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FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Reverend Henry Tollin, Pastor of the French Protestant

Church, of Magdeburg, who has made the life and works of Servetus the

particular subject of his studies for many years, inclines to Tudela as

the place, and 1511 as the year, of Servetus’s birth. See his ‘Servet’s

Kindheit und Jugend’ in Kahnis’ _Zeitschrift für die Historische

Theologie_. Jahrg. 1875, S. 545.

[2] _Vide_ Tollin: ‘Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend,’ in Kahnis’

_Zeitschrift für die Historische Theologie_, 1875, S. 557. We have,

however, searched in vain for any evidence of Angleria’s presence in

Saragossa at any time, even as a casual resident. In his comprehensive

and highly entertaining work, the ‘Opus Epistolarum,’ we find letters

of his from Valladolid, Burgos, Vittoria, Madrid, and elsewhere, but

not one from Saragossa during the years covered by Servetus’s stay at

the university, according to Tollin.

[3] Tollin (Toulouser Studenten-Leben im Anfang des 16ten

Jahrhunderts), in Riehl’s _Historisches Taschenbuch von 1874_, S. 76,

speaks as if he had been present with Servetus at Toulouse; accompanied

him over the St. Michael’s bridge that spanned the Garonne; beheld the

iron cage suspended from its balk above the river for ducking heretics

until they died; looked on at the religious processions that filed

incessantly through the streets, etc.

[4] McCrie’s _Hist. of the Reformation in Spain_.

[5] The last edition of Sabunde we have seen is neat and available,

‘curante Joachim Sighart,’ Solisbach. 1852, 8vo. It is unfortunately

without the Prologue.

[6] There is a copy of what we believe to be the second edition of

Sabunde, fol. Argentorat. 1495, in the British Museum, over which

we spent some hours with much delight. Also a copy of Montaigne’s

translation, beautifully printed, and in fine preservation.--8vo.

Paris, 1569.

[7] Tollin: ‘Die Beichtväter Kaiser Karls V.;’ in _Magazin für die

Literatur des Auslandes, April, Mai, 1874_. A series of three short

papers, but of surpassing interest, to which we are happy to refer.

[8] Robertson, _History of Charles V._, vol. ii. book v. p. 40.

[9] ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ p. 462.

[10] Dialogi de Trinitate II., ad calcem (1532). ‘Ce n’est point par

des réticences hypocrites qu’on fait durer un jour de plus une croyance

qui a fait son temps. Toute opinion librement conçue est bonne et

morale pour celui qui l’a conçue. De toutes parts on arrive à résumer

la législation extérieure de la Religion en un seul mot: LIBERTÉ.’

Renan, ‘Fragments philosophiques,’ 1876.

[11] By Tollin, who makes him visit Luther at Coburg, in company with

Bucer. See his _Luther und Servet, eine Quellenstudie_. 8vo. Berlin,

1875.

[12] Cochlæus, _De Actis et Scriptis Martini Luther_, p. 233, fol.

Mogunt. 1549.

[13] Tollin, _Die Beichtväter Karls V._, S. 261.

[14] _Jo. Œcolampadii et Huldrici Zwinglii Epist._ Lib. iv. Basil,

1536, fol.

[15] Op. cit. ut supra.

[16] Sandius, _Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum_, 12mo. Freistadt. 1684.

[17] Tollin in _Magazin für ausländische Literatur_, Juni 10, 1876.

[18] _Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii._ Basil. 1535, fol.

[19] _Vom Ampt der Oberkait in Sachen der Religion. Ain Bericht auss

götlicher Schrüft des hailigen alten Lerers und Bischoffs Augustini,

&c._ 4to. Augsb. 1535.

[20] Luther’s Werke by Walch, vol. xxii.

[21] _Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum._

[22] _Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum._

Ep. ad Camerarium.

[23] Conf. H. Tollin, _Melanchthon und Servet, eine Quellenstudie_.

8vo. Berlin, 1876, pp. 9-31.

[24] Ep. ad Camerar. apud Bretschneider, ut sup.

