have been to engage France to pursue, with redoubled vigor, the
measures that have given birth to these appearances of peace, but
which would certainly not terminate in it, if England perceived that
her enemies relaxed their efforts in any manner. It is above all
things indispensable, that the United States should, in the course of
this campaign, be in a situation to co-operate in vigorous
enterprises, which may be formed. It appears that the design of the
Court of London, pointed out by the debates in Parliament, is to
reduce, by a defensive war, their operations upon this continent. The
Minister of his Most Christian Majesty has at present no information
relative to the plans of the approaching campaign. But whatever they
may be, it would be useful to be enabled to inform his Court, that the
United States will not adopt an inactivity, which would be equivalent
to the truce required. But that their design is to trouble the repose,
that the enemy wish to deliver themselves to, and that the operations,
whether combined or separately undertaken by the United States, will
be pushed with activity during the ensuing campaign.
As to the place of the negotiations, Congress knew in 1779, when they
named a Plenipotentiary, and in 1781, when they gave him three
Colleagues, that it could only be in Europe, and that this was the
most effectual means of preventing delays and jealousy, and of
maintaining the confidence and harmony, which has so happily subsisted
hitherto between the allies. It would be important, that the Minister
of his Majesty could inform his Court, that Congress persists in these
dispositions; and, that in case Commissaries offer to treat upon this
continent, they should be referred to the Ministers of the United
States, who are provided with instructions on this subject in Europe;
that the Court of London should address itself to them; and that it is
impossible that the seat of negotiation should be in America. When
these overtures were made to the Court of Versailles, the agent made
no mention of those that were to be made in America, or to the
American Ministers in Europe. It is obvious, that the design of this
conduct is to inspire reciprocal distrust; and the Chevalier de la
Luzerne conceives it can in no way more effectually be prevented, than
by a full communication of every circumstance, which shall relate to
the pacification and to the interests of the alliance, which shall
come to his knowledge.
* * * * *
GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.
Head Quarters, June 5th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor of conveying to your Excellency the enclosed address
of the officers of the American army under my immediate command, on
the auspicious event of the birth of a Dauphin.
Happy in this opportunity of presenting to you this united testimony
of respect and veneration for your royal Master, I pray you to
believe, that I enjoy the highest satisfaction in having such an
occasion of manifesting to your Excellency the very particular
pleasure I feel in every event, which affects the happiness of his
Most Christian Majesty, especially in one which is so interesting and
important to his domestic felicity and that of his people.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.
Office of Foreign Affairs, June 7th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose you an account of the moneys received by
Baron de Kalb and Lieutenant Colonel La Radière, as extracted from the
Paymaster's books. By this it will appear, that both have received
more than the amount of their pay, even if the depreciation is
allowed. If their friends have furnished you with vouchers to account
for the expenditure of still further sums upon the public account, the
whole, when stated, will be liquidated at the treasury offices, and
the balance paid.
I have applied to Congress for direction on the subject of the Baron
de Holzendorff, though it would appear to me, that if he had received
the thousand dollars directed to be paid him, there can be nothing
further due to him, since the resolution itself implies, that there
would probably be a balance to be repaid in bills of exchange. You
must see, Sir, the extreme difficulty of settling these accounts,
unless the gentlemen, who have demands, will be at the trouble of
stating their accounts precisely, and produce vouchers for the money,
which has passed through their hands. This is never dispensed with in
the case of our own citizens. I shall, however, do myself the honor to
lay before you the determination of Congress in this case.
I have written to Mr Morris on the subject of the interest due on the
loan office certificates, and shall transmit to you his answer as soon
as I shall receive it.
I enclose for your perusal a very extraordinary letter from Mr Deane
to Governor Trumbull, together with his reply, which was unanimously
approved by the Legislature of Connecticut. You will please return
them after you have read, or, if you think proper, taken copies of
them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.
Office of Foreign Affairs, June 9th, 1782.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose the copy of a letter from the
Superintendent of Finance in answer to one I wrote him on the subject
of the loan office certificates. I am sorry for the necessity which
dictated it, and look forward with some degree of impatience to the
period when ample justice shall be done to all the public creditors.
