I arrived in America, Sir, when, after having rendered the most

important services to the confederacy, and sustained with the greatest

distinction, the office of President of Congress, that body had

intrusted you with the important care of conducting their affairs in

Spain, and in the principal Courts of Europe.

I have resided in America five years, as Minister Plenipotentiary of

the King to Congress, and though indeed I cannot but be well satisfied

with the kindness and the confidence, which that illustrious body have

ever shown me, I have always regretted, that you were not during that

period one of its members. You departed from Europe when I returned to

it. At that time I flattered myself, that I should again see you in

America, and resume my duties there. But his Majesty has thought fit

to give me another destination. Will you have the goodness to present

to Congress my letters of recall, and to express to that body for me

the high sentiments of respect and veneration, with which I have long

regarded them. Allow me also to request your Excellency to accept the

assurances of the attachment and consideration, with which I have the

honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON;

SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

For more than five years from the commencement of the Revolution, the

foreign concerns of Congress were transacted through a committee,

which was first appointed on the 29th of November, 1775, and called

the _Committee of Secret Correspondence_. It was their duty to

correspond with all the American Agents, Commissioners, and Ministers

abroad, to report to Congress on these matters from time to time, and

receive such instructions from that body as occasion required. It is

to be understood, however, that in this respect they acted only a

subordinate part, for it was customary for the Ministers abroad to

direct their letters to the President of Congress. After having been

read in that Assembly, they were put into the hands of the Committee,

whose business it was to answer them. On account of the absence of the

members, the committee itself was frequently very thin, and sometimes

for weeks together not more than one member was present at the seat of

Government. Hence responsibility rested nowhere, and it is no wonder

that delays, neglect, and ill management were the consequences.

Various causes retarded the adoption of a better system, but chiefly

the warmth of party and internal jealousies, which prevailed within

the walls of Congress for a long time, and too often defeated measures

of essential importance, when there was a probability that they would

throw a new weight of power into a scale of doubtful preponderance. To

this state of circumstances it is in a great degree to be attributed,

that no plan for a regular Department of Foreign Affairs was resolved

upon till the 10th of January, 1781, and that no person was appointed

to fill the office thus created till seven months later. On the 10th

of August, ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON was chosen _Secretary of Foreign

Affairs_, but he did not enter upon the duties of the Department till

the 20th of October.

From this date a salutary change found its way into the management of

Foreign Affairs. To abilities and other qualifications well suited to

the station, Mr Livingston added energy, diligence, and promptitude,

as his numerous letters on a great variety of topics abundantly

testify. We hear no more complaints from the Ministers abroad, that

their letters are forgotten and unanswered, or that they receive no

intelligence nor instructions from home.

The details of the Department were so modified, after he accepted the

appointment, as to embrace Domestic Affairs to a certain extent. He

was to correspond with the President of Congress, the Governors of the

States, the Commander in Chief, and generally with all persons on

topics in any manner connected with the primary objects of his office.

His letters to the American Ministers at Foreign Courts, and to the

French Ministers in this country, have already been printed in the

correspondence of those persons respectively. This order was thought

preferable, as the continuity of the subjects embraced in the

different branches of correspondence would thus be more distinctly

preserved. The letters, which follow, are chiefly to the President of

Congress, and to other officers and persons, who were in the United

States at the time they were written.

Mr Livingston continued a little short of two years in the Department

of Foreign Affairs. He resigned in June, 1783.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

ORGANIZATION OF A FOREIGN DEPARTMENT.

In Congress, January 10th, 1781.

Congress took into consideration the report of the committee appointed

to consider and report a plan for the Department of Foreign Affairs,

wherein they state,

That the extent and the rising power of these United States, entitle

them to a place among the great potentates of Europe, while our

political and commercial interests point out the propriety of

cultivating with them a friendly correspondence and connexion;

That to render such an intercourse advantageous, the necessity of a

competent knowledge of the interests, views, relations, and systems of

those potentates, is obvious;

That a knowledge, in its nature so comprehensive, is only to be

acquired by a constant attention to the state of Europe, and an

unremitted application to the means of acquiring well grounded

information;

That Congress are moreover called upon to maintain with our Ministers

at foreign Courts a regular correspondence, and to keep them fully

informed of every circumstance and event, which regards the public

honor, interest and safety;

That to answer those essential purposes, the committee are of opinion,

that a fixed and permanent office for the Department of Foreign

Affairs ought forthwith to be established, as a remedy against the

fluctuations, the delay and indecision to which the present mode of

managing our foreign affairs must be exposed; whereupon,

_Resolved_, That an office be forthwith established for the Department

of Foreign Affairs, to be kept always in the place where Congress

shall reside;

