instructed on the 8th of February, 1782, to borrow twelve millions of
livres. In answer to which, that Minister, writing to me on the 25th
of June, after acknowledging the receipt of my letters, one of which
was written on the subject of the above instruction, says, "the second
(the second letter) enforces some resolutions of Congress sent me with
it respecting a loan of twelve millions of livres to be demanded of
France for the current year. I had already received the promise of six
millions, together with the clearest and most positive assurances,
that it was all the King could spare us, that we must not expect more,
that if drafts and demands came upon me beyond that sum, it behooved
me to take care how I accepted them, or where I should find funds for
the payment, since I could, certainly not be further assisted out of
the royal treasury. Under this declaration, with what face could I ask
for another six millions? It would be saying, 'you are not to be
believed, you can spare more, you are able to lend me twice the sum,
if you were but willing.' If you read my letter to Mr Morris of this
date, I think you will be convinced how improper any language capable
of such a construction would be to such a friend."
On the 14th of September Congress were pleased to direct that four
millions of dollars be borrowed in Europe, exclusive of the loan
negotiating in Holland. A copy of which resolution is directed to be
communicated to his Most Christian Majesty, with directions to Dr
Franklin to assure his Majesty of the high sense the United States in
Congress entertain of his friendship and generous exertions, their
reliance on a continuance of them, and the necessity of applying on
the present occasion to him. And on the 23d of September Congress
resolved further, in answer to the above letter from Dr Franklin, and
one of a similar nature to the Superintendent of Finance of the same
date, that, notwithstanding the information contained in those
letters, it is the direction of Congress, that he use his utmost
endeavors to effect the loan, which, by the resolve of the 14th
instant is to be negotiated.
I should observe that in the above statement of the grants made to the
United States, I have not distinguished between loans and gifts, but
included both in the gross sums above mentioned, though about eight
millions of that granted by France has been given, without any
expectation of being repaid.
It is unnecessary to draw those inferences from the above facts, which
they naturally suggest. They cannot escape your Excellency's
observation. I can only wish, that the low state of our credit abroad
may excite us to such internal exertions as must be its best support.
Those only can borrow with dignity, who give unequivocal proofs of the
design to repay their debts with honor.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
THOMAS JEFFERSON TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Baltimore, February 7th, 1783.
Sir,
I arrived here on the 30th of last month, and had a short interview
the same evening with the Chevalier de Ville Brune, commander of the
Romulus. There appeared at that time little apprehension, but that we
might sail within a few days, but we were not very particular in our
conference, as we expected so soon to see each other again; the
severity of the cold, however, which commenced that night, obliged the
Chevalier de Ville Brune to fall twelve miles below this place, and
excluded all correspondence with him till yesterday, when I found
means to get through the ice on board his ship. He then communicated
to me, by direction of his Excellency the Minister of France,
intelligence as to the number and force of the cruisers now actually
watching the Capes of the Chesapeake.
I must acknowledge, that these appear such as to render a capture
certain were we to hazard it. The Minister was pleased at the same
time to submit the Guadeloupe to my wishes, if I chose to adventure. I
take the liberty of troubling you with a copy of my letter to him on
that subject.
I should certainly be disposed to run very considerable risks myself
to effect my passage, but I should think it an unfortunate
introduction to an ally, who has already done so much for us, were I
to add to his losses and disbursements, that of a valuable ship and
crew. I wish that the present delay offered some, period less distant
than the lassitude of an avaricious enemy to watch for prey. Perhaps
you may be able to put me on some more expeditious mode of passage
than the one under which I am acquiescing at present. I shall be much
pleased to adopt any such, which may come recommended from you,
without regard to personal risk or trouble. In the meantime, any
intelligence which you can be able to collect, and will be pleased to
give me as to the state of our coast, will be of utility in
determining whether and when we shall depart hence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
* * * * *
THOMAS JEFFERSON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.
Baltimore, February 7th, 1783.
Sir,
The Chevalier de Ville Brune was so kind as to communicate to me your
Excellency's letter to him of January, together with the intelligence
therein referred to. I feel myself bound to return you my thanks for
your orders to the Guadeloupe frigate to receive me. If I should think
a passage should be hazarded under present circumstances, according to
this information, (which is the most worthy of credit of any we have
received here,) it would seem, that our capture would be unavoidable
were we to go out now. This then is a risk, to which I cannot think of
exposing his Majesty's vessel and subjects, however I might be
disposed to encounter personal hazards, from my anxiety to execute
with all the promptitude in my power a service, which has been
assigned to me. I shall, therefore, wait with patience the arrival of
the moment, when the Chevalier de Ville Brune shall be of opinion,
that the one or the other of the vessels may venture out without any
greater risk, than he shall think proportioned to her proper object,
independently of mine.
