than to preserve them from the terrible physical and moral degradation
resulting from the liquor traffic. We are doing all we can to save our
own Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by international agreement
this same end can be attained as regards races where we do not
possess exclusive control, every effort should be made to bring it
about.
* * * * *
I bespeak the most cordial support from the Congress and the people
for the St. Louis Exposition to Commemorate the One Hundredth
Anniversary of the Louisiana Purchase. This purchase was the greatest
instance of expansion in our history. It definitely decided that we
were to become a great continental republic, by far the foremost power
in the Western Hemisphere. It is one of three or four great landmarks
in our history—the great turning-points in our development. It is
eminently fitting that all our people should join with heartiest good
will in commemorating it, and the citizens of St. Louis, of Missouri,
of all the adjacent region, are entitled to every aid in making the
celebration a noteworthy event in our annals. We earnestly hope that
foreign nations will appreciate the deep interest our country takes in
this Exposition, and our view of its importance from every standpoint,
and that they will participate in securing its success. The National
Government should be represented by a full and complete set of
exhibits.
* * * * *
The people of Charleston, with great energy and civic spirit, are
carrying on an Exposition which will continue throughout most of the
present session of the Congress. I heartily commend this Exposition
to the good will of the people. It deserves all the encouragement
that can be given it. The managers of the Charleston Exposition
have requested the Cabinet officers to place thereat the government
exhibits which have been at Buffalo, promising to pay the necessary
expenses. I have taken the responsibility of directing that this be
done, for I feel that it is due to Charleston to help her in her
praiseworthy effort. In my opinion the management should not be
required to pay all these expenses. I earnestly recommend that the
Congress appropriate at once the small sum necessary for this purpose.
* * * * *
The Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo has just closed. Both from the
industrial and the artistic standpoint this Exposition has been in a
high degree creditable and useful, not merely to Buffalo but to the
United States. The terrible tragedy of the President’s assassination
interfered materially with its being a financial success. The
Exposition was peculiarly in harmony with the trend of our public
policy, because it represented an effort to bring into closer touch
all the peoples of the Western Hemisphere, and give them an increasing
sense of unity. Such an effort was a genuine service to the entire
American public.
* * * * *
The advancement of the highest interests of national science and
learning and the custody of objects of art and of the valuable results
of scientific expeditions conducted by the United States have been
committed to the Smithsonian Institution. In furtherance of its
declared purpose—for the “increase and diffusion of knowledge among
men”—the Congress has from time to time given it other important
functions. Such trusts have been executed by the Institution with
notable fidelity. There should be no halt in the work of the
Institution, in accordance with the plans which its Secretary has
presented, for the preservation of the vanishing races of great North
American animals in the National Zoölogical Park. The urgent needs of
the National Museum are recommended to the favorable consideration of
the Congress.
* * * * *
Perhaps the most characteristic educational movement of the past
fifty years is that which has created the modern public library and
developed it into broad and active service. There are now over five
thousand public libraries in the United States, the product of this
period. In addition to accumulating material, they are also striving
by organization, by improvement in method, and by co-operation, to
give greater efficiency to the material they hold, to make it more
widely useful, and by avoidance of unnecessary duplication in process
to reduce the cost of its administration.
In these efforts they naturally look for assistance to the Federal
library, which, though still the Library of Congress, and so entitled,
is the one national library of the United States. Already the largest
single collection of books on the Western Hemisphere, and certain to
increase more rapidly than any other through purchase, exchange,
and the operation of the copyright law, this library has a unique
opportunity to render to the libraries of this country—to American
scholarship—service of the highest importance. It is housed in a
building which is the largest and most magnificent yet erected for
library uses. Resources are now being provided which will develop
the collection properly, equip it with the apparatus and service
necessary to its effective use, render its bibliographic work widely
available, and enable it to become, not merely a centre of research,
but the chief factor in great co-operative efforts for the diffusion
of knowledge and the advancement of learning.
* * * * *
For the sake of good administration, sound economy, and the
advancement of science, the Census Office as now constituted should be
made a permanent government bureau. This would insure better, cheaper,
and more satisfactory work, in the interest not only of our business
but of statistic, economic, and social science.
* * * * *
The remarkable growth of the postal service is shown in the fact
that its revenues have doubled and its expenditures have nearly
doubled within twelve years. Its progressive development compels
constantly increasing outlay, but in this period of business energy
and prosperity its receipts grow so much faster than its expenses
that the annual deficit has been steadily reduced from $11,411,779 in
1897 to $3,923,727 in 1901. Among recent postal advances the success
of rural free-delivery wherever established has been so marked, and
actual experience has made its benefits so plain, that the demand for
its extension is general and urgent.