[25] It is upon this passage, which we translate and interpret somewhat

differently from Tollin, that he grounds his statement of Servetus

having come into contact with Luther; a presumed meeting of which we

fail to find a trace in any contemporary document. See Tollin’s _Dr. M.

Luther und Dr. M. Servetus--Eine Quellenstudie_. 8vo. Berlin, 1875.

[26] _Epistolæ ab Ecclesiæ Helveticæ Reformatoribus, a Jo. Fueselino

editæ._ 8vo. Tigur., 1742.

[27] ‘E noi non cercano la Divinità fuor del Infinito Mondo e le

Infinite Cose, ma dentro questo et in quelle’ (1585). _Opere di

Giordano Bruno, da Dottore Adolpho Wagner_, i. 275. Lips. 1830.

[28]

‘Natur hat weder Kern noch Schale:

Sie ist das All mit einem Male.’

Nor core nor husk in nature see:

The All and All in One is she.

Im Innern ist ein Universum auch;

Daher der Völker löblicher Gebrauch,

Ein jeglicher das Beste das er kennet

Er Gott--ja seinen Gott--benennet.--_Goethe._

Which may be rendered somewhat literally thus:--

Within there is an Universum too;

Whence the folks’ custom, good and true,

That each the Best he knows of all,

He God--his God, indeed--doth call.

[29] ‘Der alte und der neue Glaube.’ All Theists agree in this: that

God is One, Changeless, and Eternal. But God without the Universe would

not be the same as God with the Universe; whence the conclusion that

God and the Universe can only be conceived of as correlatives. Seeing

the impossibility of dissevering Property from the Object in which it

inheres, the modern philosopher discards hypothetical agencies, under

the name of Spirits, of every kind; from the all-pervading force that

keeps suns and planets in their spheres, to such special agencies as

those of brain and nerve. Servetus, we have seen, had himself got the

length of saying that out of man there was no Holy Spirit.

[30] To Calvin God was no other than the Immanent Pantheistic principle

of Modern Philosophy: ‘Ubique diffusus, omnia sustinet, vegetat et

vivificat in cœlo et in terra--everywhere diffused, he gives life and

growth and continuance to all things in heaven and earth.’ These are

his words. He then goes on to say: ‘Fateor quidem pie hoc posse dici,

modo a pio animo proficiscatur, _Naturam esse Deum_--I own, indeed,

that provided we speak reverently it may be said that _Nature is God_.’

As this would be a ‘hard and inappropriate expression,’ however, and

as in using it ‘God is confounded with his works,’ he thinks it is

objectionable. _Institut. Religionis Christianæ_, I. iv. 14, and I. v.

5 of an early edition.

[31] Newspaper report of a Sermon preached by Dean Stanley on Christmas

day, 1875.

[32] At the end of the copy of the ‘De Trin. Error.,’ which Alwörden

describes in his _Historia Michaelis Serveti_, now in the National

Library at Paris, there is a MS. _Refutation_ of the views of the

writer, which Tollin ascribes with great show of probability to Bucer,

who, as we know, was personally acquainted with Servetus. Of this

Refutation (Confutatio) Tollin has given an extended analysis in _Riehm

und Köstlin’s Theologische Studien und Kritiken für 1875_, S. 711.

[33] Conf. _Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii_. Basil, 1592.

[34] _Dialogi de Trinitate_, 12mo. (1532), in the same form and type

as the _De Erroribus_, and still without the name of the publisher or

place of publication.

[35] Servetus’s _De Trinitatis Erroribus_ is generally believed to be

one of the rare books, yet it is commonly enough met with in England.

So long ago as the year 1725, however, a copy bound with the _Dialogi_

sold for the large sum of between four and five hundred French livres.

There is a counterfeit edition published in Holland, and only to be

distinguished from the original by the paper being somewhat better and

the type a shade larger. The Book was never, in so far as we know,

publicly condemned and burned. It was translated into Dutch (4to. 1620)

with the epigraph: Prœft alle Dingen ende behout het gœde, 1 John iv.