In the meanwhile foreigners will not feel themselves hurt when we make
no distinction between them and our own citizens.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, COMMANDER IN CHIEF, AND OTHER OFFICERS OF THE
AMERICAN ARMY, ON HUDSON'S RIVER.
Translation.
Philadelphia, June 10th, 1782.
Gentlemen,
I shall transmit to his Majesty the address you have been pleased to
send me on the birth of an heir to his crown.
It will afford him infinite satisfaction to find with what joy this
event has inspired you, and he will see with pleasure, that the same
army which has given so many proofs of courage and patriotism, and
which has in the most perfect harmony and concert with his own troops
fought the common enemy, now hastens to show, that nothing which
affects the French nation can be indifferent to them.
The young Prince, whose birth is the object of your congratulations,
will, from his infancy, hear recounted the glorious actions, by which
you have effected the independence and happiness of a vast continent;
and when there shall be cited to him examples of disinterestedness,
constancy, courage, and every other military virtue, there will be
repeated the names of illustrious chiefs.
He is born at a moment when victory has crowned both our nations. This
circumstance is a happy presage of his future glory, and promises,
that he will one day be the support of your independence as well as of
the alliance, which unites France with the Thirteen United States.
The veneration that your actions and virtues have inspired me with,
Gentlemen, augments the pleasure I have in conveying your sentiments
to the King, my master.
I beg you to be persuaded, that no one is with more sincere respect,
Gentlemen, your very humble and obedient servant.
LUZERNE.
* * * * *
CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.
The United States in Congress assembled to their Great, Faithful, and
Beloved Friend and Ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France and
Navarre.
Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally,
We learn with extreme grief, an event which has disturbed your
Majesty's felicity, and unite with you in offering that tribute of
sorrow to the memory of your most dear and beloved aunt, the Princess
Sophia Philippina Elizabeth Justina of France, which is due, as well
to the eminent virtues she possessed, as to the relation in which she
stood to your Majesty. We trust that our sensibility on this occasion,
will be considered as a fresh proof of the interest we take in every
event, which may affect your Majesty, and that our sincere condolence,
when such afflictions as are the lot of humanity put it out of our
power to offer more effectual consolation, will evince our earnest
desire on every occasion to contribute to your Majesty's happiness.
We pray God, Dear, Great, Faithful Friend and Ally, always to preserve
and keep you under his holy protection.
Done at Philadelphia, the 13th day of June, in the year of our Lord
one thousand seven hundred and eightytwo, and in the sixth year of our
independence. By the United States in Congress assembled. Your
Majesty's Faithful Friends and Allies.
JOHN HANSON, _President_.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU.
Translation.
Philadelphia, June 14th, 1782.
My Dear General,
I have just received your letter of the 8th of this month, and the
packets which accompanied it. I have not now time to reply to it, as
I profit by an express on the point of departure, and whom I cannot
detain.
The movements of the English troops at New York, indicate an intention
of sending off detachments from that garrison. It is even possible,
though not very probable, that they propose to evacuate that place,
either to reinforce the English Islands, or to act offensively against
the conquered Islands, which will not be in so good a state of defence
as our ancient possessions. This last supposition cannot take place,
unless they retain their superiority, and although I hope that this
will not be the case, it is, however, but prudent to be in readiness
against every event.
The most sure means of preventing the enemy from making any detachment
from New York, is to approach that place, and to give a jealousy to
General Carlton, of a combined attack. Congress regard the matter in
this light, and think that General Washington will make a movement
towards New York, in case such a measure is agreeable to his designs,
or to the intelligence he may have. I am ignorant what steps he will
take in this conjuncture. It is possible that he may think it proper
not to quit his present station, till he hears that you approach. In
all cases the enemy will be cautious of weakening themselves, if they
hear that you are on the march to form a junction.
I submit these ideas to you, my Dear General, and am persuaded that
you will take such measures as are most advantageous.
We have news, which I have no reason to believe that M. de la Motte
Piquet is not far distant from these coasts.
