CALVIN’S BIOGRAPHERS AND APOLOGISTS.
Among writers nearer our own time there are few who openly and
unreservedly uphold Calvin in his conduct to Servetus, none who now
advocate persecution unto death for divergence in religious opinion.
Even they who hold the memory of Calvin in the highest honour are
driven, as we have seen, to find excuses for him in his pursuit of the
indiscreet but pious Spaniard. We in these days do, indeed, believe
that they who should approve his deed would sin even as he did. Paul
Henry, the author of one of the latest lives we have of Calvin, and his
measureless partisan and apologist, even with the moderate acquaintance
he has with Servetus’ works, feels himself forced at times to pause in
the unmitigated condemnation of their author he is disposed to indulge
in. Like Farel, in contact with the victim, telling the people that
‘after all the man perhaps meant well;’ Henry says, that ‘from the
executed man, _der Gerichtete_, we hear certain echoes of Christianity
which sadden as they flow not from the true faith. But his pyre still
gleams portentous to the world, and even when it burned it was a
herald of the dawn of better days to come. Servetus, in his steadfast
protestation even unto death, became a true Reformer. His fate has for
ever impressed the Protestant (Henry has the Evangelical) Church with
hate of the besetting sin of the Church of Rome, the crime of dealing
with religious error by inflicting death. It has even familiarised the
world with the thought that there is a still higher development of the
religious principle in man than has yet found expression in either the
Roman or Reformed Churches, awaiting a coming time.’
This surely is noble writing. Nor does the apologist pause here, but
goes on to speak of him who to Calvin and his age was a blasphemer of
God, as being really and in truth ‘a pious man.’ ‘Were an assembly of
Deputies from every Christian Church now to meet on Champel,’ says
Henry, ‘to take into consideration all that is extant on the life
and fate of Servetus, and to review the facts in the light of the
times to which they refer, they would speak Calvin free from reproach
and pronounce him not guilty; of Servetus, on the other hand, they
would say, guilty, but with extenuating circumstances.’ We venture
to believe, and trust we have shown cause sufficient to warrant our
conclusion, that the sentence would be precisely the reverse. Calvin
would be found guilty, but with extenuating circumstances; Servetus
not guilty in all but the use of intemperate and sometimes improper
language.
Henry, to his honour, goes yet farther; he does not approve of Calvin’s
attempt to detract from the horror and pity we feel for Servetus’
fate, by charging him with cowardice in the face of death. ‘Let us
observe in Servetus,’ says the biographer of Calvin, ‘those beautiful
traces of the true life which he showed at the last: his regret for
former tergiversations, his humility, his constancy, his earnest prayer
to God, and his forgiveness of his enemies. Had he but had the truth in
his heart he would have died a true martyr; but he must tremble in his
death hour, for he had blasphemed the Majesty of God.’ But Servetus did
not tremble in his death hour, he never blasphemed the Majesty of God,
and he died in charity with all men, even with him who had brought him
to his untimely end, and who ten years after the death of his victim
had no better title for him than _Chien et meschant Garnement_,--dog
and wicked scoundrel!
Mosheim, to whom we owe the gathering and preservation of much that
is interesting in connection with Servetus, working in the middle
of the bygone century, and referring to what Calvin himself avows,
viz., ‘that he would not have persevered so resolutely on the capital
charge had Servetus been but modest and not rushed madly on his fate,’
exclaims, ‘What an avowal! Servetus, after all, must burn not because
he had outraged the word of God, and infected the world with error,
but because he had addressed John Calvin in disrespectful language!
Calvin’s avowal is truly a hard knot for those to untie who hold that
revenge had nothing to do with the death of Servetus. For my own part
I am not bound to weigh all the grounds that tell for or against the
Reformer, and I am not, perhaps, altogether impartial. I am minded,
however, that they are not wholly in the right who say that Calvin
proceeded against the unhappy Spaniard led on by hatred and revenge
alone; and I am not so certain that they are in the wrong who think it
was not mere religious zeal which suggested and carried the tragedy
to its conclusion. What is man! The very best often serve God and
themselves when they fancy they are serving God alone.’
With these words of the pious historian of the Church we conclude;
tempering the severer criticism suggested by the facts as they present
themselves, with the more charitable construction of the ecclesiastic.
APPENDIX
APPENDIX.
An account of the extant copies of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio;’
of the reprints of the work by Dr. de Murr and Dr. Mead, and of the
notices the work has received in earlier and later times.
The ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Michael Servetus is one of the
rarest books in the world. Of the thousand copies known to have been
printed, two only are now known to survive; one of these being among
the treasures of the National Library of Paris, the other among those
of the Imperial and Royal Library of Vienna. The history of both of
these copies, curiously enough, is complete from rather a remote date,
and it is somewhat provoking to know that both of them were once in
this country; but bigotry sent the one, and want of religious sympathy,
presumably, suffered the other to leave our shores. The Paris copy
certainly belonged to Dr. Richard Mead, the distinguished physician
and medallist, who lived in the reign of Queen Anne, and is believed,
before it came into Mead’s possession, to have formed part of the
Library of the Landgrave of Kur-Hesse. How it got dissevered from this
is not known. It was probably stolen and brought to England as to a
sure market. Mead, liberal in politics and presumably in religion
also, appears to have felt so much interest in Servetus’ work, not
only by reason of the physiological matter it contained, but because
of the free spirit of inquiry it breathed, that he was minded to have
it reprinted and made generally accessible. He had accordingly got
half-way with a new and handsome edition of the work in 4to. form, so
far back as the year 1723, when his purpose reached the ears of Gibson,
the then Bishop of London. Alarmed at the idea of light being let in on
the world that had not been strained through the haze of Episcopalian
orthodoxy, Gibson addressed himself immediately to the Censor of the
Press for an injunction; and at his instance and order the impression,
so far as it had gone, was seized, adjudged heretical, and publicly
burned. A few copies of the reprint, however, must have escaped the
conflagration, of which one is now in the Library of the London Medical
Society. This I have had an opportunity of examining, and find that
there wanted but little to have completed the most essential part of
the work, the last page printed being the first of the chapter entitled
‘De Justitia Regni Christi.’
Disgusted, we may imagine, with the bigotry of Bishop Gibson and his
abettors, and, it may be also, to secure his copy of the original
against the chance of seizure, confiscation, and the fire, Doctor Mead
exchanged it with M. de Boze, Member of the French Academy of the
Fine Arts, for a series of medals, of which the Doctor was a known
collector. The library of M. de Boze being purchased after his death
by M. Boutin, late Intendant of Finance, and the President de Cotte,
in common, the Servetus fell to the share of De Cotte, who sold it
by-and-by at an exorbitant price, as said, to M. Gaignat, who parted
with it in turn for a still larger sum--as much as 3,810 livres--to the
Duc de la Vaillière, the greatest book collector of the age. On the
death of De la Vaillière, and the dispersion of his magnificent library
under the hammer, in 1784, the ‘Rest. Christianismi,’ believed at the
time to be the only copy in existence, was secured for the sum of
4,120 livres tournois for the Bibliothèque du Roi, and it now remains
one of the treasures of the great National Library of France. Much
of the above information we gather from the letter of M. l’Abbé Rive,
Librarian to the Duc de la Vaillière, which is appended to the London
edition of Dutens’ ‘Recherches sur l’origine des Découvertes attribuées
aux Modernes,’ of the year 1766.
But this is not all, nor even the most interesting of all we know about
the Paris copy of the rare and remarkable book. It has the name of
‘Germain Colladon’ on the title-page, and the various passages on which
Servetus was finally arraigned and condemned are underscored. It can,
therefore, be no other than the copy which belonged to Colladon, the
barrister, who prosecuted Servetus at Geneva, and must have been given
him along with his brief by the attorney in the case. But the attorney
in the case of Servetus was John Calvin; and we need not, therefore,
doubt that the underlining is by ‘l’impitoyable Calvin’--the ruthless
Calvin, as M. Flourens, who gives so much of the foregoing information
as we have not supplemented, characterises the Genevese Reformer. The
book shows what M. Flourens supposed to be scorching in one part; and
this he gratuitously accounts for, by supposing that it is the copy
which was to have been burned along with its author, but was saved in
some unaccountable way. That copy, we may be well assured, was reduced
to ashes and scattered to the winds with those of its hapless writer;
and the presumed scorching, on the careful examination it received
from the Rev. Henry Tollin, turns out to be the effect of damp. See
Flourens’ ‘Histoire de la Découverte de la Circulation du Sang’ (Paris,
1854), 2nd Ed. Ib. 1857, p. 154.
The Vienna exemplar of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ again, when we
first meet with a notice of it, belonged to Markos Szent Ivanayi, a
Transylvanian gentleman, resident in London in the year 1665. Szent
Ivanayi must, we presume, have held Unitarian principles, and on his
return to his native country (in some districts of which Unitarianism
is the established or prevailing form of religion), he presented his
copy of the ‘Restitutio’ to the Congregation of Claudiopolis, with
which he was in communion; and they, at a later date, by the hands of
their superior, Stephen Agh, gave it, as the most valuable thing they
possessed, to Samuel, Count Teleki de Izek, in acknowledgment of some
act of favour from the magnate. The Count, on his part, informed of
the rarity of the book, and rightly deeming that it was a gift such as
a subject might offer to his sovereign, presented it to the Emperor
Joseph the Second of Austria, by whom it was graciously accepted and
forthwith enshrined in the great Library of Vienna. This copy of the
‘Restitutio’ is in better condition than that of Paris--‘_præstat
nitiore_,’ says Dr. de Murr, from whom we have the foregoing
information (De Murr, Chr. Th., M.D., ‘Adnotationes ad Bibliothecas
Hallerianas, cum variis ad Scripta Michaelis Serveti pertinentibus.’
4to. Erlangen. 1805).