[36] ‘Claudii Ptolemæi Alexandrini Geographicæ Enarrationis Libri Octo;

ex Bilibaldi Pirckhemeri Tralatione, sed ad Græca et prisca exemplaria

a Michaele Villanovano jam primum recogniti. Adjecta insuper ab eodem

Scholia,’ etc. Lugduni, ex Officina Melch. et Gasp. Trechsel, 1535. Fol.

[37]

Accipe non noti præclara volumina mundi,

Oceani et magnas noscito lector opes.

Plurima debetur typhis tibi gratia, gentes

Ignotas, et aves quas vehis orbe novo;

Magna quoque autori referenda et gratia nostro

Qui facit hæc cunctis regna videnda locis.

[38] Tollin has collected a great deal of very interesting information

on Servetus’s geographical studies, in his paper entitled ‘Michel

Servet als Geograph,’ in the _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für

Erdkunde_, 1875, S. 182 et seq.

[39] Quoted by Tollin in his Essays: ‘Wie Servet ein Mediciner wurde,’

in Goschen’s _Deutsche Klinik_, No. 8, 1875; and ‘Servet und Symphorien

Champier,’ in Virchow’s _Archiv für pathologische Anatomie_, Bd. 61.

Berlin, 1875.

[40] _Paradoxorum Medicinæ_, Libri iii., fol. Basil. 1535.

[41] In _Leonhardum Fuchsium Defensio Apologetica_, pro Symphoriano

Campeggio.

[42] _Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia._ I have searched the

libraries of London in vain for either of these Treatises of Servetus.

That the one addressed to Fuchs once existed among us, however, is

certain; for its title is to be seen in the catalogue of Dr. Williams’s

Library (Grafton Street, University College); but unfortunately the

work is not now to be found--it had disappeared before the present

Librarian, Dr. Hunter, came into office. Mosheim went so far as to

maintain that the Defence of Champier was a myth (Versuch, &c.,

einer Ketzergeschichte, S. 72), and Dr. de Murr, though he did not

question its existence, never saw it. (_In Bibliothecas Hallerianas

additamenta_, 4to. Helmst.) The Rev. Henri Tollin of Magdeburg has been

more fortunate; for he has not only seen but actually possesses copies

of both the Apologetic defences, as well as a copy of the pamphlet

against the Parisian Doctors, if I understand him aright. In a letter

with which I was lately favoured, he informs me that he intends to

publish the more interesting passages from the Defence of Champier, and

the entire Tract on Judicial Astrology.

[43] ‘Qua in re auxiliarios habui, primum Andreum Vesalium, juvenem

Mehercule! in Anatome diligentissimum; post hunc, Michael Villanovanus

familiariter mihi in consectionibus adhibitus est, vir omni genere

literarum ornatissimus, in Galeni doctrina vix ulli secundus.

Horum duorum præsidio atque opera, tum artuum, tum aliarum partium

exteriorum, musculos omnes, venas, arterias et nervos in ipsis

corporibus examinavi studiosisque ostendi.’ _Io. Guinteri Institutionum

Anatomicarum_, Lib. iv., 4to. Basil, 1539.

[44] The reader who is curious on this matter will find what I believe

to be the first representation of the anatomist engaged in dissecting

the human body in the _Fasciculus Medicinæ of Io. à Ketham_, fol.

Venet. 1495, of which there is a copy in fine preservation in the

library of the Royal College of Surgeons.

[45] Syruporum universa Ratio ad Galeni censuram diligenter exposita;

cui, post integram de Concoctione disceptationem, præscripta est vera

purgandi methodus, cum expositione Aphorismi: Concocta medicari.

Michaele Villanovano Authore.

Πρὸς τὸν φιλιατρον. εύροα ποιήσον τατεσώματα

τατεπεπανων Ωμὰ Χυμων, ταυτης δογματα ἴσθι βιθλιου.

Parisiis ex officino Simonis Colinæi. [1537].

[46] _Syr. Universa Ratio_, fol. 9.

[47] Doubtless the _Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia_.

