A resolution of Congress of the 3d instant, has been communicated to

me, containing the offer which that Assembly has been pleased to make

of the ship America, to be joined to his Majesty's fleet. I have the

honor of sending you a note, in answer to this communication. Whatever

may be the result of this offer, I entreat you, Sir, to be persuaded,

that my Court will be very sensible of the kindness of it, and as an

individual, I am very desirous that this vessel should join the fleet

of the King.[8]

I am, with the most sincere respect, Sir, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTES:

[8] _In Congress, September 3d, 1782._ "Whereas the Magnifique, a

seventyfour gun ship belonging to the fleet of his Most Christian

Majesty, commanded by the Marquis de Vaudreuil, has been lately lost

by accident in the harbor of Boston, and Congress are desirous of

testifying on this occasion to his Majesty, the sense they entertain

of his generous exertions in behalf of the United States;

"Resolved, That the Agent of Marine be, and he is hereby instructed,

to present the America, a seventyfour gun ship, in the name of the

United States, to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, for the service of his

Most Christian Majesty."

* * * * *

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Office of Foreign Affairs, September 12th, 1782.

Sir,

I have been honored by your favor of the 4th instant.[9] I have taken

measures to obtain from the State of Pennsylvania the law you

mention, which may be necessary to give validity to the eleventh

Article of the treaty of amity and commerce.

The demand upon the State of Georgia shall be transmitted as soon as

possible, and I doubt not, that they will see that full justice is

done to the gentlemen in whose behalf you make the representation.

As it appears clearly from the state of facts transmitted by Count de

Durat, that the vessel taken by Mr Clintock and his associates is

lawful prize, agreeably to the marine laws of this country, I shall

renew my instances upon this subject, and direct Dr Franklin to apply

to your Court for redress; I must, therefore, again request your aid

in promoting this claim in that channel, in which you observe, that it

ought in future to be made.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

FOOTNOTES:

[9] Missing.

* * * * *

THE MARQUIS DE VAUDREUIL TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Translation.

Boston, September 20th, 1782.

Sir,

I have received with the greatest satisfaction the letter, with which

your Excellency honored me on the 5th instant, with the copy of the

resolution of Congress relative to the present, made by Congress to

the King's navy, of the ship America. The eagerness of the United

States to replace the Magnifique, which was lost without hope of being

relieved, and the cordial manner in which they have offered the

America, induce me to accept this vessel with much gratitude. I shall

take care that she is promptly armed, and that she joins his Majesty's

squadron. M. de Macarty de Marteigne, who will command her, will go to

Portsmouth today for that purpose, and I have given orders to the

vessels in that port, to furnish him with all the assistance that he

may need.

I shall enjoy the honor, with which I feel much flattered, of

numbering among my ships, this mark of the friendship and regard of

our allies.

I have the honor to be, &c.

VAUDREUIL.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, September 23d, 1782.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has received

orders to communicate to Congress, many details relative to the

negotiation for peace. He is desirous, that a committee should be

appointed to receive these communications, and he will, at the same

time, have the honor of informing Congress of some circumstances,

which concern the common cause, and relate to the actual situation of

affairs in Europe.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, September 24th, 1782.

Sir,

Sundry accounts from New York having reached me, informing me that the

British were more than meditating an enterprise against the squadron

of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, which they have learned is at present in

two detachments in Boston and Portsmouth harbors, and that

preparations were making for that purpose, I have made the Marquis

acquainted with this intelligence, and the probability of such an

event.

At the same time that I gave this information to the French Admiral, I

have written a letter to Governor Hancock, requesting that

arrangements may be made with the militia of his State, in such manner

as to give immediate and effectual support, in aid and protection of

his Most Christian Majesty's ships, in case an attempt should be made

upon them.

The like information I shall give to the Governor of the State of New

Hampshire, and request similar assistance from him, in case of the

enemy approaching near Portsmouth.

With the highest regard and esteem, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

* * * * *

COMMUNICATION OF THE FRENCH MINISTER TO A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS.

In Congress, September 24th, 1782.

The committee appointed to hold a conference with the Chevalier de la

Luzerne, Minister of France, in pursuance of his note to Congress of

the 23d, report;

That yesterday your committee held a conference with the Minister of

France, agreeably to the said appointment, the substance of which

consisted in the communication of advices lately received by the said

Minister of France, from his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, as

follows.

The Minister informed the committee he had received several despatches

from his Court, of which he thought it his duty to communicate an

extract to Congress.

The first was dated 9th April last. It expressed the opinion of the

Count de Vergennes, that the Court of St James had formed a design to

make a separate peace with one or more of the powers at war with it.

