To-day I proceeded to the Montgomery Downing street and Whitehall, to

present myself to the members of the cabinet, and to be introduced to

the President of the Confederate States of America. There is no sentry

at the doors, and access is free to all, but there are notices on the

doors warning visitors that they can only be received during certain

hours. The President was engaged with some gentlemen when I was

presented to him, but he received me with much kindliness of manner,

and, when they had left, entered into conversation with me for some time

on general matters. Mr. Davis is a man of slight, sinewy figure, rather

over the middle height, and of erect, soldierlike bearing. He is about

fifty-five years of age; his features are regular and well-defined, but

the face is thin and marked on cheek and brow with many wrinkles, and is

rather careworn and haggard. One eye is apparently blind, the other is

dark, piercing, and intelligent. He was dressed very plainly, in a

light-gray summer suit. In the course of conversation, he gave an order

for the Secretary of War to furnish me with a letter as a kind of

passport, in case of my falling in with the soldiers of any military

posts who might be indisposed to let me pass freely, merely observing

that I had been enough within the lines of camps to know what was my

duty on such occasions. I subsequently was presented to Mr. Walker, the

Secretary of War, who promised to furnish me with the needful documents

before I left Montgomery. In his room were General Beauregard and

several officers, engaged over plans and maps, apparently in a little

council of war, which was, perhaps, not without reference to the

intelligence that the United States troops were marching on Norfolk

Navy-Yard, and had actually occupied Alexandria. On leaving the

Secretary, I proceeded to the room of the Attorney-General, Mr.

Benjamin, a very intelligent and able man, whom I found busied in

preparations connected with the issue of letters of marque. Every thing

in the offices looked like earnest work and business.

On my way back from the State Department, I saw a very fine company of

infantry and three field-pieces, with about one hundred and twenty

artillerymen, on their march to the railway station for Virginia. The

men were all well equipped, but there were no ammunition wagons for the

guns, and the transport consisted solely of a few country carts, drawn

by poor horses, out of condition. There is no lack of muscle and will

among the men. The troops which I see here are quite fit to march and

fight as far as their _personnel_ is concerned, and there is no people

in the world so crazy with military madness. The very children in the

streets ape the air of soldiers, carry little flags, and wear cockades

as they strut in the highways, and mothers and fathers feed the fever by

dressing them up as Zouaves or Chasseurs.

Mrs. Davis had a small levee to-day in right of her position as wife of

the President. Several ladies there probably looked forward to the time

when their states might secede from the new Confederation, and afford

them the pleasure of holding a reception. Why not Presidents of the

State of Georgia, or Alabama? Why not King of South Carolina, or Emperor

of Florida? Soldiers of fortune, make your game! Gentlemen politicians,

the ball is rolling. There is, to be sure, a storm gathering at the

North, but it cannot hurt you, and already there are _condottieri_ from

all parts of the world flocking to your aid, who will eat your Southern

beeves the last of all.

One word more as to a fleet. The English owners of several large

steamers are already in correspondence with government here for the

purchase of their vessels. The intelligence which had reached the

government that their commissioners have gone on to Paris is regarded as

unfavorable to their claims, and as a proof that as yet England is not

disposed to recognize them. It is amusing to hear the tone used on both

sides toward Great Britain. Both are most anxious for her countenance

and support, although the North blusters rather more about its

independence than the South, which professes a warm regard for the

mother country. “But,” say the North, “if Great Britain recognizes the

South, we shall certainly look on it as a declaration of war.” “And,”

say the South, “if Great Britain does not recognize our privateers’

flag, we shall regard it as proof of hostility and of alliance with the

enemy.” The government at Washington seeks to obtain promises from Lord

Lyons that our government will not recognize the Southern Confederacy,

but at the same time refuses any guaranties in reference to the rights

of neutrals. The blockade of the Southern ports would not occasion us

any great inconvenience at present, because the cotton-loading season is

over; but if it be enforced in October, there is a prospect of very

serious and embarrassing questions arising in reference to the rights of

neutrals, treaty obligations with the United States government, the

trade and commerce of England, and the law of blockade in reference to

the distinctions to be drawn between measures of war and means of

annoyance.