The authorities of Roman Catholic Austria, in 1790, more liberally
disposed than those of Protestant England in the year of grace 1723,
not only gave Dr. de Murr permission to have a transcript made of the
‘Restitutio,’ but raised no objections to his having his copy printed
and published--a task which he happily accomplished in 1791, ‘when
the work appeared anew, like a Phœnix from its ashes,’ as he says.
The reprint is, indeed, an exact counterpart of the original--line
for line, page for page being followed throughout; and as the letter
and paper have also been chosen to correspond as nearly as possible
with those of the prototype, it might have been found difficult
to distinguish between the one and the other, were a third copy
of the original ever to turn up, had not Dr. de Murr put a mark
upon his edition in the date of its publication in extremely small
figures--thus, 1791, at the bottom of the last page. This, too,
is a scarce book, so we presume the edition was small.
The earliest intimation the world at large received of the existence
of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Servetus is to be found in Dr.
Wm. Wotton’s ‘Reflections upon Learning, Ancient and Modern’ (London,
1694); but his reference is to nothing more than the passage bearing
on the way in which the blood from the right side of the heart reaches
the left. ‘The passage,’ says Wotton, ‘was communicated to him by his
friend Mr. Charles Barnard, a very learned chirurgeon, who had had it
transcribed for him by a friend who copied it from Servetus’ book.’
Wotton, therefore, had never seen the book himself. The copy from which
the passage was transcribed, in all likelihood was the one which either
was at the time or afterwards became the property of Dr. Mead.
The next writer who refers to Servetus and his new views of the
pulmonic circulation is Dr. James Douglas, in his ‘Bibliographiæ
Anatomicæ Specimen’ (London, 1715). But neither had Douglas had an
opportunity of examining the work for himself. He does no more, in
fact, than copy the passage as given by Wotton.
The first member of the medical profession who gave any account of
Servetus’ physiological and psychological opinions from an actual
survey of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ from De Murr’s reprint,
I believe to have been the late Dr. G. Sigmond, an amiable man and
accomplished scholar, who has not been very long gone from among
us. Sigmond, however, has left us the result of his study in an
appreciative Dissertation in Latin and English; the introduction being
in our mother tongue, the text in the old language. Sigmond’s work is
entitled, ‘The Unnoticed Theories of Servetus; a Dissertation addressed
to the Medical Society of Stockholm. 8vo., London, 1826.’ To his great
honour, Dr. Sigmond is the first naturalist in these days who dared
to see Michael Servetus for what he was in truth: an accomplished and
sincerely pious man, but differing, to his sorrow, from both Catholics
and Protestants on some of the dogmatical assumptions of their common
creeds. The copy of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ which Dr. Sigmond
possessed, as said above, was one of Dr. de Murr’s reprints, which had
been bequeathed to him by his friend Dr. James Sims, for many years
President of the Medical Society of London, a learned man and lover of
books, who believed it to be the original--a belief not shared in by
Sigmond, however, though he seems to have known nothing of De Murr or
his edition. This copy, I think, must be the one which is now in the
Library of the British Museum, purchased in 1855, when Sigmond, having
lost the property he inherited from his father, seems to have parted
with his books, though he only died in 1873.
The question touching the Discovery of the Circulation of the Blood,
which will ever make Servetus an object of interest to the medical
profession, and had been in abeyance for some considerable time past,
has been brought under renewed consideration of late, and busts and
statues of several learned and meritorious individuals have been
inaugurated to their memory as ‘discoverers of the circulation.’ In
the porch of the Instituto Antropologico of Madrid, for example, there
is a statue raised by Dr. Velasco to the memory of Michael Servetus
on this score, and we have but just heard of a bust set up at Rome to
Andrea Cæsalpino on the same ground. So distinguished a physiologist
as Dr. Valentin, moreover, has come forward as an advocate of the
claims of another and until now unheard of discoverer of ‘the great
physiological fact’ in anticipation of Harvey. In his work entitled,
‘Versuch einer physiologischen Pathologie des Herzens,’ Leipzig, 1866,
Dr. Valentin will be found saying that ‘it must now be conceded that
the pulmonary circulation was known to Servetus in 1553 [and he might
have added, to Realdus Columbus in 1559], and both this and the general
systemic circulation to Ruini, in 1598. That the pulmonic or lesser
circulation--more properly the passage or mode of transference of
the blood from the right to the left side of the heart--was known to
Servetus and to both Columbus and Cæsalpinus after him, there can be no
question; but I have assured myself, from a careful study of the works
of these distinguished individuals, that none of them, least of all
Ruini [Dell’ Anatomia del Cavallo, Bologna, 1598], was fully or truly
informed on the subject. None of them apprehended the circulation of
the blood as did Harvey, and as we his followers do in the present day.
It were out of place did I pursue this subject further now; but I
hope to take it up anon in a new ‘Life of Harvey,’ long meditated and
all but completed, in which I shall show that after all that had been
done by those who went before him, there still wanted the combining
intellect, the inductive genius of a Harvey to bring light out of
darkness, order out of confusion, and to lay the foundations, strong
and sure, of our modern physiology and rational medicine by proclaiming
the heart the moving power, and the arteries and veins the channels of
a continuous, general circulation of the blood.
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