[48] See Landseer’s _Sabæan Researches_, 4to. London.

[49] _Vide_ De Murr, _Annotamenta ad Bibliothecas Hallerianas_, 4to.

Helmstadt, 1805. Since this was written I have an interesting letter

from Pastor Tollin, in which he informs me that he actually possesses a

copy of the pamphlet!

[50] Bolsec, _Vie de Calvin_, 12mo. Paris, 1557.

[51] The title is the same as before. In addition to the old address to

his reader, however, Villeneuve now appends these lines:--

Ad Eundem.

Si terras et regna hominum, si ingentia quæque

Flumina, cœruleum si mare nôsse juvat,

Si montes, si urbes, populos opibusque superbos,

Huc ades, hæc oculis prospice cuncta tuis.

Which may be paraphrased thus:--

This world and all its kingdoms wouldst thou know,

What mighty rivers to blue oceans flow,

What mountains rise, what cities grace the lands,

Thick-peopled, rich through toil of busy hands,--

--If for such lore thou hast a mind to call,

Open this book, and there survey it all.

[52] _Vie de Calvin_, &c.

[53] This, the second edition of Villanovanus’s Ptolemy, is one of the

very rare books. All of the impression that could be discovered when

Servetus was burned in effigy at Vienne, along with his _Christianismi

Restitutio_, appears to have been seized and committed to the flames. I

find both editions in the library of the British Museum.

[54] _Habes in hoc Libro, prudens Lector, utriusque Instrumenti novam

Tralationem editam a Reverendo sacræ theologiæ Doctore Sancte Pagnini._

Lugdun. 1527-28, fol. Such is the title of this, which we presume to

be the first edition of Pagnini’s Bible. Between it and the one of

Cologne of 1541, edited by Melchior Novesianus, we find no other until

we come to that of Villanovanus. Pagnini is said in the letter of J. F.

Pico de Mirandola, which precedes the text, to have been twenty-five

years engaged on the work. It is accompanied by no fewer than two

commendatory epistles from Popes Adrian VI. and Clement VII., and is

said to be the first edition of the Bible that is found divided into

chapters. Richard Simon (_Hist. du vieux Testament_, liv. ii.) speaks

slightingly of its merits; but it has been highly prized by others, as

good judges as he. To us it appears a very admirable version, our own

English Bible being generally so like it, that we fancy it must have

been used by our Translators.

[55] Sandius, _Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum_.

[56] _Neue Nachrichten_, etc. Helmst. 1750, 4to., S. 89-90.

[57] ‘Servetus nuper ad me scripsit, ac literas adjunxit longum volumen

suorum deliriorum, cum thrasonica jactantia, dicens me stupenda et

hactenus inaudita visurum. Si mihi placeat, huc se venturum recepit.

Sed nolo fidem meam interponere. Nam si venerit, modo valeat mea

authoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar.’ Calvin to Farel, dated Ides

of February, 1546. From the original letter in the Paris Library; a

certified copy, published by Paul Henry in his _Leben Johann Calvins_,

3ter. Band; Beilagen, S. 65; from which the above paragraph is

transcribed.

