a deduction worth attention.
Desirous of settling all my accounts on the 1st of April, previous to
my leaving the department, I pray Congress to pass some order relative
to the disposition of the money, so that I may discharge myself of it.
As Congress may be led to suppose, from a passage in Mr Laurens's
letter, that I have charged a commission on this transaction, I take
the liberty to inform them, that though this is an extra service
attended with some trouble and risk, I once had it in view, if our
Ministers compelled me to be their agent, to charge a commission while
the exchange was in their favor, yet not having then done it, I cannot
think it would be reasonable to deduct a commission from the reduced
sum that is now paid them.
I have honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Philadelphia, April 4th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform you, by the direction of Congress, in
answer to your letter of the 13th of March, "that they consider the
object of your appointment as so far advanced, as to render it
unnecessary for you to pursue your voyage; and that Congress are well
satisfied with the readiness you have shown in undertaking a service,
which from the present situation of affairs, they apprehend can be
dispensed with."
I have caused your account to be settled to the 1st of April, and hope
to be able to send you the warrant for the amount tomorrow. If you
please, I will apply for such further sum as you may think proper to
charge for the time that may be necessary to carry you home, as I
think that within the spirit of the resolution of Congress.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
WILLIAM PACA TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
In Council, Annapolis, April 4th, 1783.
Sir,
We have been honored with your favor of the 18th ultimo.
The requisitions made in your former letters have been regularly laid
before the Legislature of this State, (Maryland) and we are very sorry
to find that the early attention which their importance merited has
not been paid to them.
The Assembly at their last session, passed an act directing persons to
be appointed in each county to ascertain upon oath the damages done by
the enemy within their respective counties, and to report the same to
this Board. As soon as we are furnished with their returns, you may
rest assured, Sir, that no time shall be lost in transmitting to you,
properly authenticated, the information you have been solicitous to
obtain.
With great regard and respect, &c.
WILLIAM PACA.
* * * * *
SIR GUY CARLETON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
New York, April 6th, 1783.
Sir,
A packet from England arrived at this port last night, by which I have
despatches from Mr Townshend, one of his Majesty's principal
Secretaries of State, communicating official intelligence, that
Preliminary Articles of Peace with France and Spain were signed at
Paris, on the 20th of January last, and that the ratifications have
been since exchanged at the same place.
The King, Sir, has been pleased, in consequence of these events, to
order a Proclamation to be published, declaring a cessation of
arms,[28] as well by sea as land, and his Majesty's pleasure
signified, that I should cause the same to be published in all places
under my command, in order, that His Majesty's subjects may pay
immediate and due obedience thereto, and such Proclamation I shall
accordingly cause to be made on Tuesday next, the 8th instant.
In consequence thereof, and in conformity to the Articles of peace,
all our prisoners of war are to be set at liberty and restored, with
all convenient despatch; entertaining no doubt, but that similar
measures will be taken on the part of the United States of America. In
like manner no doubt can be entertained, but that Congress, in
conformity to the fifth Article of the provisional treaty, will lose
no time in earnestly recommending to the Legislatures of the
respective States, to provide for the restitution of confiscated
estates, and to reconsider and revise all laws of confiscation, that
they may be rendered perfectly consistent, not only with justice and
equity, but with that spirit of conciliation, which on the return of
the blessings of peace should universally prevail.
And I am further to inform you, Sir, that an instrument of accession
to the suspension of hostilities, by the States General of the United
Provinces, having been received in England, a cessation of arms with
those States has been thereupon included in the Proclamation.
Upon this great occasion, Sir, I am to offer my strongest assurances,
that during the short period of my command here, I shall be ready and
earnest to cultivate that spirit of perfect good will, which between
the United States of America, and the King of Great Britain, and the
subjects and the citizens of both countries, will I trust always
remain.
I am, with much consideration, Sir, &c.
GUY CARLETON.
FOOTNOTES:
[28] See this Proclamation in the _Correspondence of the Commissioners
for Peace_, Vol. X. p. 124.
* * * * *
ADMIRAL DIGBY TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Lion, off New York, April 6th, 1783.
Sir,
I have this moment received the enclosed Proclamation from his
Majesty's Secretary of State, and shall immediately despatch one of
the sloops of war to withdraw all my cruisers upon the coast, and
shall also release all the prisoners as quickly as I can dispose of
them in the most convenient way to themselves.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT DIGBY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, April 10th, 1783.
Sir,