As I write, the guns in front of the State Department are firing a

salute, and each report marks a state of the Confederacy. They are now

ten, as Arkansas and Tennessee are now out of the Union.

MONTGOMERY, Monday, _May_ 6, 1861.

Although I have written two letters since my arrival at Charleston, I

have not been able to give an account of many things which have come

under my notice, and which appeared to be noteworthy; and now that I am

fairly on my travels once more, it seems only too probable that I shall

be obliged to pass them over altogether. The rolling fire of the

revolution is fast sweeping over the prairie, and one must fly before it

or burn. I am obliged to see all that can be seen of the South at once,

and then, armed with such safeguards as I can procure, to make an effort

to recover my communications. Bridges broken, rails torn up, telegraphs

pulled down--I am quite in the air, and air charged with powder and

fire. One of the most extraordinary books in the world could be made out

of the cuttings and parings of the newspapers which have been published

within the last few days. The judgments, statements, asseverations of

the press, everywhere necessarily hasty, ill-sifted and off-hand, do not

aspire to even an ephemeral existence here. They are of use if they

serve the purpose of the moment, and of the little boys who commence

their childhood in deceit, and continue to adolescence in iniquity, by

giving vocal utterance to the “sensation” headings of the journals they

retail so sharply and so curtly. Talk of the superstition of the middle

ages; or of the credulity of the more advanced periods of rural life;

laugh at the Holy Coat of Treves, or groan over the Lady of Salette;

deplore the faith in winking pictures, or in a _communiqué_ of the

_Moniteur_; moralize on the superstition which discovers more in the

liquefaction of the ichor of St. Gennaro than a chemical trick, but if

you desire to understand how far faith can see and trust among the

people who consider themselves the most civilized and intelligent in the

world, you will study the American journals, and read the telegrams

which appear in them. One day the Seventh New York regiment is destroyed

for the edification of the South, and is cut up into such small pieces

that none of it is ever seen afterward. The next day it marches into

Washington or Annapolis all the better for the process. Another, in

order to encourage the North, it is said that hecatombs of dead were

carried out of Fort Moultrie, packed up, for easy travelling, in boxes.

Again, to irritate both, it is credibly stated that Lord Lyons is going

to interfere, or that an Anglo-French fleet is coming to watch the

ports, and so on, through a wild play of fancy, inexact in line as

though the batteries were charged with the _aurora borealis_ or summer

lightning, instead of the respectable, steady, manageable offspring of

acid and metal, to whose staid deportment we are accustomed at a

moderate price for entrance. As is usual in such periods, the contending

parties accuse each other of inveterate falsehood, perfidy, oppression

and local tyranny and persecution. “Madness rules the hour.” The

exultation of the South when the flag of the United States was lowered

at Sumter has been answered by a shout of indignation and battle-cry

from the North, and the excitement at Charleston has produced a reflex

action there, the energy of which cannot be described. The apathy which

struck me at New York, when I landed, has been succeeded by violent

popular enthusiasm, before which all Laodicean policy has melted into

fervent activity. The truth must be that the New York population did not

believe in the strength and unanimity of the South, and that they

thought the Union safe, or did not care about it. I can put down the

names of gentlemen who expressed the strongest opinions that the

government of the United States had no power to coerce the South, and

who have since put down their names and their money to support the

government in the attempt to recover the forts which have been taken. As

to the change of opinion in other quarters, which has been effected so

rapidly and miraculously that it has the ludicrous air of a vulgar

juggler’s trick at a fair, the public regard it so little that it would

be unbecoming to waste a word about it.