It is just that the great agricultural population should share in
the improvement of the service. The number of rural routes now in
operation is 6,009, practically all established within three years,
and there are 6,000 applications awaiting action. It is expected
that the number in operation at the close of the current fiscal year
will reach 8,600. The mail will then be daily carried to the doors
of 5,700,000 of our people who have heretofore been dependent upon
distant offices, and one-third of all that portion of the country
which is adapted to it will be covered by this kind of service.
The full measure of postal progress which might be realized has long
been hampered and obstructed by the heavy burden imposed on the
Government through the intrenched and well-understood abuses which
have grown up in connection with second-class mail matter. The extent
of this burden appears when it is stated that while the second-class
matter makes nearly three-fifths of the weight of all the mail, it
paid for the last fiscal year only $4,294,445 of the aggregate postal
revenue of $111,631,193. If the pound rate of postage, which produces
the large loss thus entailed, and which was fixed by the Congress with
the purpose of encouraging the dissemination of public information,
were limited to the legitimate newspapers and periodicals actually
contemplated by the law, no just exception could be taken. That
expense would be the recognized and accepted cost of a liberal public
policy deliberately adopted for a justifiable end. But much of the
matter which enjoys the privileged rate is wholly outside of the
intent of the law, and has secured admission only through an evasion
of its requirements or through lax construction. The proportion of
such wrongly included matter is estimated by postal experts to be
one-half of the whole volume of second-class mail. If it be only
one-third or one-quarter, the magnitude of the burden is apparent. The
Post-Office Department has now undertaken to remove the abuses so far
as is possible by a stricter application of the law; and it should be
sustained in its effort.
* * * * *
Owing to the rapid growth of our power and our interests on the
Pacific, whatever happens in China must be of the keenest national
concern to us.
The general terms of the settlement of the questions growing out of
the anti-foreign uprisings in China of 1900, having been formulated
in a joint note addressed to China by the representatives of the
injured powers in December last, were promptly accepted by the Chinese
Government. After protracted conferences the plenipotentiaries of the
several powers were able to sign a final protocol with the Chinese
plenipotentiaries on the 7th of last September, setting forth the
measures taken by China in compliance with the demands of the joint
note, and expressing their satisfaction therewith. It will be laid
before the Congress, with a report of the plenipotentiary on behalf of
the United States, Mr. William Woodville Rockhill, to whom high praise
is due for the tact, good judgment, and energy he has displayed in
performing an exceptionally difficult and delicate task.
The agreement reached disposes in a manner satisfactory to the powers
of the various grounds of complaint, and will contribute materially to
better future relations between China and the powers. Reparation has
been made by China for the murder of foreigners during the uprising
and punishment has been inflicted on the officials, however high in
rank, recognized as responsible for or having participated in the
outbreak. Official examinations have been forbidden for a period of
five years in all cities in which foreigners have been murdered or
cruelly treated, and edicts have been issued making all officials
directly responsible for the future safety of foreigners and for the
suppression of violence against them.
Provisions have been made for ensuring the future safety of the
foreign representatives in Pekin by setting aside for their exclusive
use a quarter of the city which the powers can make defensible and
in which they can if necessary maintain permanent military guards;
by dismantling the military works between the capital and the sea;
and by allowing the temporary maintenance of foreign military posts
along this line. An edict has been issued by the Emperor of China
prohibiting for two years the importation of arms and ammunition into
China. China has agreed to pay adequate indemnities to the states,
societies, and individuals for the losses sustained by them and for
the expenses of the military expeditions sent by the various powers to
protect life and restore order.
Under the provisions of the joint note of December, 1900, China has
agreed to revise the treaties of commerce and navigation and to take
such other steps for the purpose of facilitating foreign trade as the
foreign powers may decide to be needed.
The Chinese Government has agreed to participate financially in the
work of bettering the water approaches to Shanghai and to Tien-tsin,
the centres of foreign trade in central and northern China, and an
international conservancy board, in which the Chinese Government is
largely represented, has been provided for the improvement of the
Shanghai River and the control of its navigation. In the same line
of commercial advantages a revision of the present tariff on imports
has been assented to for the purpose of substituting specific for _ad
valorem_ duties, and an expert has been sent abroad on the part of the
United States to assist in this work. A list of articles to remain
free of duty, including flour, cereals, and rice, gold and silver coin
and bullion, has also been agreed upon in the settlement.