That there shall be a Secretary for the despatch of business of the

said office, to be styled "Secretary of Foreign Affairs;"

That it shall be the duty of the said Secretary to keep and preserve

all the books and papers belonging to the Department of Foreign

Affairs; to receive and report the applications of all foreigners; to

correspond with the Ministers of the United States at foreign Courts,

and with the Ministers of foreign powers and other persons, for the

purpose of obtaining the most extensive and useful information

relative to foreign affairs, to be laid before Congress when required;

also to transmit such communications, as Congress shall direct, to the

Ministers of the United States and others at foreign Courts, and in

foreign countries; the said Secretary shall have liberty to attend

Congress, that he may be better informed of the affairs of the United

States, and have an opportunity of explaining his reports respecting

his Department; he shall also be authorised to employ one, or, if

necessary, more clerks to assist him in the business of his office;

and the Secretary, as well as such clerks, shall, before the President

of Congress, take an oath of fidelity to the United States, and an

oath for the faithful execution of their respective trusts.

* * * * *

APPOINTMENT OF A SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

In Congress, August 10th, 1781.

Congress proceeded to the election of a Secretary of Foreign Affairs;

and, the ballots being counted, Robert R. Livingston was elected,

having been previously nominated by Mr Floyd.

* * * * *

TO MAJOR GENERAL NATHANIEL GREENE.

Philadelphia, October 20th, 1781.[20]

Dear Sir,

Congress having done me the honor to appoint me their Secretary of

Foreign Affairs, and made it my duty to collect and transmit such

intelligence as may be useful to our Ministers, I take the liberty to

open a correspondence with you. From the past, I have reason to hope,

that your future operations will furnish the most agreeable and useful

information at foreign Courts; for nothing is more incontrovertibly

true, than that splendid victories and a wise Administration at home,

are the best negotiators abroad.

Give me leave, Sir, to congratulate you upon your success. We have

reason to hope, that it will be attended with the most important

consequences, more especially, if as we may expect, the Commander in

Chief should be enabled to make a considerable addition to the brave

corps you command.

The enemy have sailed from New York with twentysix ships of the line,

including three of fifty guns, having on board their ships of war five

thousand land forces, in order to attempt the relief of Cornwallis.

For that, happily, they are too late; but as sympathising friends

afford consolation to the distressed, he may possibly derive some

comfort from their sharing, at least in part, his fate.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

FOOTNOTES:

[20] Although Mr Livingston was appointed Secretary of Foreign Affairs

on the 10th of August, he did not enter on the duties of the office

till this day. See his letter to John Adams, in Mr Adams's

_Correspondence_, Vol. VI. p. 178.

* * * * *

TO GOVERNOR GEORGE CLINTON OF NEW YORK.

Philadelphia, October 22d, 1781.

Dear Sir,

Give me leave to congratulate your Excellency, and through you the

Legislature of our State, on the success of our arms at the southward.

Cornwallis surrendered his army on the 17th of October. Count de

Grasse was employed on the 18th in taking his marines on board, which

I hope, by the blessing of Heaven, will be the prelude to a second

victory.

My removal being far from having in any manner lessened my attachment

to New York, I shall be anxious to hear that the present attempt of

the enemy upon our frontiers, has only added to their disgrace, and

enabled my countrymen to increase the reputation they have so justly

acquired. Your Excellency will do me the honor to give me the earliest

intelligence of the movements of the enemy.

I am, Sir, with the greatest respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, October 29th, 1781.

Sir,

The business of the department in which Congress have been pleased to

place me, rendering it necessary to have recourse to the Secret

Journals, and other books and papers in the possession of their

Secretary, I take the liberty to request them by their order, to

enable Mr Thomson to admit me to examine, and copy from such books of

a secret nature in his possession, as may in anywise relate to the

department of Foreign Affairs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Philadelphia, November 12th, 1781.

Sir,

Congress some time since, called upon the different States to make

returns of the damage done by the enemy within each of them, by the

wanton destruction of property, and no measures, that I can learn,

have as yet been taken to ascertain such damage, though as your

Excellency will easily conceive, it may become an important object of

inquiry, whenever a treaty shall be set on foot for a general

pacification, or be made to answer valuable purposes during the war,

by showing our enemies in their true light to the nations of Europe.

In this view, I think it my duty to endeavor to collect them, and you

will, Sir, I am persuaded, take the necessary measures to send as soon

as possible, returns from the State over which you preside. I could

wish to have the damages, (particularly that to real property,)

ascertained by the affidavits of people of known characters, and

duplicate copies of such affidavits transmitted to my officers, under

the great seal of your State, and, if possible, accompanied with a

short recital of each transaction, so that it may at once appear,

whether the injuries were such as the laws of war justified, or

whether they originated only in the malice and cruelty of the enemy.