[58] Cont. Bolsec (Hieron. Hermes), Docteur Médecin à Lyon: _Histoire

de la Vie, Mœurs, Actes, Doctrine, Constance et Mort de Jean Calvin,

Grand Ministre à Genève_. Paris 1577, 12mo. Also in Latin, but of later

date--_Vita Calvini, &c._

[59] It is a capital mistake to suppose, as Mosheim and others have

done, that the _Christianismi Restitutio_ was ever exposed for sale,

or readily to be had either at Geneva or elsewhere. It cannot be shown

that more than four or five copies at most of the book ever left the

bales in which the whole impression was packed. There was, _first_,

the copy sent, as I venture to think, by Servetus through Frelon to

Calvin, which led to the arrest and trial at Vienne. _Second_, the copy

taken from the five bales seized at Lyons for the use of the Inquisitor

Ory. _Third_, the copy transmitted for their inspection to the Swiss

Churches and Councils. _Fourth_, the copy given to Colladon by way

of Brief by Calvin, with the passages underscored, on which Servetus

was finally arraigned and condemned. And _Fifth_, the copy which we

find Calvin sending to Bullinger at his request. Of these copies one

may even have served two ends: after making the round of the Churches

and coming again into Calvin’s hands, it may very well have been that

which he despatched to Bullinger. That the book was not to be had

immediately after the execution of Servetus is proved conclusively by

what Sebastian Castellio, the accredited author of the work entitled,

_Contra Libellum Calvini_, says on the subject: _He had not been able

to obtain a sight of Servetus’s book, so as to inform himself of what

he writes, Calvin having taken such pains to have it burned--‘cum

Serveti libros, quippe combustos diligentia Calvini, non habeam, ut ex

iis possem videre quid scriberet.’_ The _Christianismi Restitutio_, in

fact, remained completely unknown in the Republic of Letters until its

existence was proclaimed by Wotton in his _Reflections on Learning,

Ancient and Modern_, in the year 1694 (all but a century and a half

after the death of its author), by the publication of the passage on

the pulmonary circulation, extracted, we must conclude, from the copy

that was then in England, and subsequently became, if it were not

already, the property of Dr. Meade--the identical copy with the name

on the title-page of Germain Colladon, the advocate who prosecuted

Servetus at the instance of Calvin, now in the national library of

Paris.

[60] The title of the original, in full, is as follows:--

_Christianismi Restitutio._ Totius Ecclesiæ Apostolicæ est ad sua

limina vocatio, in Integrum Restituta Cognitione Dei, Fidei Christi,

Justificationis nostræ, Regenerationis Baptismi, et Cœnæ Domini

Manducationis Restitutio denique nobis Regno Cœlesti, Babylonis impia

Captivitate soluta, et Antichristo cum suis penitus destructo.

בעת ההיא יעמוד מיכאר השׂר

καὶ ὲγένετο πόλεμος ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ.

MDLIII.

[61] ‘Whose soever sins ye remit,’ etc., John, xx. 23--writing added to

the original text, beyond doubt, and dating from long after the time of

Jesus, when the Church had acquired a status and was looking for power.

[62] It were beyond the scope of my work to pursue this subject

further; but let me say that having compared the first edition of

the ‘Loci’ (1521) with the one of 1536 and others, of which there

are copies in the British Museum Library, I find it impossible to

overlook the influence of Servetus on Melanchthon, as of Melanchthon

on Servetus. For fuller information the reader is referred to

Tollin’s exhaustive, _Philip Melanchthon und Michael Servet, eine

Quellenstudie_. 8vo. 1876.

[63] For some account of the existing copies of the _Christianismi

Restitutio_, see the Appendix to this book.

[64] It may be well to remark on the confusion in the notice of the

_volume_ or book which in Trie’s second letter, as we read it, is

said to have been sent among other documents, twenty-four in number;

whilst in his third epistle he regrets that _the volume_ cannot be

forwarded at the moment, because of its having been lent two years ago

to a friend of Calvin, resident in Lausanne. The ‘great book’ first

sent may have been the copy of Calvin’s ‘Institutes,’ annotated on the

margins by Servetus; a conclusion that is borne out by the reference,

by and by made in the impending trial, towards the end of the first

day’s proceedings, to pages 421-424, where Baptism is the subject

treated. The volume that cannot be forwarded at the time, because it

had been lent to some one in Lausanne, is certainly the MS. copy of

the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ sent by Servetus to Calvin some years

before for his strictures, which he could never get returned, Calvin

having lent it to Viret of Lausanne, and grown careless to take so

much notice of the writer as would have been implied in recovering and

returning him his work.

[65] They were leaves from the _Institutions_ of Calvin, with

annotations by Servetus.

[66] Chorier, _Etat politique de Dauphiné_, tome i., p. 335, quoted by

D’Artigny.

[67] _Calvin to Farel_, Book I., p. 169.