I have the honor to be, &c.
LUZERNE.
* * * * *
GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.
Head Quarters, Newburgh, June 24th, 1782.
Sir,
I was in the moment of sending off a despatch to Count de Rochambeau,
of which I have the honor to enclose a copy, when your Excellency's
letter of the 14th instant arrived.
I have only to refer you to my letter of the 20th of April, for a
perfect statement of matters in this quarter; and as little alteration
has taken place since that period, your Excellency will readily
perceive the impracticability of the movement expected by Congress,
(and mentioned in your letter to Count de Rochambeau,) especially too,
when you consider how unprepared we are to encounter any expense, that
can possibly be avoided.
My ideas on this head, the removal of the French army in our present
state of uncertainty, the consequent call of the militia to occupy the
posts they would leave, and cover the stores, shipping, &c. which must
necessarily remain, were communicated fully to the Secretary of War,
when he was here, with a request that he would unfold them to your
Excellency, as I could not commit them to paper without a cypher.
The enemy, from the best intelligence I get from New York, has made no
detachment. Things remain there in _statu quo_. They seem to be
suspended and are waiting for orders from their Court, which I hear
they anxiously expect. As I am just stepping into a boat for Albany,
and dare not commit more to paper, I have only to give a fresh
testimony of the respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be,
&c.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Translation.
Philadelphia, July 3d, 1782.
Sir,
I received a letter yesterday from Count de Rochambeau, dated on the
24th of last month, wherein he informs me, that he had come to a
determination to move on the 27th towards the head of the Bay, where
he will be at hand to take such measures as you may judge proper, as
soon as we receive news from Europe. He desires me to communicate this
to your Excellency, till he can write you himself. As he does not go
any distance from the Bay, and as he will always be ready to turn off
to the southward if necessary, I hope it will meet your approbation.
I wait his answer respecting the interview, which you have proposed to
him, and which I sincerely desire may take place here. It seems to me
impossible, that we should not have some news from France towards the
middle of this month.
From the last intelligence from Europe, up to the 1st of May, we learn
nothing important, except the general disposition of the Dutch to ally
themselves with the United States. But it is probable, that Mr Adams
will open the negotiation by demanding the acknowledgment and
guarantee of your independence, and this circumstance may prevent the
conclusion of a treaty of commerce, which seems to be the point that
has most influence with the States General. But as the inclination of
the people seems absolutely towards the alliance, I hope the
difficulties will be successively got over.
I have the honor to be, &c.
LUZERNE.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Translation.
Philadelphia, July 8th, 1782.
Sir,
You will receive by M. de Vauban a letter from Count de Rochambeau,
informing your Excellency that he will be here on the 13th or 14th of
this month. I hope for the honor of seeing you here by the 15th at
farthest, and I felicitate myself, that matters will concur to bring
you here precisely at the time, when I shall celebrate the birth of
the Dauphin. Your presence, and that of Mrs Washington, will render
the festival complete, and I hope the gentlemen, who compose your
family, will accompany you. I do not send any written invitations to
them, nor to the Generals and other officers of your army, but your
Excellency knows, that nothing would be more agreeable to me, than
their participation in celebrating an event, which is so interesting
to us, and which I know is so to all our allies. Everybody, whom your
Excellency may bring with you, will be welcome.
I have the honor to be, &c.
LUZERNE.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Translation.
Versailles, July 29th, 1782.
Sir,
It is not in quality of a King, the friend and ally of the United
States, (though with the knowledge and consent of his Majesty,) that I
now have the honor to write to your Excellency. It is as a man of
sensibility, and a tender father, who feels all the force of paternal
love, that I take the liberty to address to your Excellency my earnest
solicitations in favor of a mother and family in tears. Her situation
seems the more worthy of notice, on our part, as it is to the humanity
of a nation, at war with her own, that she has recourse, for what she
ought to receive from the impartial justice of her own Generals.