Your Excellency will oblige me, and serve the public, by transmitting

to me accounts of every occurrence, in which the United States are

materially interested, which may arise within your government, or

which you may derive from your correspondents abroad.

I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, November 18th, 1781.

Sir,

The subject mentioned in the letters of Mr Adams, and their

enclosures, requiring their express direction, I humbly submit to the

consideration of Congress.

In Dr Franklin's letter of the 6th of August to Mr Adams, he informs

him, "that he cannot depend on receiving any more money in France

applicable to the support of the Ministers of Congress, and that what

aids are thereafter granted, will probably be transmitted by the

government directly to America." Congress need no arguments to

convince them of the disgrace and danger of permitting their most

confidential servants to be necessitous in a foreign country.

I will with their approbation, concert with the Superintendent of

Finance, the means of supplying our Ministers, Agents, and

Secretaries. But to facilitate these means, and convince the powers to

whom we are indebted for money, that we know the value of their aids,

I would humbly submit to Congress the propriety of practising the

strictest economy, as far as it may be consistent with their honor,

and the justice due to those they employ. That Congress may determine

the more readily whether their establishment will admit of any

reduction, or devise the most effectual means of defraying the expense

of it, I take the liberty to lay before them the annual amount of the

salaries of their servants now abroad.

If I am well informed, it is usual to distinguish the allowances to

Ministers by the expenses of the country in which they live, and the

character they are obliged to support. Such a rule would be

productive of great saving to us, whose policy it is to have agents

without any acknowledged public characters, at Courts which refuse to

receive our Ministers. How far so important a station as that of

Secretary to an Embassy might be supplied by private secretaries with

moderate salaries, at least till the existence of the Embassy was

acknowledged, must be submitted to the wisdom of Congress. Certain it

is, that foreigners who may not be acquainted with the dignified

characters of those we employ abroad as secretaries, will be surprised

to find their emoluments equal, if not exceeding those allowed by the

richest potentates in Europe, and that too, when the great object of

the mission is to represent our wants, and solicit supplies for civil

and military establishments at home.

Perhaps, too, from the ground on which the successful issue of this

campaign has placed us, Congress may see it improper to solicit

Courts, who are so little disposed to serve us as those of Petersburg

and Lisbon, or to expend additional sums of money on agencies to

Russia or Portugal.

Another part of the despatches referred to me, are those that relate

to John Temple, to which Congress alone are competent to give

directions. The reports currently circulated in England relative to

his first mission, his coming by way of New York, his return to

England, his abode there, his present visit to America, render him an

object of attention, not only to the people of this country, but to

those of Europe, and give weight to those suspicions of attachment to

England, which, as it is her policy to keep up, it should be ours on

every occasion to discourage. Congress will judge how far it is proper

to suggest any measures to the State of Massachusetts. I take the

liberty to submit to them, whether at least it would not be expedient

to adopt such resolutions as would leave the Executive of that State

uninfluenced in their conduct towards him, by his being the bearer of

public despatches. Congress will observe, that I have no personal

acquaintance with Mr Temple, nor any knowledge of facts, which would

lead me to suspect his principles, other than the matters, which are

above stated and publicly known.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, November 25th, 1781.

Sir,

I enclose to Congress the heads of the communication, which I had the

honor to make to them on the 23d, as far as I could obtain permission

from the Minister of France to reduce them to writing. There is but

one omission, the reason of which was assigned at the time I made the

verbal communication. I also enclose an extract of a letter from the

Count de Vergennes to the Minister of France, as translated and

communicated to me by him, which I have thought it necessary to submit

to the perusal of the Superintendent of Finance.

I am at a loss to judge whether Congress intended in their reference

of General Duportail's letter, that I should report to them, or write

to Dr Franklin on the subject myself; supposing the latter to have

been the case, I have accordingly written; but lest I may have been

mistaken, I submit my letter to their inspection, and if it is not

conformable to their intentions, I beg to be honored with their

further direction.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

GENERAL GREENE TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Camp Round O, South Carolina, }

December 13th, 1781. }

Dear Sir,

Your favor of the 22d of October came to hand a day or two since.

I shall be happy to communicate anything from this quarter, that may

be useful to you, or to our affairs abroad, and I have the pleasure to

inform you, that we have complete possession of all the Southern

States, Charleston and Savannah excepted.

Civil government is established in Georgia, and the Assembly of South

Carolina will set the 1st of next month, at Camden. We are making

preparations for the siege of Charleston, and are not altogether

without hopes of obliging the enemy to abandon the place, even if our

good ally should not be able to co-operate with us. The tyrant of

Syracuse was never more odious than the British army in this country.

