CHAPTER XXV

The Death of General Hancock--Assigned to the Division of the

Atlantic--Measures for Improving the Sea-Coast Defense--General

Fitz-John Porter's Restoration to the Army--President of the Board

Appointed to Review the Action of the Court Martial--General Grant's

Opinion--Senator Logan's Explanation of His Hostile Attitude Toward

General Porter.

In the spring of 1886 we were again called to meet around the grave

of one of the bravest and best of our companions. The almost

incomparably gallant Hancock, the idol of his soldiers and of a

very large part of the people, so perfectly stainless in life and

character that even political contest could not fan the breath of

slander, had suddenly passed away. We buried him with all honor

at his home in Pennsylvania. Again it fell to my lot--the lot so

common to the soldier--to step into the place in the ranks where

my comrade had suddenly fallen.

ASSIGNED TO THE DIVISION OF THE ATLANTIC

The Division of the Missouri was then larger in territory and much

larger in number of troops than that of the Atlantic, and had been

far more important. But Indian wars were, as we hoped, approaching

an end, while we also hoped that the country might soon be aroused

to the necessities of the national defense. The Division of the

Atlantic, including also the greater part of the Gulf States and

those of the northeastern frontier, would then resume its rightful

place as by far the most important of the grand military divisions

of the country. Hence I accepted without hesitation the command

of that division. My natural tastes and favorite studies had led

me largely in the direction of these modern sciences which have in

a few years imparted such enormous strides to the development of

the mechanical means of attack and defense, changing in a corresponding

degree the great problems of war. The valor of great masses of

men, and even the genius of great commanders in the field, have

been compelled to yield the first place in importance to the

scientific skill and wisdom in finance which are able and willing

to prepare in advance the most powerful engines of war. Nations,

especially those so happily situated as the United States, may now

surely defend their own territory against invasion or damage, and

the national honor and the rights of their citizens throughout the

world, by the wise scientific use of surplus revenue, derived from

high import duties if the people so please, instead of by the former

uncivilized method of sacrificing the lives of hundreds of thousands

of brave men. Far more, such sacrifice of the brave can no longer

avail. As well might it be attempted to return to hand- or ox-

power, freight-wagons and country roads, in place of the present

steam-locomotives, trains of cars, and steel tracks, for the enormous

transportation of the present day, as to rely upon the bravery of

troops for the defense of a city.

Science has wrought no greater revolution in any of the arts of

peace than it has in the art of war. Indeed, the vast national

interests involved all over the world have employed the greatest

efforts of genius in developing the most powerful means of attack

and defense.

Such were the thoughts with which I entered upon my duties in the

Division of the Atlantic, and such guided my action there and in

the subsequent command of the army. That not very much was

accomplished is too painfully true. Yet a beginning was at once

made, and progress, though slow, continued until the hope now seems

justified that our country may be ready before it is too late to

"command the peace" in a voice which all must heed.

I was ably and zealously assisted in all this work by Major Joseph

P. Sanger, one of my aides until his well-merited promotion to

inspector-general. Then Captain Tasker H. Bliss took Major Sanger's

place, and helped me to carry forward the work with his well-known

ability, devotion, and industry. The army owes much to those

faithful officers, without whose help little could have been done

by me. I quote here from a memorandum, prepared at my request by

Major Sanger, showing in detail the measures taken to perfect, so

far as possible in advance, the instruction of the artillery of

the army in the service of the modern high-power armament, so that

every new gun and mortar should have, the moment it was finished

and placed in position, thoroughly qualified officers and men to

use it:

"Major-General J. M. Schofield assumed command of the Division of

the Atlantic and Department of the East April 13, 1886; and during

the remaining months of that year, as opportunity afforded, gave

much attention to the condition of the sea-coast forts and their

garrison from the Canadian line to the Gulf of Mexico.