That France was perfectly easy with respect to the disposition of

Congress; and that the uniformity and steadfastness of their conduct

did not leave the least doubt with regard to the part they would take

in this circumstance. That the steps the King had taken on a similar

occasion, and the disappointment of several British emissaries, was

already known to Congress. That they had met with the same reception

at Madrid; and there was the greatest probability, that their

intrigues would not be more successful at the Hague. The Minister of

France observed, that the glory and honor of the present confederacy,

of which his Majesty was the centre, would be their having been

inaccessible to artifice; and this extraordinary instance would be

crowned with success, if the four powers persisted invariably in a

firm attachment to their union, and if, on the one hand, making the

greatest exertions to procure the completest satisfaction, they, on

the other hand, confined themselves within such bounds of moderation

as would give no umbrage to any one of the powers at war with Great

Britain.

That the King had, in different circumstances, taken the proper

measures to deprive the enemy of all hopes, which they might have

formed of introducing dissensions between his Majesty and his allies.

That it was to be wished, that the Court of London was fully convinced

of the impossibility of treating separately with America. That this

had always been the chimerical and favorite idea of England; and that

so long as it subsisted, there would perhaps be no possibility of

treating seriously about the conditions of a peace. That their

negotiations would only be an artifice to scatter divisions among the

allies, and retard their exertions for continuing the war. That the

shortest way to put a stop to their intrigues, would be to let it be

known publicly in the most explicit manner, that the United States

neither can nor will make any peace without the concurrence of their

ally; and that if England has any overtures of peace to make to them,

the American Plenipotentiaries are sufficiently empowered to receive

them, and to negotiate a peace, if those overtures are admissible.

That this peremptory language would free Congress from all the

embarrassments, which the English Ministers could throw in the way;

that it would bring them to a sincere disposition to make peace; put

an end forever to their machinations with the mediating powers;

deprive them of the means of feeding the Parliament and people of

England with the hopes of a separate peace; and finally save the

Americans from all the difficulties, which would infallibly take place

if England were allowed to negotiate in America. It would convince

England, that the United States are not less attached to their

engagements with their ally than sensible of the respect due to the

Courts of Vienna and Petersburg, whose mediation Congress have

accepted.

The Minister added, that though the situation of the belligerent

powers, the distance of America, and the slowness and difficulty of

communication made it advantageous that the seat of negotiation should

be in Europe, and that the enemy should be informed of this

resolution, yet Congress had the fullest liberty to follow the system

which France had pointed out in her answer to the mediating powers, in

consequence of which the American Ministers might negotiate

immediately and directly, conformably to the instructions they had

received from Congress; but the negotiations of France and America

would be carried on in an equal progression, a continual and

reciprocal communication would be given, and the two treaties signed

at the same time, and one be ineffectual without the other.

The Count de Vergennes in the same despatch, gave information of the

Dutch having acknowledged the independence of America, of which

Congress are already informed.

The letters of May 2d and June 28th, urged the same point of referring

the British negotiators in America to the American Plenipotentiaries

in Europe, with this addition in the letter of May 2d, that it was now

evidently the object of Great Britain to lessen their exertions on

this continent as much as in their power, and to adopt a defensive

mode of carrying on the war; that being unable to support a double war

by land and by sea, she proposed to suspend the one in order to carry

on the other more effectually; and in case of success, to return

against the United States with redoubled efforts.

The Minister mentioned the attempts, that had been alternately made at

the Court of Versailles, and with the American Plenipotentiaries, for

a separate peace, and said, that Dr Franklin had communicated his and

Mr Adams's answers, to the British emissaries; that the King thought

them firm and consistent with the principles of the alliance, and

wished that Congress might be informed of the satisfaction they

afforded him. That to remove forever such expectations, it behooved

the wisdom of Congress to declare, that no peace but a general one

would be attended to; that when negotiations are entered into with

sincerity, the King would most readily employ his good offices in

support of the United States, in all points relating to their

prosperity; that Congress were themselves sensible of the distinction

between the conditions of justice and rigor, and those of convenience

and compliance, which depended on the good or bad situation of

affairs; that though the circumstances of the allies were very

promising, such events might happen as might make it advisable to

adopt the part of moderation.

But the best way to obtain every possible advantage, was to preserve a

perfect connexion, and to let them know, that the United States would

not only reject a separate peace, but that they would continue the war

against the common enemy by all manner of ways, until their allies

should also conclude a peace; that this declaration would convince the

British Ministers, that they would not get rid of the Americans by

merely acknowledging their independence; and that though they removed

their troops from the continent, they would be attacked wherever

found.