I have the honor to enclose your Excellency a copy of a letter, which
Lady Asgill has just wrote me. I am not known to her, nor was I
acquainted that her son was the unhappy victim, destined by lot to
expiate the odious crime that a formal denial of justice obliges you
to revenge. Your Excellency will not read this letter without being
extremely affected; it had that effect upon the King and Queen, to
whom I communicated it. The goodness of their Majesties' hearts
induces them to desire, that the inquietudes of an unfortunate mother
may be calmed, and her tenderness reassured. I felt, Sir, that there
are cases where humanity itself exacts the most extreme rigor; perhaps
the one now in question may be of the number; but allowing reprisals
to be just, it is not less horrid to those who are the victims; and
the character of your Excellency it too well known, for me not to be
persuaded that you desire nothing more than to be able to avoid the
disagreeable necessity.
There is one consideration, Sir, which, though it is not decisive, may
have an influence on your resolution. Captain Asgill is doubtless your
prisoner, but he is among those whom the arms of the King contributed
to put into your hands at Yorktown. Although this circumstance does
not operate as a safeguard, it however justifies the interest I permit
myself to take in this affair. If it is in your power, Sir, to
consider and have regard to it, you will do what is agreeable to their
Majesties; the danger of young Asgill, the tears, the despair of his
mother, affect them sensibly; and they will see with pleasure the hope
of consolation shine out for those unfortunate people.
In seeking to deliver Mr Asgill from the fate which threatens him, I
am far from engaging you to seek another victim; the pardon, to be
perfectly satisfactory, must be entire. I do not imagine it can be
productive of any bad consequences. If the English General has not
been able to punish the horrible crime you complain of, in so
exemplary a manner as he should, there is reason to think he will take
the most efficacious measures to prevent the like in future.
I sincerely wish, Sir, that my intercession may meet success; the
sentiment which dictates it, and which you have not ceased to manifest
on every occasion, assures me, that you will not be indifferent to the
prayers and to the tears of a family, which has recourse to your
clemency through me. It is rendering homage to your virtue to implore
it.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect consideration, Sir,
yours, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
LADY ASGILL TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
[Enclosed in the preceding.]
London, July 18th, 1782.
Sir,
If the politeness of the French Court will permit an application of a
stranger, there can be no doubt but one in which all the tender
feelings of an individual can be interested, will meet with a
favorable reception from a nobleman whose character does honor, not
only to his own country, but to human nature. The subject, Sir, on
which I presume to implore your assistance, is too heart-piercing for
me to dwell on; and common fame has, most probably, informed you of
it; it therefore renders the painful task unnecessary.
My son, (an only son) as dear as he is brave, amiable as he is
deserving to be so, only nineteen, a prisoner under the articles of
capitulation of Yorktown, is now confined in America, an object of
retaliation. Shall an innocent suffer for the guilty? Represent to
yourself, Sir, the situation of a family under these circumstances;
surrounded as I am by objects of distress, distracted with fear and
grief, no words can express my feeling, or paint the scene. My husband
given over by his physicians, a few hours before the news arrived, and
not in a state to be informed of the misfortune; my daughter seized
with a fever and delirium, raving about her brother, and without one
interval of reason, save to hear heart-alleviating circumstances.
Let your feelings, Sir, suggest and plead for my inexpressible misery.
A word from you, like a voice from Heaven, will save us from
distraction and wretchedness. I am well informed General Washington
reveres your character; say but to him you wish my son to be
released, and he will restore him to his distracted family, and render
him to happiness. My son's virtue and bravery will justify the deed.
His honor, Sir, carried him to America. He was born to affluence,
independence, and the happiest prospects. Let me again supplicate your
goodness; let me respectfully implore your high influence in behalf of
innocence; in the cause of justice, of humanity; that you would, Sir,
despatch a letter to General Washington, from France, and favor me
with a copy of it, to be sent from hence.
I am sensible of the liberty I have taken in making this request; but
I am sensible, whether you comply with it or not, you will pity the
distress that suggests it; your humanity will drop a tear on the
fault, and efface it. I will pray that Heaven may grant you may never
want the comfort it is in your power to bestow on
ASGILL.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Translation.
Philadelphia, August 5th, 1782.