[68]

Who loves not woman, wine, and song,

A fool is he his life-time long.

[69] _Lucii Annæi Senecæ De Clementia Libri Tres_, Paris, 1532.

The work was published by Calvin at his own expense, as a warning,

unquestionably against persecution on religious grounds. It is of great

rarity in its original shape, but is reprinted in the Geneva Edition of

his _Opera Minora_ of the year 1597.

_Seneca on Clemency_ is also to be found translated into English:

‘Lucius Annæus Seneca, his first Book of Clemency, written to Nero

Cæsar,’ Lond. 1553. The sentence quoted above and commented by the

French editor is rendered by the English translator briefly but not

unhappily thus:

For it doth rather cowardice appear

Than clemency an injury in mind to bear:

’Tis he in whose command revenge doth lie

That’s merciful if he do pass it by.

[70] _Thesaur. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 450.

[71] _Thes. Ep. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 577.

[72] Conf. Mosheim, op. cit. Beylagen. S. 255.

[73] _Thes. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 591.

[74] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy_, p. 357, in ed. of

collected minor works in French.

[75] _Mém. de la Société d’histoire et d’Archéologie de Genève_, tom

iii., 1844.

[76] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy_; original ed., p. 354.

Let us reiterate that Servetus spoke truly when he said that the

comment on Palestine was none of his. We have already said that it is

copied without change of a word from the Ptolemy of Pirckheimer. We

add further that the scholium of the German editor was not challenged

by Erasmus, Melanchthon, or Œcolampadius, who seem all to have

corresponded with Pirckheimer on his edition. (_Vide_ Tollin, in

_Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_. Bd. für 1875.)

It was only, therefore, when the comment came to be looked at through

the distorting medium of personal enmity that it was seen as libelling

Moses and outraging the Holy Ghost.

[77] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy._

[78] See a letter of Jo. Haller to H. Bullinger, quoted farther on.

[79] Compare Galiffe in _Mém. de l’Institut National Genevois_, 1862,

p. 75.

[80] The documents connected with the case of Bolsec must, we

apprehend, have been communicated to Servetus. He often uses the same

words as his predecessor in Calvin’s displeasure; and imitates him also

in the desire he expresses to have Calvin interrogated and put on his

trial for certain matters especially interesting to himself.

[81] There is in fact a minute in the _Records of Geneva_ of a formal

requisition made by Farel on October 30, and so three days after the

execution of Servetus, to have Wm. Geroult summoned to appear and give

an account of himself to the Council. The Lieutenant-Criminel, Tissot,

had even, as it seems, been charged with the business of making the

necessary inquiries preliminary to the institution of a criminal suit.

But we find no mention of any further step being taken in the matter.

The civil authorities, with three days for reflection, probably thought

that enough, more than enough perhaps, had already been done by the

burning of the principal offender.

[82] By the writer of the _Dialogus inter Vaticanum et Calvinum_.

[83] _Fidelis Refutatio_, and _Déclaration pour maintenir_, &c.

[84] From the _Criminal Records_, first published by Mosheim, op. cit.

Beylagen, S. 414.

[85] In the summary of the trial given by Trechsel[86] from the

archives of Berne, the articles now brought forward by Rigot, and the

questions founded on them, are in the handwriting of the amanuensis

usually employed by Calvin to make copies of his letters and papers;

and beyond question were all dictated by Calvin himself. He perceived

that he could trust Rigot no further without risk of failure, and so

resumed the position he had taken with Trie, his servant Fontaine, and

even in person, as we have seen.

[86] _Die Antitrinitarier: Michel Servet und seine Vorgänger_, S. 307.

[87] Conf. _Chr. Rest._ pp. 433 and 655, and Ep. 29 to Calvin.

[88] _Vide_ pp. 34, 48, Book I.

[89] Herniosus ab utero Servetus dicit se uno latere _resectum_ fuisse,

ad lævandam infirmitatem. Uno oculo amisso, attamen, non ideo cæcus

homo; neque teste uno ablato impollens.