It has been suggested to me this evening, that perhaps their safe
departure might be greatly forwarded by their falling down to York or
Hampton, there to be ready at a moment's warning, to avail themselves
of those favorable circumstances, which the present season sometimes
offers, but of this yourself will be the proper judge.
I cannot close my letter without expressing to you my obligations to
the Chevalier de Ville Brune for the particular attention he has shown
to my accommodation on board his ship. The apartments he has had
constructed for me are ample and commodious, and his politeness and
merit as an officer are an agreeable presage of everything, which
shall depend on him.
I have the honor to be, with the highest sentiments of esteem, &c.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
* * * * *
TO GENERAL GREENE.
Philadelphia, February 14th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
Receive my congratulations on the important event, you have announced
in your favor by Major Burnet. The influence that the evacuation of
Charleston will have on our affairs if the war continues is obvious.
The southern States, by this means relieved from their burdens, will
be capable of contributing largely to the general cause, and I doubt
not when they have breathed a little, that they will be as willing as
they are able. I feel, Sir, a personal interest in this great event
from the distinguished honor it reflects upon you. In every other
department our expectations have gone beyond our means of satisfying
them. You have afforded the first instance of the contrary, and by
creating the means have exceeded our most sanguine expectations.
We have the highest reason to conclude, that the preliminaries of a
peace are signed before this. I have reason to hope that the terms of
peace will comprize most of the great objects we have in view, and in
some points almost exceed our expectations. The present policy of
Britain is to make sacrifices to the Manes of the affection, which
once subsisted between her and us. I have just put the last hand to
our treaty of amity and commerce with the United Provinces by signing
the ratification, which Congress have directed. I congratulate you
upon this event, which adds not a little to our political importance.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Philadelphia, February 14th, 1783.
Sir,
I have delayed answering your favor of the 7th instant, till I could
obtain the sense of Congress on the matter it contains. I conceive it
hardly possible, while the British cruisers retain their present
station, for you to elude their vigilance, in either of the ships
offered to your choice. This, concurring with the late advices, from
England, has induced Congress to pass the enclosed resolution. We have
reason to conjecture that peace is already concluded, whether it is or
not, a few days must determine.
I transmit you the speech of His Britannic Majesty, which, with what
you already know of the state of our negotiations, will enable you to
form your opinion on the same ground that we do.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Philadelphia, February 18th, 1783.
Sir,
I was honored yesterday with your favor of the 14th, which I shall lay
before Congress this morning. As you have by this time received their
resolution, which I had the honor to send you by the last post, and
again enclose, you will be relieved in some measure from your
embarrassments, though not entirely from your suspense with respect to
their final determination. But that cannot be long doubtful, since the
negotiations have certainly arrived at such a crisis, as either to
terminate soon in a peace, or a total rupture. In the latter case, you
will necessarily be obliged to proceed on your voyage, as Congress
seem anxious to avail themselves of your abilities and information in
the negotiations; unless they are fully assured that a speedy peace
will preclude them from that advantage.
I enclose a paper, which contains all that we have yet received on
this interesting subject. It may, perhaps, be difficult to account for
our Ministers having signed before those of France. But if this letter
is genuine, it serves, when compared with their instructions, to prove
that the terms are acceptable to us, and not disagreeable to France.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, February 18th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to lay before Congress, the enclosed letter from Mr
Jefferson, upon which I presume they will not think it necessary at
present to take any other resolution than that already transmitted to
him. I also enclose an extract from a letter of Mr William Lee to me,
dated the 31st of March last, which merits attention, though, in the
present state of our affairs, Congress may not think it advisable to
pass any resolutions thereon, till they are more perfectly acquainted
with the actual state of our affairs in Europe, and what alterations
may be occasioned by a peace.
I have letters from Messrs De Neufville of the 27th of September and
24th of October; but as they contain little more than a pressing
request to have their accounts settled, and the balance paid, I shall
not trouble Congress with them, but deliver copies to the
Superintendent of Finance.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, February 26th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to lay before Congress a letter received yesterday
from Mr Dana. I must confess, I am at a loss to discover any reason
for detaining that gentleman longer at a Court, where it is, as he
justly observes, improbable that he can be publicly acknowledged till
Britain has no longer any objections to such acknowledgment. After
which a treaty can be concluded, if necessary, here or at the Hague; a
commission for that purpose being sent to Mr Adams, with as much ease
as at Petersburg. Congress will then judge whether it will be proper
to have a Minister at the Court of St Petersburg, or whether a
Resident, with consular powers, will not answer all their purposes,
and save expense.
The desire which Mr Dana expresses to return, takes from me the
delicacy I before felt in stating this matter so fully to Congress. I
also enclose, in obedience to the commands of Congress, a list of the
names, titles, salaries, and places of residence, of the officers of
the United States, employed in the Department of Foreign Affairs.