Sir,
This letter will be handed you by M. de Cloisy, who will inform you
particularly of the motives of his journey to the northward.
I address myself with freedom to your Excellency, for a service, that
no one has it more in their power to render than yourself, and which
is of the greatest importance to the naval army commanded by M. de
Vaudreuil. It is not to be doubted, that a large naval force will
arrive at New York, either from the West Indies or from Europe. It is
essential that our naval commanders should have the most exact and
most frequent intelligence in this respect, respecting the number of
vessels, their names, their destination, the time of their arrival, of
their departure, the number of troops they embark, or artillery; in
fact, not a single movement can be known with too much precision. And
I must request, that you will take the necessary measures to give M.
de Vaudreuil regular information on all these points. It could be
wished, that you would station regular expresses to facilitate the
communication between you and him.
I ought to be well convinced of your goodness to take so much liberty,
but the object is of such importance to the common cause, that I have
no doubt of your excusing me.
If the communication between you and M. de Vaudreuil is regular and
sure, you might, I should think, correspond without cypher; if not I
must beg you to furnish M. de Vaudreuil with a cypher to make the
matter more secure, and if your Excellency will from time to time give
me the same information I shall be exceedingly obliged.
The procuring of the necessary intelligence must be attended with
extraordinary expense; I must beg that your Excellency will charge
some one to acquaint me of the sums necessary for the purpose, and to
whom I shall pay it. These expenses being wholly for the service of
our fleet, must be charged to the Department of the Marine, and I have
taken the necessary measures that they may be exactly paid.
By our last accounts from France the Duc de Lauzun, and many other
officers who had sailed, were obliged to put back, having met with a
storm. It is supposed they may have sailed again towards the last of
June.
I am, &c.
LUZERNE.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Translation.
Philadelphia, August 14th, 1782.
Sir,
A cartel will probably have arrived at Boston with American sailors
from England. One is arrived here with two hundred and forty sailors,
whom England has set at liberty. One of the Captains, with whom I have
conversed, tells me that a fleet of two hundred sail was to leave
Portsmouth a few days after the cartels; they were to separate into
three divisions, one for Charleston, one for New York, and one for
Quebec; they are to be convoyed by frigates only; and they assure me
the last division is the most important, having soldiers on board, and
many articles necessary for the defence of Quebec, and for the
subsistence of the inhabitants.
From the different accounts I can collect, it seems to be the design
of England to make a general peace, but the demands on one side and
the other will render a conclusion extremely difficult, and in such a
case, that power will spare nothing to effectuate a peace with the
United States, and turn all her efforts against France. As to a
separate peace with the United States it will not take place. I am
certain that they will not make peace but in concert with France.
I am, &c.
LUZERNE.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Translation.
Philadelphia, September 1st, 1782.
Sir,
The undersigned, Minister of France, has the honor of informing
Congress, that he will transmit to his Court the resolution, by which
Congress offers the ship of the line America, to replace the ship the
Magnifique, which ran ashore at Boston, and which there is little hope
of relieving. The Chevalier de la Luzerne cannot anticipate the
determination of his Majesty, with regard to this offer, but as the
desire of Congress to substitute immediately the America for the
Magnifique cannot be accomplished if the undersigned Minister waits
for the orders of his Court on this subject, he will, without delay,
inform the Marquis de Vaudreuil of the resolution adopted by Congress
on the 4th instant. This General will judge for himself, whether the
fleet of the King will be stationed on the coast long enough to allow
time for launching this vessel, arming her, and transporting on board
of her the crew, artillery, and rigging of the Magnifique. In that
case, the America will immediately join the fleet, in conformity with
the wishes of Congress.
But whether circumstances shall allow this vessel to join his
Majesty's fleet, or render it impracticable, the undersigned Minister
can assure Congress, that his Majesty will behold with great pleasure,
the eagerness with which the United States, his allies, have made this
offer, and that this new mark of their attachment and friendship will
be infinitely agreeable to him.
LUZERNE.
* * * * *
TO ROBERT. R. LIVINGSTON.
Translation.
Philadelphia, September 5th, 1782.
Sir,