I expressed a belief in a letter, written a few days after my arrival,

that the South would never go back into the Union. The North thinks that

it can coerce the South, and I am not prepared to say they are right or

wrong; but I am convinced that the South can only be forced back by such

a conquest as that which laid Poland prostrate at the feet of Russia. It

may be that such a conquest can be made by the North, but success must

destroy the Union as it has been constituted in times past. A strong

government must be the logical consequence of victory, and the triumph

of the South will be attended by a similar result, for which, indeed,

many Southerners are very well disposed. To the people of the

Confederate States there would be no terror in such an issue, for it

appears to me they are pining for a strong government exceedingly. The

North must accept it whether they like it or not. Neither party, if such

a term can be applied to the rest of the United States, and to those

states which disclaim the authority of the Federal government, was

prepared for the aggressive or resisting power of the other. Already the

Confederate States perceive that they cannot carry all before them with

a rush, while the North have learnt that they must put forth all their

strength to make good a tithe of their lately uttered threats. But the

Montgomery government are now, they say, anxious to gain time, and to

prepare a regular army. The North, distracted by apprehensions of vast

disturbance in its complicated relations, is clamoring for instant

action and speedy consummation. The counsels of moderate men, as they

were called, have been utterly overruled.

I am now, however, dealing with South Carolina, which has been the _fons

et origo_ of the secession doctrines and their development into the full

life of the Confederate States. The whole foundation on which South

Carolina rests is cotton and a certain amount of rice; or rather she

bases her whole fabric on the necessity which exists in Europe for those

products of her soil, believing and asserting, as she does, that England

and France cannot and will not do without them. Cotton, without a

market, is so much flocculent matter encumbering the ground. Rice,

without demand for it, is unsalable grain in store and on the field.

Cotton at ten cents a pound is boundless prosperity, empire and

superiority, and rice or grain need no longer be regarded. In the matter

of slave labor, South Carolina argues pretty much in this way: England

and France require our products. In order to meet their wants, we must

cultivate our soil. There is only one way of doing so. The white man

cannot live on our land at certain seasons of the year; he cannot work

in the manner required by the crops. He must, therefore, employ a race

suited to the labor, and that is a race which will only work when it is

obliged to do so. That race was imported from Africa, under the sanction

of the law, by our ancestors, when we were a British colony, and it has

been fostered by us, so that its increase here has been as great as that

of the most flourishing people in the world. In other places, where its

labor was not productive or imperatively essential, that race has been

made free, sometimes with disastrous consequences to itself and to

industry. But we will not make it free. We cannot do so. We hold that

slavery is essential to our existence as producers of what Europe

requires, nay more, we maintain it is in the abstract right in

principle; and some of us go so far as to maintain that the only proper

form of society, according to the law of God and the exigencies of man,

is that which has slavery as its basis. As to the slave, he is happier

far in his state of servitude, more civilized and religious, than he is

or could be if free or in his native Africa.