I take the liberty to remind Congress that a variety of matters, which
have been submitted by me, remain yet not acted upon; and that the
business of the office is very much obstructed as well by this delay,
as by the detention of the letters and papers which refer to them. As
this has probably been occasioned by a change in the Committees, I
humbly submit to Congress the propriety of directing them to be filled
up.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, February 26th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
In compliance with the directions of Congress, contained in the
enclosed resolution, I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that
our last despatches, dated in October, announce a disposition in the
belligerent powers to terminate the war by a general peace. The Court
of London, whose sincerity was most suspected, because it was to make
the greatest sacrifices, appears to have smoothed the way by the
commission to Mr Oswald (which your Excellency has seen,) empowering
him to treat with the Thirteen United States of America; M. de
Rayneval (brother to M. Gerard) having been sent from France to sound
the intentions of the British Ministry, returned perfectly satisfied
of their sincerity.
A little before our despatches were closed, our Ministers had
delivered their propositions to the Court of London. They consisted of
three general heads, which comprised our right to the fisheries, the
extent of our territories, and commercial objects. Though these
propositions contained all we could ask under each of these heads, yet
Mr Oswald gave our Ministers reason to conclude, that they would be
granted; which I am inclined to believe they have been, in their
fullest extent, from the lead which our Ministers have taken in
signing Provisional Articles. France, Spain, and Holland, had made
their proposals; so that the King of Great Britain was perfectly
apprized of their demands before he met his Parliament; there is
little room, therefore, to doubt, when these facts are compared with
the speech of His Britannic Majesty, that unless some unforeseen
event should arise, a general peace will be concluded before the
opening of the next campaign.
I was honored with your letter of the 18th, and have delivered the one
enclosed to Mr Jefferson, who is detained by order of Congress, till
they receive more certain advices as to the issue of the negotiation.
I should also acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 8th of
January, which I found here on my return from the country. I think,
with you, that the British administration will choose to take the
advice of Parliament on the terms of peace, before they agree to them.
Yet they have gone every length with respect to us. In this, however,
they are perfectly safe, as the opposition have all along dictated
that measure, so that on this quarter they are secured from their
attack. More circumspection will be necessary in adjusting the
articles with the other belligerent powers. To this cause, we may
probably attribute the delays that this business still seems to
struggle with.
Be pleased to accept my compliments, and those of my family, who join
me in returning our best respects to Mrs Washington.
I have the honor to be, Dear Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, March 12th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
The Washington packet arrived this morning. I have not yet had leisure
to read all my letters, but as an express is ready to go early
tomorrow, I rather choose to rely upon your goodness to excuse a
letter written in extreme haste, than to hold myself inexcusable, by
not informing you of what we yet know of the state of our
negotiations. None of my letters is of a later date than the 25th of
December. All difficulties had then been removed with respect to us,
and the preliminaries were signed; they consist of nine articles.
The _first_ acknowledges our Independence.
The _second_ describes our boundaries, which are as extensive as we
could wish.
The _third_ ascertains our rights as to the fishery, and puts them
upon the same footing that they were before the war.
The _fourth_ provides that all British debts shall be paid.
The _fifth_ and _sixth_ are enclosed for your perusal, as they are
likely to be the least satisfactory here.
The _seventh_ stipulates that hostilities shall immediately cease, and
that the British troops be withdrawn without carrying off any
property, or dismantling fortifications; that records and archives
shall be restored.
The _eighth_ stipulates that the navigation of the Mississippi shall
be open to us and Great Britain.
The _ninth_, that all conquests made in America after the ratification
shall be restored.
These preliminaries are only provisional upon the determination of a
peace with France, whose negotiations have not made such progress as
ours. I believe they find themselves very much embarrassed by the
demands of their other allies.
The Count de Vergennes, in a letter of the 25th of December, says, "I
cannot foresee the issue, for difficulties arise from the disposition
we have shown to remove them. It would be well, Sir, to prepare
Congress for every event. I do not despair; I rather hope; but all is
yet uncertain."
But, Sir, whatever the event of the negotiations may be, I persuade
myself the enemy will leave these States. Mr Oswald has made some
propositions to our Ministers upon this subject, proposing that they
might be permitted to embark without molestation, and endeavor to
recover West Florida from the Spaniards. This last communication,
(which you will consider as confidential,) I thought might be
important to your Excellency. By attending to their conduct, you will
be able to judge if they mean to pursue this system, or if it was only
thrown out to deceive.
I enclose also for your perusal, extracts from the addresses, not
having time to have them copied at large. They are mere echoes to the
speech. Supplies were voted, without one dissenting voice.
I must pray your Excellency to send on the enclosed packets; any
expense it occasions will be paid by the Governor.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GENERAL GREENE.