The despatch of the 28th of June dwelt chiefly on the negotiation; and

contained details, which the Count de Vergennes directed the Minister

to make to Congress, but which have in a great measure been already

transmitted to them by their Ministers in Europe. These details

related to the emissaries sent to Dr Franklin and Mr Adams, and their

satisfactory answers. Mr Oswald, in an interview with the Count de

Vergennes, hinted to him the desire of the Court of London, and the

necessity it was under to make peace; and received for answer, that

the King was equally disposed to make an honorable and solid peace. Mr

Oswald went to London to carry this information; returned soon, and

was immediately followed by Mr Grenville, the intimate friend of Mr

Fox.

Mr Oswald repeated to Dr Franklin the assurances of the disposition of

the Cabinet of St James; and Mr Grenville, in answer to his overtures

to the Count de Vergennes respecting the disposition of the King of

Great Britain, was informed by the express order of the King, _that

his Majesty was disposed to negotiate for peace, provided it was a

general one, and the allies and friends of his Majesty were

satisfied_. This answer was just given when the news of the action of

the 12th of April reached Europe. Nevertheless, the King of Great

Britain sent full powers to Mr Grenville to negotiate the peace with

his Majesty. In communicating them the English Agent declared, _that

the King of England, in order to facilitate peace, was disposed to

treat of the independence of the United States with his Majesty,

provided all other matters were put upon the footing of the treaty of

1763_.

To this the King answered, 1st. _That the powers of Mr Grenville were

insufficient, as they did not mention the allies of his Majesty._

2dly. _That his Majesty could not himself negotiate for the interests

of America, having no powers to this purpose; and that it became the

dignity of the King of England and of the United States to open a

direct negotiation on this subject._ 3dly. _That in order to conclude

a solid and lasting peace, it ought not to be founded upon the treaty

of Paris, but upon justice and the dignity of all the contracting

powers._

The British Ministry adopting these observations, sent new powers to

Mr Grenville, authorising him to treat with all the belligerent

powers. Mr Grenville presented to the Count de Vergennes a copy of

these powers, and declared, _that the King of England, being disposed

to acknowledge and declare directly the independence of America, it

would no longer be a conditional article of peace_. And as to France,

the English Plenipotentiary proposed _to take the treaty of Paris for

the basis, not of the peace itself, but of the negotiations which were

to be entered into_.

The Count de Vergennes, on the 21st of June, communicated to Mr

Grenville the answer of the King. In this communication his Majesty

declared his wishes for the restoration of peace, and his

satisfaction, that the King of Great Britain was disposed to treat

with all the belligerent powers, and that he intended to make a direct

acknowledgment and declaration of the independence of the United

States of America, and that this point would no longer be a

conditional Article of a general pacification. That the King consents

to adopt, according to the proposition of the King of England, the

treaty of Paris for a basis of the negotiation, not as a confirmation

of all its stipulations, but with exceptions and alterations

respecting the East Indies, Africa, the fisheries of Newfoundland, and

commercial regulations in Europe to mutual advantage. Restitution and

compensation to be treated of, when the negotiation shall be

established, with respect to which the King will be governed by the

principles of justice and moderation, which are the basis of his

policy. If these overtures are agreeable to the King of England, his

Majesty will explain himself precisely on the different points. His

Majesty expects, that his Britannic Majesty will make to all the

belligerent powers and states, without delay, such overtures as he may

think conducive to promote the negotiation as far as it respects their

interests. That no doubt may be left with respect to his Majesty's

sentiments, he declares anew, that he will neither treat nor terminate

any negotiation, unless the interests of his allies and friends shall

be conjointly discussed and determined, or separately, according to

the wishes of his Britannic Majesty and the allied and friendly powers

of his Most Christian Majesty.

Such was the state of affairs on the 28th of June, at which time there

appeared some obstructions to the negotiation, owing, as it was

believed, to the misunderstanding which prevailed among the British

Ministers. Tergiversations were discovered on the part of the British

negotiator. The bill authorising the King of England to treat with the

Colonies of America had not then passed. These uncertainties made it

essential to guard against British emissaries on the continent of

America; and to prevent with all care their admission; and to

recommend the same measure to the several Legislatures.

The Minister finished the conference by informing the committee of the

fortitude of the King on receiving the news of the action of the 12th

of April. He immediately gave orders for constructing twelve ships of

the line, the greater part of the first rate. The city of Paris and

several other cities and corporations had offered some others, and it

was expected, that the King would, in the course of the next campaign,

have twenty new ships to oppose the enemy. His Majesty was resolved

not to make the least alterations in his plans for the future

negotiation; and he exhorted his allies to the same resolution and the

same exertions.

* * * * *

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, September 27th, 1782.