"There were at this time sixty-six posts in the division, of which

twenty-seven were garrisoned and thirty-five ungarrisoned; of the

total number, fifty-one were sea-coast forts and the balance

barracks, properly speaking. Of the garrisoned forts, fifteen had

no armaments, and the armaments of all the others were the old

muzzle-loading types of low power. The efficiency of the artillery

personnel was far from satisfactory, from lack of proper instruction,

due in turn to lack of facilities. Artillery target practice,

except at Forts Monroe, Hamilton, and Wadsworth, had practically

ceased in the division; and of the forty-five companies of artillery,

comprising seventy-five per cent. of the entire artillery troops

of the army, only two batteries continually at Fort Monroe had had

annual artillery target practice during the preceding ten years,

and some of the batteries had not fired a shot.

MEASURES FOR IMPROVING THE SEA-COAST DEFENSE

"To remedy these defects, and at the same time provide a system of

fire control applicable to the defense of all our harbors, orders

were issued in 1887 for mapping the harbors, establishing base

lines, and arranging the extremities for the use of angle-measuring

instruments, and graduating traverse circles in azimuth. Systematic

artillery instruction and target practice were ordered, and a system

of reports suited to the preservation and utilization of all data

resulting from the firing.

"Thus, for the first time in the history of the country, an effort

was made to establish and develop a system of artillery fire control

adapted to our fortifications and armament. In 1888 General

Schofield succeeded General Sheridan in command of the army, and

in December issued 'General Orders, No. 108' from the headquarters

of the army. This order extended to all the artillery troops of

the army the system of artillery instruction and target practice

which had been established in the Division of the Atlantic. As it

had not been found practicable to equip all the artillery posts

with the necessary appliances for carrying out the provisions of

the order, the eleven principal posts on the Eastern, Western, and

Southern coasts were designated as artillery posts of instruction,

and provided with all the guns, implements, and instruments necessary

for the instruction and target practice of such of the neighboring

garrisons as were unprovided with proper facilities.

"To insure the proper execution of the order, there was appropriated

March 2, 1889, twenty thousand dollars to be expended under the

direct supervision of the Board of Ordnance and Fortifications,

which had been created by the Fortification Appropriation Act of

September 22, 1888, and of which General Schofield was the president.

The Army Regulations of 1889 were published on February 9, and

paragraph 382 authorized the commanding general of each geographical

division within which were the headquarters of one or more artillery

regiments to designate, with the approval of the general commanding

the army, a division inspector of artillery target practice, whose

duty it was to make inspections with a view to insuring uniform,

thorough, and systematic artillery instruction.

"On June 11, 1889, 'General Orders, No. 49' was issued from the

headquarters of the army, in anticipation of the more complete

equipment of the artillery posts with the apparatus necessary for

the proper conduct of artillery instruction and target practice.

The course of instruction covered the use of plane tables, telescopic

and other sights, electrical firing-machines, chronographs,

velocimeters, anemometers, and other meteorological instruments,

stop-watches, signaling, telegraphy, vessel tracking, judging

distance, and, in short, everything essential to the scientific

use of the guns. By 'General Orders, No. 62, Headquarters of the

Army,' July 2, 1889, Lieutenant T. H. Bliss, Fort Artillery, Aide-

de-Camp to General Schofield commanding, was announced as inspector

of small arms and artillery practice. As an inducement to greater

application on the part of the student officers of the Artillery

School and of the Infantry and Cavalry School, the distinction of

'honor graduate' was conferred on all officers who had graduated,

or should graduate, either first or second from the Artillery

School, or first, second, or third from the Infantry and Cavalry

School: the same to appear with their names in the Army Register

as long as such graduates should continue on the active or retired

list of the army. . . ."