During these troubles our Government has unswervingly advocated
moderation, and has materially aided in bringing about an adjustment
which tends to enhance the welfare of China and to lead to a more
beneficial intercourse between the Empire and the modern world; while
in the critical period of revolt and massacre we did our full share
in safeguarding life and property, restoring order, and vindicating
the national interest and honor. It behooves us to continue in these
paths, doing what lies in our power to foster feelings of good will,
and leaving no effort untried to work out the great policy of full
and fair intercourse between China and the nations, on a footing
of equal rights and advantages to all. We advocate the “open door”
with all that it implies; not merely the procurement of enlarged
commercial opportunities on the coasts, but access to the interior by
the waterways with which China has been so extraordinarily favored.
Only by bringing the people of China into peaceful and friendly
community of trade with all the peoples of the earth can the work
now auspiciously begun be carried to fruition. In the attainment of
this purpose we necessarily claim parity of treatment, under the
conventions, throughout the Empire for our trade and our citizens with
those of all other powers.
* * * * *
We view with lively interest and keen hopes of beneficial results the
proceedings of the Pan-American Congress, convoked at the invitation
of Mexico, and now sitting at the Mexican capital. The delegates
of the United States are under the most liberal instructions to
co-operate with their colleagues in all matters promising advantage
to the great family of American commonwealths, as well in their
relations among themselves as in their domestic advancement and in
their intercourse with the world at large.
My predecessor communicated to the Congress the fact that the Weil and
La Abra awards against Mexico have been adjudged by the highest courts
of our country to have been obtained through fraud and perjury on the
part of the claimants, and that in accordance with the acts of the
Congress the money remaining in the hands of the Secretary of State
on these awards has been returned to Mexico. A considerable portion
of the money received from Mexico on these awards had been paid by
this Government to the claimants before the decision of the courts was
rendered. My judgment is that the Congress should return to Mexico an
amount equal to the sums thus already paid to the claimants.
* * * * *
The death of Queen Victoria caused the people of the United States
deep and heartfelt sorrow, to which the Government gave full
expression. When President McKinley died, our nation in turn received
from every quarter of the British Empire expressions of grief and
sympathy no less sincere. The death of the Empress Dowager Frederick
of Germany also aroused the genuine sympathy of the American people;
and this sympathy was cordially reciprocated by Germany when the
President was assassinated. Indeed, from every quarter of the
civilized world we received, at the time of the President’s death,
assurances of such grief and regard as to touch the hearts of our
people. In the midst of our affliction we reverently thank the
Almighty that we are at peace with the nations of mankind; and we
firmly intend that our policy shall be such as to continue unbroken
these international relations of mutual respect and good will.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
WHITE HOUSE,
_December 3, 1901_.
MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, COMMUNICATED TO THE
TWO HOUSES OF CONGRESS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND SESSION OF THE
FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS
_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:
We still continue in a period of unbounded prosperity. This prosperity
is not the creature of law, but undoubtedly the laws under which we
work have been instrumental in creating the conditions which made
it possible, and by unwise legislation it would be easy enough to
destroy it. There will undoubtedly be periods of depression. The wave
will recede; but the tide will advance. This nation is seated on a
continent flanked by two great oceans. It is composed of men the
descendants of pioneers, or, in a sense, pioneers themselves; of men
winnowed out from among the nations of the Old World by the energy,
boldness, and love of adventure found in their own eager hearts. Such
a nation, so placed, will surely wrest success from fortune.
As a people we have played a large part in the world, and we are bent
upon making our future even larger than the past. In particular, the
events of the last four years have definitely decided that, for woe
or for weal, our place must be great among the nations. We may either
fail greatly or succeed greatly; but we can not avoid the endeavor
from which either great failure or great success must come. Even if
we would, we can not play a small part. If we should try, all that
would follow would be that we should play a large part ignobly and
shamefully.
But our people, the sons of the men of the Civil War, the sons of
the men who had iron in their blood, rejoice in the present and face
the future high of heart and resolute of will. Ours is not the creed
of the weakling and the coward; ours is the gospel of hope and of
triumphant endeavor. We do not shrink from the struggle before us.
There are many problems for us to face at the outset of the twentieth
century—grave problems abroad and still graver at home; but we know
that we can solve them and solve them well, provided only that we
bring to the solution the qualities of head and heart which were shown
by the men who, in the days of Washington, founded this government,
and, in the days of Lincoln, preserved it.
No country has ever occupied a higher plane of material well-being
than ours at the present moment. This well-being is due to no
sudden or accidental causes, but to the play of the economic forces
in this country for over a century; to our laws, our sustained and
continuous policies; above all, to the high individual average of our
citizenship. Great fortunes have been won by those who have taken the
lead in this phenomenal industrial development, and most of these
fortunes have been won, not by doing evil, but as an incident to
action which has benefited the community as a whole. Never before
has material well-being been so widely diffused among our people.