Sir,

I have the honor of sending to you a decree of his Majesty's Council

of State, made in consequence of the measures taken by Congress for

preventing the fraudulent importation of English merchandise into this

country. I desire that you would be pleased to communicate it to

Congress, in order that it may be published under the seal of

authority, and that American merchants and sailors may be informed,

that it is in their own power to procure in the ports of France, the

papers necessary for making it certain, that the English merchandise,

which they take on board, is obtained from prizes. This decree agrees

very well with the laws passed by several States, and particularly

with that passed by the Assembly of Pennsylvania during its last

session, to prevent commerce and all communication with the enemy. I

have also the honor of sending to you, Sir, the copy of a letter from

the Marquis de Vaudreuil, which I request you to be pleased to

transmit to Congress.[10]

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTES:

[10] See above p. 113.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, September 29th, 1782.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to

write to me on the 22d of this month, with the news which accompanied

it. I beg you to accept my sincere thanks.

I have the honor to transmit you the extract of an answer, made by

express order of the King, on the 21st of June, to Mr Grenville. I

pray you to be pleased to keep it a secret; all that I can add is,

that the negotiations were still in agitation the beginning of July,

but there had been in the conduct of the British Minister many

circumstances, which led to doubt his sincerity; I believe, that even

if there had been a sincere disposition to treat, the death of the

Marquis of Rockingham had occasioned a change.

I have just received your Excellency's letter of the 24th; I cannot

but thank you for the goodness, which you have had in transmitting me

the detail, which it contains. I doubt not but M. de Vaudreuil will

profit by the advice, and put himself in a posture of defence.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia October 1st, 1782.

Sir,

I send to New York M. Barbe, who has the honor to be known to your

Excellency. The principal objects of his journey, are some

arrangements relative to the French prisoners carried into New York,

and of some Spaniards, who have been carried there also. I have

charged him to see M. de la Touche, and to give him such consolation

as depends upon me. I would at the same time wish to repurchase in New

York some effects, which I had coming from France in the Eagle, and

which I cannot replace here. I could wish you, Sir, to give all the

assistance in your power to M. Barbe's gaining admission into New York

and returning.

I am, &c.

LUZERNE.

* * * * *

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON COMMUNICATIONS MADE BY THE FRENCH

MINISTER.

In Congress, October 3d, 1782.

The committee, to whom were referred the notes of the communication

made by the Minister of France to a committee of Congress, on the 24th

of September, brought in a report, which was agreed to, as follows;

That the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty be

informed, that the communication made by the said Minister on the 24th

of September last, is considered by Congress as an additional proof of

his Majesty's magnanimity, and has confirmed those sentiments of

affection and confidence, which his wise, steady, and liberal conduct

in every stage of the war has so justly inspired.

That his Most Christian Majesty's declaration to the British Minister

at Paris, that he will neither treat nor terminate any negotiation

unless the interests of his friends and allies shall be considered and

determined, is entirely correspondent to the part, which these United

States are resolved to take in any negotiation for peace.

That Congress, with the utmost satisfaction embrace this opportunity

to renew their assurances, that in every event these United States

will inviolably adhere to their alliance with his Most Christian

Majesty, which they consider to be equally essential to their interest

and their glory.

That they will hearken to no propositions for peace, which shall not

be discussed in confidence and in concert with his Most Christian

Majesty, agreeably to the declaration made to his Minister

Plenipotentiary on the 31st day of May last.

That upon this principle, Congress did not hesitate a moment, to

reject the proposition made by the British General and Admiral, as

Commissioners of Peace, for admitting Mr Morgan, their Secretary, to

an interview at Philadelphia.

And that they are resolved to prosecute the war with vigor, until a

general peace shall be obtained, in which their allies shall be

comprehended.

That Congress place the utmost confidence in his Majesty's assurances,

that he will readily employ his good offices in support of the United

States in all points relative to their prosperity; and considering the

territorial claims of these States as heretofore made, their

participation of the fisheries, and of the free navigation of the

Mississippi, not only as their indubitable rights, but as essential to

their prosperity, they trust that his Majesty's efforts will be

successfully employed to obtain a sufficient provision and security

for those rights. Nor can they refrain from making known to his

Majesty, that any claim of restitution or compensation for property

confiscated in the several States, will meet with insuperable

obstacles, not only on account of the sovereignty of the individual

States, by which such confiscations have been made, but of the wanton

devastations, which the citizens of these States have experienced from

the enemy, and in many instances from the very persons in whose favor

such claims may be urged. That Congress trust, that the circumstances

of the allies at the negotiation for peace, will be so prosperous as

to render these expectations consistent with the spirit of moderation

recommended by his Majesty.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, October 16th, 1782.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, requests Congress

to be pleased to appoint a committee, to which he proposes to

communicate some measures which are provisional, and which are to

remain secret till the moment of their execution.

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