FITZ-JOHN PORTER'S RESTORATION TO THE ARMY

In August, 1886, after the passage of a bill by Congress, General

Fitz-John Porter was restored to the army, as colonel, by President

Cleveland. When I was in the War Department in 1868, General Porter

had come to me with a request that I would present his case to the

President, and recommend that he be given a rehearing. I declined

to do so, on the ground that, in my opinion, an impartial investigation

and disposition of his case, whatever were its merits, could not

be made until the passions and prejudices begotten by the war had

subsided much further than they had done at that time. In the

course of conversation I told him that while I never permitted

myself to form an opinion of any case without much more knowledge

of it than I had of his, I presumed, from the finding of the court-

martial, that he had at least been guilty of acting upon what he

supposed to be his own better judgment under the circumstances he

found to exist, instead of in strict obedience to General Pope's

orders. He said that was not the case; that he had not even

literally disobeyed orders; that in so far as he had acted upon

his own judgment, he had loyally done all that could be done to

carry out General Pope's wishes; and that all he wanted was an

opportunity to prove such to be the facts. I replied that if he

could prove what he stated beyond question, he would of course have

a case worthy of consideration--not otherwise. Nothing was said

in respect to the facts or the evidence in contravention of the

judgment of the court-martial which tried him. Hence, beyond that

above stated, I had no knowledge of his case when the board of

review, of which I was president, met in 1878 to hear the new

evidence; and I believe neither of the other members of the board

--Generals A. H. Terry and George W. Getty--was any better informed.

The duty of the board was very different from that of a court-

martial appointed to try an original case. The accused had already

been tried and convicted. He was not to have a new trial. He

could not have any benefit whatever of any doubt that might exist

after all the evidence, old and new, had been fully considered.

He must prove his innocence positively, by absolutely convincing

evidence, or else the original judgment of the court-martial must

stand. This view of the issue was fully accepted by General Porter

and his counsel. This caused a new and peculiar duty to devolve

upon the board--at least it was so to me; that is, to find, if

possible, some view of all the evidence, or of all the facts

established by the evidence, that could be regarded as consistent

with the theory or supposition that Porter was guilty.

When the evidence was all in, the members of the board separated

for several weeks to let each examine all the evidence and reach

his own conclusion, to be presented in form at the next meeting of

the board. I believe I devoted more earnest work to the examination

and analysis than I had ever done to any one thing before in my

life. I tried in succession every possible explanation of the

established facts, in the effort to find some one consistent with

the theory that Porter had been guilty of disobedience, as charged,

or of any other military offense. But I could not find one, except

the very patent one that he had sent despatches to Burnside which

were by no means respectful to Pope; and the board expressed an

opinion in condemnation of that, which Porter's counsel very frankly

admitted to be just.

In the course of that long and earnest effort to find Porter guilty,

--for that is what the effort was in effect,--the whole story of

his conduct and of the operations of the two opposing armies and

the actions of other prominent officers became so clear, and his

honorable and soldierly conduct so absolutely demonstrated, that

it was exceedingly difficult, in view of all the wrong he had

suffered, to write a cold judicial statement of the facts. The

first draft was toned down in many particulars in the effort to

bring it within the strictest rules of judicial decisions. I have

sometimes thought since that if the report of the board could have

been much colder, it might have been better at first for Porter,

though less just. But I do not think he or any of his companions

and friends will ever feel like finding fault because the board

could not entirely suppress the feelings produced by their discovery

of the magnitude of the wrong that had been done to a gallant fellow-

soldier.

GENERAL GRANT'S OPINION

The first time I met General Grant after the decision of the board

was published was very soon after he had published in 1882 the

result of his own investigation of the case. He at once introduced

the subject, and talked about it for a long time in the most earnest

manner that I ever heard him speak on any subject. He would not

permit me to utter a single sentence until he had gone all over

the case and showed me that he understood all its essential features

as thoroughly as I did, and that his judgment was precisely the

same as that which the board had reached. He intimated very

decidedly that no impartial and intelligent military man could, in

his opinion, possibly reach any other conclusion. The general

evidently desired to make it perfectly clear that he had not adopted

the opinion of a board of which I was a member, nor that of any

one else; but that he had thoroughly mastered the case for himself,

and formed his own judgment in regard to it. I take pleasure in

recording the fact that he unquestionably had done it, and I never

knew a man who could form more positive opinions, or one who could

express them more convincingly, than General Grant.