Great fortunes have been accumulated, and yet in the aggregate these
fortunes are small indeed when compared to the wealth of the people
as a whole. The plain people are better off than they have ever been
before. The insurance companies, which are practically mutual benefit
societies—especially helpful to men of moderate means—represent
accumulations of capital which are among the largest in this country.
There are more deposits in the savings banks, more owners of farms,
more well-paid wage-workers in this country now than ever before in
our history. Of course, when the conditions have favored the growth
of so much that was good, they have also favored somewhat the growth
of what was evil. It is eminently necessary that we should endeavor
to cut out this evil, but let us keep a due sense of proportion; let
us not in fixing our gaze upon the lesser evil forget the greater
good. The evils are real and some of them are menacing, but they are
the outgrowth, not of misery or decadence, but of prosperity—of the
progress of our gigantic industrial development. This industrial
development must not be checked, but side by side with it should go
such progressive regulation as will diminish the evils. We should
fail in our duty if we did not try to remedy the evils, but we shall
succeed only if we proceed patiently, with practical common-sense as
well as resolution, separating the good from the bad and holding on to
the former while endeavoring to get rid of the latter.
* * * * *
In my Message to the present Congress at its first session I discussed
at length the question of the regulation of those big corporations
commonly doing an interstate business, often with some tendency to
monopoly, which are popularly known as trusts. The experience of the
past year has emphasized, in my opinion, the desirability of the steps
I then proposed. A fundamental requisite of social efficiency is a
high standard of individual energy and excellence; but this is in no
wise inconsistent with power to act in combination for aims which can
not so well be achieved by the individual acting alone. A fundamental
base of civilization is the inviolability of property; but this is
in no wise inconsistent with the right of society to regulate the
exercise of the artificial powers which it confers upon the owners of
property, under the name of corporate franchises, in such a way as
to prevent the misuse of these powers. Corporations, and especially
combinations of corporations, should be managed under public
regulation. Experience has shown that under our system of government
the necessary supervision can not be obtained by State action. It
must therefore be achieved by national action. Our aim is not to do
away with corporations; on the contrary, these big aggregations are
an inevitable development of modern industrialism, and the effort to
destroy them would be futile unless accomplished in ways that would
work the utmost mischief to the entire body politic. We can do nothing
of good in the way of regulating and supervising these corporations
until we fix clearly in our minds that we are not attacking the
corporations, but endeavoring to do away with any evil in them. We
are not hostile to them; we are merely determined that they shall be
so handled as to subserve the public good. We draw the line against
misconduct, not against wealth. The capitalist who, alone or in
conjunction with his fellows, performs some great industrial feat by
which he wins money is a welldoer, not a wrongdoer, provided only he
works in proper and legitimate lines. We wish to favor such a man
when he does well. We wish to supervise and control his actions only
to prevent him from doing ill. Publicity can do no harm to the honest
corporation; and we need not be overtender about sparing the dishonest
corporation.
In curbing and regulating the combinations of capital which are or
may become injurious to the public we must be careful not to stop
the great enterprises which have legitimately reduced the cost of
production, not to abandon the place which our country has won in
the leadership of the international industrial world, not to strike
down wealth with the result of closing factories and mines, of turning
the wage-worker idle in the streets and leaving the farmer without a
market for what he grows. Insistence upon the impossible means delay
in achieving the possible, exactly as, on the other hand, the stubborn
defence alike of what is good and what is bad in the existing system,
the resolute effort to obstruct any attempt at betterment, betrays
blindness to the historic truth that wise evolution is the sure
safeguard against revolution.
No more important subject can come before the Congress than this of
the regulation of interstate business. This country can not afford to
sit supine on the plea that under our peculiar system of government
we are helpless in the presence of the new conditions, and unable
to grapple with them or to cut out whatever of evil has arisen in
connection with them. The power of the Congress to regulate interstate
commerce is an absolute and unqualified grant, and without limitations
other than those prescribed by the Constitution. The Congress has
constituted authority to make all laws necessary and proper for
executing this power, and I am satisfied that this power has not been
exhausted by any legislation now on the statute books. It is evident,
therefore, that evils restrictive of commercial freedom and entailing
restraint upon national commerce fall within the regulative power of
the Congress, and that a wise and reasonable law would be a necessary
and proper exercise of Congressional authority to the end that such
evils should be eradicated.