[90] The letter of the Council of Geneva and the reply of the

authorities of Vienne are published in the new ed. of Calvin by Cünitz

and Reuss, vol. xiv.

[91] Conf. _De Trin. Error._ fol. 93.

[92] First under Calvin with Nicolas de la Fontaine as his agent; then

under Colladon engaged by Calvin; next under Rigot as public prosecutor

and now under Calvin and the Swiss Churches.

[93] Here is what Servetus says on this subject, in connection with the

Sabellian or Patripassian heresy, in his earlier work: As the proper

passion of the flesh is to be born, so is it the proper passion of the

flesh to suffer, to be scourged, to be crucified, to die. But all this

does not touch the spirit, for it is not the soul that suffers or that

dies, but the body. Who so profane as to imagine that the angel in me

dies although I die? (_De Trinitatis Erroribus_, f. 76, b.)

[94] From Mosheim’s _Neue Nachrichten, Beilagen_, S. 102, copied from

the archives of the Church of Zürich.

[95] Bullinger’s letter bears date from Zürich, Sep. 14, 1553, and is

printed in Calvin’s correspondence by Cünitz and Reuss.

[96] The letter is given at length in the _Thes. Epist. Calvini a

Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 591.

[97] Calvin to Bullinger, April 21, 1555, in _Epist. Calvini_, 8vo.

Hanov. 1597.

[98] Vue le sommaire du procés de Michel Servet, prisonnier, le rapport

de ceux, esquel on a consultez, et considéré les grands erreurs et

blasfémes--Est este arreté: Il soyt condamné à estre mené a Champel, et

la brulez tout vivfz, et soyt exequeté a demain, et ses livres bruslés.

[99] Defensio Orthodoxæ Fidei, &c.

[100] Calvin only took letters of naturalisation as a citizen of Geneva

four years before his death in 1564, eleven years after the death of

Servetus.

[101] See the Confession in full, in Cünitz and Reuss’s edit. of the

_Opera Calvini_, viii. 704.

[102] _De Voce Trinitate et Voce Persona._[103]

Quoniam voces istas Trinitatis et Personarum plurimum Ecclesiæ Christi

commodare intelligimus, ut et vera Patris, Filii et Spiritus Sancti

distinctio clarius exprimatur, et contentiosis controversiis melius

occurratur, ab his usque adeo non abhorremus, ut libenter amplexemur,

sive ex aliis audiendæ sive a nobis usurpandæ sint. Itaque quod antea

a nobis factum est, in posterum quoque operam daturos, quoad licebit

recipimus, ne earum usus in Ecclesiis nostris aboleatur. Nam neque ab

iis inter scribendum, vel in Scripturæ ennarrationibus in concionibus

ad populum, abstinebimus ipsi, et alios docebimus ne superstitiose

refugiant. Si quis autem, præpostera religione, teneatur quominus eas

usurpare libenter ausit, quanquam ejusmodi superstitionem nobis non

probari testamur, cui corrigendæ non sit defuturum nostrum studium;

quia tamen non videtur nobis hæc satis firma causa cur vir alioqui

pius et in eandem religionem nobis sensu consentiens repudietur,

ejus imperitiam hac in parte eatenus feremus ne abjiciamus ipsum ab

Ecclesia, aut tanquam male sentientem de fide notemus. Neque, interim

maligne interpretabimur si Bernensis Ecclesiæ Pastores eos ad verbi

ministerium admittere non sustineant quos comperint voces istas

aspernari.

[103] Op. sup. cit. viii. p. 707.

[104] _Fidelis expositio Errorum Michaelis Serveti_, &c.

[105] These words I have, however, since found quoted by Henry: _Leben

Calvins_, i. 181, and by Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, i. 297.

[106] _Fuessli, Epistolæ ab Ecclesia Helvet. Reformatoribus._ 8vo.

Tigur. 1748.