I have already endeavored to describe the aspect of Charleston, and I

will now make a few observations on matters which struck me during my

visit to one or two of the planters of the many who were kind enough to

give me invitations to their residences in the state. Early one morning

I started in a steamer to visit a plantation in the Pedee and Maccamaw

district, in the island coast of the state, north of Charleston. Passing

Sumter, on which men are busily engaged, under the Confederate flag, in

making good damages and mounting guns, we put out a few miles to sea,

and with the low sandy shore, dotted with soldiers, and guard-houses,

and clumps of trees, on our left, in a few hours pass the Santee River,

and enter an estuary into which the Pedee and Maccamaw Rivers run a few

miles further to the north-west. The steamer ran alongside a jetty and

pier, which was crowded by men in uniform waiting for the news and for

supplies of creature comforts. Ladies were cantering along the fine hard

beach, and some gigs and tax-carts fully laden rolled along very much as

one sees them at Scarborough. The soldiers on the pier were all

gentlemen of the county. Some, dressed in gray tunics and yellow

facings, in high felt hats and plumes and jack-boots, would have done no

discredit in face, figure and bearing to the gayest cavaliers who ever

thundered at the heels of Prince Rupert. Their horses, full of

Carolinian fire and mettle, stood picketed under the trees along the

margin of the beach. Among these men, who had been doing the duty of

common troopers in patrolling the sea-coast, were gentlemen possessed of

large estates and princely fortunes; and one who stood among them was

pointed out to me as captain of a company, for whose uses his liberality

provided unbounded daily libations of champagne, and the best luxuries

which French ingenuity can safely imprison in those well-known caskets

with which Crimean warriors were not unacquainted at the close of the

campaign. They were eager for news, which was shouted out to them by

their friends in the steamer, and one was struck by the intimate

personal cordiality and familiar acquaintance which existed among them.

Three heavy guns mounted in an earthwork defended by palisades, covered

the beach and the landing-place, and the garrison was to have been

reinforced by a regiment from Charleston, which, however, had not got in

readiness to go up on our steamer, owing to some little difficulties

between the volunteers, their officers, and the quartermaster-general’s

department.

As the Nina approaches the tumble-down wharf, two or three citizens

advance from the shade of shaky sheds to welcome us, and a few country

vehicles and light phaetons are drawn forth from the same shelter to

receive the passengers, while the negro boys and girls who have been

playing upon the bales of cotton and barrels of rice, which represent

the trade of the place on the wharf, take up commanding positions for

the better observation of our proceedings. There is an air of quaint

simplicity and old-fashioned quiet about Georgetown, refreshingly

antagonistic to the bustle and tumult of most American cities. While

waiting for our vehicle we enjoyed the hospitality of one of our

friends, who took us into an old-fashioned angular wooden mansion, more

than a century old, still sound in every timber, and testifying, in its

quaint wainscotings, and the rigid framework of door and window, to the

durability of its cypress timbers and the preservative character of the

atmosphere. In early days it was the crack house of the old settlement,

and the residence of the founder of the female branch of the family of

our host, who now only makes it his halting place when passing to and

fro between Charleston and his plantation, leaving it the year round in

charge of an old servant and her grandchild. Rose-trees and flowering

shrubs clustered before the porch and filled the garden in front, and

the establishment gave one a good idea of a London merchant’s retreat

about Chelsea a hundred and fifty years ago.