Even the slaves rejoice, and feel a kind of freedom from oppression,

in the return of their masters.

I beg leave to congratulate you upon our late glorious success in

Virginia, and upon your own appointment of Minister of Foreign

Affairs.

I have the honor to be, &c.

NATHANIEL GREENE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, January 18th, 1782.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to submit to the inspection of the United

States, in Congress, an affidavit made by Mr Marshall on the subject

of Mr Deane's letters, and have directed copies of the letters and

affidavit to be made out for the Minister of his Most Christian

Majesty, and the Superintendent of Finance. Measures have long since

been taken to put our Ministers upon their guard against Mr Deane. I

shall add to them, as opportunities offer, the new proofs which these

letters furnish of his defection. Copies will also be sent to the

Governor of Connecticut, unless the Representatives of that State, in

Congress, who propose to make them the ground of judicial proceedings,

should prefer taking copies to be examined and compared with the

original, by a person who could prove such examination, or to

authenticate them in any other way, which will ensure their being

received as evidence conformably to the practice of their Courts.

I had proposed to mention them in my correspondence with the first

Magistrates of the respective States, as affording proofs of the

distant prospect of peace, and the necessity of relying only upon our

own exertions to procure it, but am deterred from this measure, by the

weight which it might possibly give to Mr Deane's ill founded

assertions.

I shall endeavor to conform to the views of the United States, in any

further direction with which they may please to honor me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO GOVERNOR JONATHAN TRUMBULL OF CONNECTICUT.

Philadelphia, January 22d, 1782.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose certified copies of two letters from

Silas Deane, which serve in some measure to authenticate those that

have been published in his name, and strongly mark such a change in

his sentiments and principles as is worthy of the attention of the

State of which he is a citizen. The originals are lodged in this

office, to which your Excellency may at any time apply, if such copies

should be required, as would amount to legal evidence; I have also

enclosed a copy of an affidavit of Mr Marshall to prove the identity

of the letters, and his having received them from Silas Deane.

I some time since did myself the honor to write to you, relative to

the damage done by the enemy in your State, to that letter I have not

been as yet favored with an answer. Your Excellency will easily see

the propriety of keeping up a correspondence with this office, since

there are so many inferior objects, which escape the general attention

of Congress, which it may be extremely useful to detail in our

negotiations. Such, for instance, as an authentic account of the

cruelties committed by the British at New Haven. Nor is it of less

moment to be minutely informed by every State of the resources for

carrying on the war, the means used to call out those resources, the

temper and disposition of the people with respect to them. With a view

of obtaining these from you at your leisure, I have taken the liberty

to open this correspondence with your Excellency. I persuade myself

you will not put the trouble it may give you in competition with the

slightest advantage, that our country may obtain from it. I shall in

return give you from time to time, such European news as we may

receive here, which I conceive will contribute either to your

amusement or the advantage of your State.

And as I have nothing positive at present, let me inform you, what I

would wish every State to know, that we have not as yet any

intelligence, that leads to a speedy peace, so that we have every

reason to expect another campaign, and a campaign too, that will call

for our greatest exertions.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, January 25th, 1782.

Sir,

In the first organization of a new Department, some things are

frequently omitted, which experience will show ought to be inserted,

and many inserted which might be omitted; it becomes the duty of

those, who are placed at the head of such Departments, to mention the

difficulties that may arise from these causes, and leave it to the

wisdom of Congress to alter them, or to judge whether they can be

changed without introducing greater inconveniences. Upon this

principle, Sir, I am induced to offer the following observations.

The Secretary of Foreign Affairs is to correspond with the Ministers

of the United States at foreign Courts, and with the Ministers of

foreign powers. This correspondence must necessarily detail such

sentiments as the sovereign wishes to have known, and lead to such

inquiries as they choose to make. An intimate knowledge of their

sentiments is, therefore, absolutely necessary to a discharge of this

duty; and we accordingly find, that the Minister of Foreign Affairs

is, in monarchical governments, considered as the most confidential

servant of the Crown. In Republics, it is much more difficult to

execute this task, as the sentiments of the sovereign sometimes change

with the members, which compose the sovereignty. It is more frequently

unknown, because no occasion offers, on which to call it forth. It is

never perfectly expressed but by some public act. Waiting for this

time, the advantages of embracing a favorable opportunity are

frequency lost. There are numberless minutiæ, upon which no act is

formed, and about which, notwithstanding their sentiments should be

known to their Ministers, there are even occasions, in which their

Secretary should speak a sentiment, which it would be improper for

them to declare by a public act.

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