[107] _Calvini Epist. et Respons._

[108] The full titles are these: Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye

Foy que tiennent tous Chrétiens de la Trinité des Personnes en un seul

Dieu. Par Jean Calvin. Contre les Erreurs de Michel Servet, Espaignol;

où il est aussi monstré qu’il est licite de punir les heretiques; et

qu’a bon droit ce meschant à esté executé par justice en la Ville de

Genève. Chez Jean Crespin. A Genève, 1554, p. 356. 8vo.

Defensio orthodoxæ fidei de sacra Trinitate contra prodigiosos

errores Michaelis Serveti, Hispani; ubi ostenditur hæreticos jure

gladii coercendos, et nominatim de homine hoc, tam impio, justè et

merito sumptum Genevæ fuisse supplicium, per Johannem Calvinum. Apud

Olivum Roberti Stephani, 1554, p. 262. 8vo. Both of the versions are

subscribed by all the Genevese clergy, and though they differ somewhat

in minute particulars, they agree in everything essential. We have fine

copies of both originals in our national Library.

[109] For a more particular account of Calvin’s severities, the

reader is referred to a paper by M. Galiffe in the _Mémoires de

l’Institut National de Genève_ for 1862, p. 79. But torture was an

old institution in Geneva, and Servetus is said only to have escaped

the rack on the remonstrance of Vandel, one of the senators of the

libertine party. In older days we read of one Postel, who, failing to

answer so satisfactorily as was desired when cited before the Roman

Catholic bishop and his court, for some offence, was ‘suspended by

the rope’--by the wrists we believe. A first suspension, however,

not proving effectual, a second was ordered; but it being now dinner

time, the culprit was suspended a second time whilst his lordship the

bishop dined! In more recent times, and under Calvin’s rule, a certain

Billiard, having been guilty of jeering at the thunder and lightning

during a terrible storm, whilst the inhabitants of Geneva generally

were on their knees praying to God for mercy, was adjudged to be lashed

by the common hangman at the tail of a cart through the streets of the

city! Germain Colladon declared that he deserved death; but as he had a

wife and family they might be content with the scourging!

[110] _Em. Saisset: Michel Servet comme philosophe. In Mélanges de

Critique et d’ Histoire._ 12mo., Paris, 1865.

[111] First printed by Mosheim from the autograph, in his _Neue

Nachrichten von dem berühmten Spanischen Aertzte Michael Serveto,

Beilagen_, S. 106. 8vo., Helmst. 1750.

[112] _Corpus Reform. Ep. Melanch. ad An._, 1554.

[113] Comment. in _Acta Apostol. ad Regem Daniæ_.

[114] _Institutiones Religionis Christ._ Lib. i. Cap. 2, of the earlier

editions.

[115] Joris’s able letter in low German is given by Mosheim, op. cit.,

p. 421.

[116] The proper title of this rare book, of which we have a copy in

the library of the British Museum is: _De Hæreticis an sint persequendi

et omnino quomodo sit cum eis agendum, doctorum virorum, tum veterum

tum recentiorum, sententiæ_, &c. The opinions of the learned, both

of ancient and modern times, concerning heretics: Are they to be

persecuted; or how otherwise are they to be dealt with? A book most

necessary and useful in these distracted times to sovereign princes and

magistrates in dealing with a matter of such difficulty and danger.

12mo., Magdeburgh, 1554.

[117] _Contra libellum Calvini quo ostendere conetur hæreticos jure

gladii coercendos esse._ S. L. [1554]. Of this rare book I have not met

with an original copy; but there is the reprint (after 1602) in the

Brit. Mus. Library.

[118] Conf. _Fuessli: Sebastian Castellio, eine Lebensgeschichte zur

Erläuterung der Reformation_. 8vo. Zürich und Leipz. 1767.

[119] _Mini Celsi Senensis de Hæreticis capitali supplicio

afficientibus; adjuncta sunt Theod. Bezæ ejusdem argumenti et And.

Duditii Epistolæ duæ contrariæ._ 8vo. s. L. 1584.

[120] _Ketzergeschichte_, S. 301.

* * * * * *

Transcriber’s note:

Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.

Servetus and Calvin A Study of an Important Epoch in the Early History of the Reformation · 第 23 / 23 章