At length we were ready for our journey, and, mounted in two light

covered vehicles, proceeded along the sandy track which, after a while,

led us to a cut deep in the bosom of the woods, where silence was only

broken by the cry of a woodpecker, the boom of a crane, or the sharp

challenge of the jay. For miles we passed through the shades of this

forest, meeting only two or three vehicles containing female planterdom

on little excursions of pleasure or business, who smiled their welcome

as we passed. Arrived at a deep chocolate-colored stream, called Black

River, full of fish and alligators, we find a flat large enough to

accommodate vehicles and passengers, and propelled by two negroes

pulling upon a stretched rope, in the manner usual in the ferry-boats of

Switzerland, ready for our reception. Another drive through a more open

country, and we reach a fine grove of pine and live-oak, which melts

away into a shrubbery guarded by a rustic gateway, passing through

which, we are brought by a sudden turn into the planter’s house, buried

in trees, which dispute with the green sward and with wild flower-beds

every yard of the space which lies between the hall-door and the waters

of the Pedee; and in a few minutes, as we gaze over the expanse of

fields just tinged with green by the first life of the early rice crops,

marked by the deep water-cuts, and bounded by a fringe of unceasing

forest, the chimneys of the steamer we had left at Georgetown gliding as

it were through the fields, indicate the existence of another navigable

river still beyond. Leaving with regret the verandah which commanded so

enchanting a foreground, we enter the house, and are reminded by its

low-browed, old-fashioned rooms, of the country houses yet to be found

in parts of Ireland or on the Scottish border, with additions, made by

the luxury and love of foreign travel, of more than one generation of

educated Southern planters. Paintings from Italy illustrate the walls,

in juxtaposition with interesting portraits of early colonial governors

and their lovely womankind, limned with no uncertain hand, and full of

the vigor of touch and naturalness of drapery, of which Copley has left

us too few exemplars; and one portrait of Benjamin West claims for

itself such honor as his own pencil can give. An excellent

library--filled with collections of French and English classics, and

with those ponderous editions of Voltaire, Rousseau, the _Mémoires pour

Servir_, books of travel and history such as delighted our forefathers

in the last century, and many works of American and general

history--affords ample occupation for a rainy day. But alas! these, and

all things good which else the house affords, can be enjoyed but for a

brief season. Just as nature has expanded every charm, developed every

grace, and clothed the scene with all the beauty of opened flower, of

ripening grain, and of mature vegetation, on the wings of the wind the

poisoned breath comes, borne to the home of the white man, and he must

fly before it or perish. The books lie unopened on their shelves, the

flower blooms and dies unheeded, and, pity ’tis true, the old Madeira

garnered ’neath the roof, settles down for a fresh lease of life, and

sets about its solitary task of acquiring a finer flavor for the

infrequent lips of its banished master and his welcome visitors. This is

the story, at least, that we hear on all sides, and such is the tale

repeated to us beneath the porch, when the moon enhances while softening

the loveliness of the scene, and the rich melody of mocking-birds fills

the grove.

Within these hospitable doors Horace might banquet better than he did

with Nasidienus, and drink such wine as can be only found among the

descendants of the ancestry who, improvident enough in all else, learnt

the wisdom of bottling up choice old Bual and Sercial ere the demon of

oidium had dried up their generous sources forever. To these must be

added excellent bread, ingenious varieties of the _galette_, compounded

now of rice and now of Indian meal, delicious butter and fruits, all

good of their kind. And is there any thing bitter rising up from the

bottom of the social bowl? My black friends who attend on me are grave

as Mussulman Khitmutgars. They are attired in liveries and wear white

cravats and Berlin gloves. At night when we retire, off they go to their

outer darkness in the small settlement of negro-hood, which is separated

from our house by a wooden palisade. Their fidelity is undoubted. The

house breathes an air of security. The doors and windows are unlocked.

There is but one gun, a fowling-piece, on the premises. No planter

hereabouts has any dread of his slaves. But I have seen, within the

short time I have been in this part of the world, several dreadful

accounts of murder and violence, in which masters suffered at the hands

of their slaves. There is something suspicious in the constant

never-ending statement that “we are not afraid of our slaves.” The

curfew and the night patrol in the streets, the prisons and

watch-houses, and the police regulations, prove that strict supervision,

at all events, is needed and necessary. My host is a kind man and a good

master. If slaves are happy anywhere, they should be so with him.

These people are fed by their master. They have upwards of half a pound

per diem of fat pork, and corn in abundance. They rear poultry and sell

their chickens and eggs to the house. They are clothed by their master.

He keeps them in sickness as in health. Now and then there are gifts of

tobacco and molasses for the deserving. There was little labor going on

in the fields, for the rice has been just exerting itself to get its

head above water. These fields yield plentifully; for the waters of the

river are fat, and they are let in whenever the planter requires it, by

means of floodgates and small canals, through which the flats can carry

their loads of grain to the river for loading the steamers.

* * * * *

MOBILE, ALA., _Saturday, May_ 11, 1861.

The wayfarer who confides in the maps of a strange country, or who

should rely upon even the guide-books of the United States, which still

lack a Murray or a Bradshaw, may be at times embarrassed by insuperable

hills and innavigable rivers. When, however, I saw the three towering

stories of the high-pressure steamer Southern Republic, on board of

which we tumbled down the steep bank of the Alabama river at Montgomery,

any such misgivings vanished from my mind. So colossal an ark could have

ascended no mythical stream, and the existence and capabilities of the

Alabama were demonstrated by its presence.

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