The board was not called upon the express any opinion respecting

the action of the court-martial upon the evidence before it, and

it would have been manifestly improper to do so. Speaking for

myself, and not for any other member of the board, I do not now

hesitate to say that the finding and sentence of the general court-

martial which tried General Fitz-John Porter were not justified by

the evidence before that court. In my judgment, formed from long

observation and much experience, the passions of warfare often

render the administration of justice impossible. A suggestion once

made to me by a man in very high military authority, that a finding

and sentence of court-martial rendered in time of war should be

regarded as _res adjudicata_, produced in my mind the painful

impression that a very great man did not find the word "justice"

anywhere in his vocabulary; and I watched for many years the

conversation and writings and public speeches of that man without

finding that he ever made use of that word, or ever gave as a reason

for doing or not doing anything that it would be just or unjust.

In his mind, whatever might have happened to any person was simply

a matter of good or bad fortune which did not concern him. He

refused even to consider the question whether injustice had or had

not been done, or whether the operation of a law was not relatively

unjust to some as compared to others. When to such natural character

and habits of thought are added the stern necessities of war as

viewed by a commander and many other officers, what possible chance

of justice can be left to an _unfortunate_ man?

It is true that even if the life of an innocent man may have been

sacrificed under the stern necessities of discipline, that is no

more than thousands of his fellow-soldiers have suffered because

of the crimes and follies of politicians who brought on the war.

But that is no reason why his memory as well as those of his comrades

should not be finally honored, if it can be proved that, after all,

he also was innocent and brave.

In my opinion, no government can be regarded as just to its army

unless it provides, under appropriate conditions, for the rehearing

of cases that may be tried by court-martial in time of war. Perhaps

it may most wisely be left for the President and Congress to

institute appropriate action in each individual case. That is a

matter for mature consideration. My only desire is to suggest the

necessity for some such action, whenever reasonable grounds for it

may be presented. I have no respect for the suggestions sometimes

urged that labor and expense are sufficient grounds for failure to

secure justice to every citizen or soldier of the republic, whether

at home or abroad.

SENATOR LOGAN'S EXPLANATION

Soon after General Logan's last election to the Senate, I had a

very interesting and unreserved conversation with him, at his house

in Chicago, in respect to his action in the Porter case. He spoke

of it with evident candor, acknowledged that his view of the case

was probably wrong, and as if to excuse his mistake, volunteered

an explanation as to how he came to take that view of it. He told

me that when he found that the case might probably come before

Congress, he wanted to prepare himself in advance as far as possible

to deal with it justly, and to defend the right effectively. Hence

he went to General Grant to obtain the best possible view of the

military questions involved. General Grant gave him the theory of

the military situation and of the operations of the opposing armies,

as well as that of Porter's own conduct, which had been presented

to, and evidently accepted by, the court-martial, as presenting

the true merits of the case. General Logan accepted that theory

as unquestionably correct, and bent all his energies to the

construction of unanswerable arguments in support of Porter's

condemnation.

At that time neither General Grant nor General Logan knew anything

of the new evidence which was afterward submitted to the board of

review. Logan's powerful arguments in the Senate were based upon

the preconceived idea of the case, supported by such part of the

new evidence, as well as of the old, as could be made to support

that view. In reply to my statement that he had unquestionably

been led astray, he said that that was quite probable, but that

Grant was responsible, and that it was then too late to change.

I do not think that anybody will now hesitate to say that General

Grant's view of his duty in respect to this last point was the more

to be commended. But the fact I wish to record is that of Logan's

sincerity in the great efforts he had made to convict Porter on

the floor of the Senate, and his explanation of the way in which

he had been led into the greatest possible error. It suggests the

reflection that even a senator of the United States might better

form his own opinions rather than adopt those even of the highest

authority, when the only question involved is one of justice, and

not one of public policy, in which latter case differences of

opinion must of necessity be reconciled for the purpose of securing

unity of action.

As an illustration of the necessity for an absolutely impartial

review of cases which have involved the passions of war, reference

must be made to the action of one member of the Porter court-martial

who made it generally understood that his individual opinion

supported the finding of that court. He went so far as to make

inquiries whether precedents could be found in American or English

history to sustain a member of a court-martial in publicly defending

the finding of that court, notwithstanding the oath of secrecy

imposed by law upon every member. And this same member of the

court was furnished by a very able lawyer with an argument in

support of the findings of the court, based upon a review of the

evidence submitted to the subsequent board, as if that member of

the court might make public use of that argument as his own.

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