Philadelphia, March 12th, 1783.
Dear Sir,
The arrival of the Washington packet affords me an opportunity of
sending you the preliminary articles, agreed upon between our
Ministers and those of Great Britain. In every point but one they are
unexceptionable; in that one I believe our Ministers have labored to
obtain all that circumstances would admit, and by the reference of the
tories to their respective States, they have made a very slender
provision for the restitution they stipulate.
What it imports you more to know is, that though our principal
difficulties are removed, yet many remain to retard the peace. Our
allies do not appear to have made much progress in their negotiations,
and Count de Vergennes, in a letter of the 25th of December, speaks
with great uncertainty of the issue of his negotiations; yet not so as
to destroy our hopes of a happy conclusion; at all events, I believe
that the war will be removed from us, and directed to other objects in
the spring.
The British commissioners have made some propositions to ours about a
convention for permitting the army to depart in peace; but as nothing
was concluded, some doubts may still remain on this head; though you
will find in Lord North's speech, in the enclosed paper, a passage
that seems to take the evacuation for granted. As, however, I have
reason to suppose, that they do not mean to rest contented with the
loss of West Florida, and are apparently collecting a force for its
reduction at Augustine, I should think it prudent to maintain so
respectable a force in Georgia and South Carolina, as would discourage
any attempts upon them in case the negotiations should prove abortive.
A treaty is now on foot between Sweden and us. The commission to his
Swedish Majesty's Minister, contains an ample and an honorable
recognition of our independence.
The committee charged with the arrangements for the establishment of a
Minister from the United Provinces at this place, have reported to the
States of Holland on his salary and appointments, so that the
Diplomatic Corps here will shortly be increased.
The general news of this place, as well as what relates particularly
to the arrangements made and now making for the army, you will learn
from Major Burnet, who does me the favor to be the bearer of this. It
will not be necessary, therefore, to lengthen this further than to
declare the sincere esteem and respect, with which I have the honor to
be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, March 13th, 1783.
Sir,
I have the honor to lay before Congress the enclosed letter from Mr
Jefferson, who is waiting at this place their determination. As Major
Burnet is now in town, and will be the bearer of despatches to General
Greene, I take the liberty to request the earliest attention of
Congress to those parts of the despatches submitted to them, that
induce a belief that the enemy will turn their arms against West
Florida, which the force they now have at Augustine renders probable.
Congress may, perhaps, think it advisable to order that the force in
the Southern States should be so respectable as to discourage a second
attempt upon them in case the failure of the negotiation should
occasion any change in the British Cabinet.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Foreign Affairs, March 18th, 1783.
Sir,
The important matter contained in the despatches lately received,
renders me unwilling to reply to them without being well satisfied of
the sentiments of Congress. But, as the subjects on which I wish to be
informed, are of too delicate a nature to be rendered formal acts, I
shall submit to them the drafts of my reply to the joint letter of our
Ministers, now at Paris. Previous to this, it will be necessary that
Congress come to some express determination upon points which arise
out of the treaty, and which, if they see in the same light that I do,
they will consider as the most embarrassing, as well as the most
important that can claim their attention.
Congress have hitherto, in all their acts, both of a public and
private nature, manifested the utmost confidence in the Court of
France. In answer to every communication, they have reiterated their
resolutions on that subject, and so lately as the 4th of October last,
resolved unanimously, "That they will not enter into the discussion of
any overtures of pacification but in _confidence_ and in _concert_
with his Most Christian Majesty;" and directed that a copy of the
above resolution should not only be furnished to the Minister of
France, but be sent to all the Ministers of the United States in
Europe, and published to the world. Yet, Sir, it has unfortunately so
happened, that the Ministers of these States have imagined they had
sufficient grounds to suspect the sincerity of the Court of France,
and have not only thought it prudent to agree upon and sign
preliminaries with Great Britain, without communicating them, till
after the signature, to the Ministers of his Most Christian Majesty,
but have permitted a separate article to be inserted in their treaty,
which they still conceal from the Court of France.
This reduces Congress to the disagreeable necessity, either of making
themselves parties to this concealment, and thereby to contradict all
their former professions of confidence in their ally, made not only to
that ally, but to their own citizens, and to every Court at which they
had a Minister, or of revealing it at the expense of the confidence
they would wish to maintain between their Ministers and the Court of
France, and that, too, when those Ministers have obtained such terms
from the Court of London, as does great honor to them, and at least
equals our highest expectations.
I feel the more pain on this subject, because, from the manner in
which this treaty is drawn, as well as from the article itself, I am
inclined to believe that England had no other view in its insertion,
but to be enabled to produce it as a mark of the confidence we reposed
in them, and to detach us from our ally, if the nation could be
brought to continue the war.