_The departure of Rubruquis from the Court of Mangu-khan, and his journey
by Saray and other places, to Tripoly in Syria._
Leaving the Leskar or moving camp of Mangu-khan, we came to Caracarum, and
while we remained in the house of William Bouchier the goldsmith, my guide
brought ten jascots, five of which he delivered to William, commanding him,
from the khan, to expend these for the use of the friar while he remained
there, and he left the other five with my interpreter for my subsistence by
the way; for William had given them such instructions without my knowledge.
I immediately changed one of the jascots into small money, which I
distributed among the poor Christians of Caracarum. Another was spent in
providing garments and other necessaries for our journey. With the third my
interpreter bought several articles, of which he afterwards made some
profit. The other two we expended on the road, as, after we came into
Persia, sufficient necessaries were nowhere given us. William, your
majestys citizen and subject, sends you a girdle set with a precious stone,
which is worn in those parts as a defence against thunder and lightning,
and most humbly salutes you, always commending you to God in his prayers.
My companion and I parted with tears, he remaining with master William,
while I, with my interpreter, the guide, and one servant, returned to the
court of Baatu, our guide having authority to take a sheep once in four
days, for the sustenance of all four. From Caracarum to the court of Baatu
our journey continued four months and ten days, during all which time we
never saw a town, or even the appearance of a single house, except one
village, in which we did not even eat bread; nor in all that time did we
ever rest, except one day, when we could not get horses. We returned, for
the most part, by the same kind of people through whom we had passed in
going, and yet through other countries, for we went in the winter, and
returned in the summer, by the higher parts of the north, except that for
fifteen days journey we had to travel along a certain river among the
mountains, where there was no lodging, except by the river side[1].
Sometimes we had to go two, or even three days, with no other food than
cosmos; and at one time we were in great danger, not being able to fall in
with any people, our provisions all exhausted, and our horses quite tired.
When we had travelled twenty days, I heard that the king of Armenia had
passed by on his journey to the court of Mangu. In the end of August I met
with Sartach, who went to Mangu, accompanied by his wives and children, and
with flocks and herds; yet the bulk of the families over whom he ruled,
remained between the Tanais and Etilia, or Volga. I sent my duty to him,
saying that I would willingly have remained in his country, but that Mangu
had ordered me to return and carry his letters. His answer was, that I must
obey the will of Mangu-khan.
I then asked Coiac to return our clothes and books. "What," said he, "did
you not bring them to Sartach?" I said that I had certainly brought them to
Sartach, but had not given them, and put him in mind of what I had said on
that former occasion. To this he answered "You say truth, and none can
resist the truth. I left your goods with my father, who dwells in Saray, a
new town, which Baatu has built on the eastern shore of the Volga, but our
priests have some of your vestments." "If any thing please you," said I,
"keep it, so that you restore my books." I requested letters from him to
his father to restore my things; but he was in haste to be gone, and said
that we should alight at the train of the ladies, which was near at hand,
and he should send me Sartachs answer. Though I was fearful he might
deceive me, yet I dared not to contend with him. Late in the evening his
messenger came with two coats, seemingly all of silk, saying that Sartach
had sent me these, one for myself, and that I might present the other to my
king on his behalf. I answered, that I wore no such garments, but should
present both to my king, in honour of his lord; and I now send both by the
bearer of these letters. He delivered me also a letter for the father of
Coiac, to restore all that belonged to me.
We returned to the court of Baatu on the same day on which I had departed
thence the year before, being the second day after the invention of the
Holy Cross, 16th September 1254; and I found our young men in health,
though much afflicted with poverty. Gosset told me, they had perished for
want, if the king of Armenia had not comforted them, and recommended them
to Sartach, for the Tartars believed I was dead, and even asked them if
they could keep oxen and milk mares; for if I had not returned, they had
certainly been reduced to servitude. After this Baatu called me before him,
and made the letters which Mangu-khan sends you to be interpreted to me. He
likewise demanded what way I would go, whether by sea or land? I said the
sea would be frozen, as whiter was approaching, and I must, therefore, go
by land; and believing your majesty was still in Syria, I directed my
journey to Persia, for if I had known you were in France, I would have gone
through Hungary. We had to travel a month with Baatu before we could obtain
a guide. At length they appointed a Jugur, who understanding I would give
him nothing, and that I wished to go by Armenia, caused our letters to be
made for conducting me to the soldan of Turkey, hoping he might there
receive gifts. We left the moving court of Baatu fifteen days before All
Saints, 16th October, and went direct southwards for Sarai, always keeping
near the Volga, and there the Volga divides into three branches or arms,
each almost twice as large as the branch of the Nile at Damieta. Besides
these, it divides into four lesser arms, so that we had to pass seven
branches of the river in boats: Upon the middle branch, is a village called
Sumerkant[2], without any wall, but which was besieged by the Tartars for
eight years before they could gain possession, and had formerly cost the
Saracens and Alani nine years; for though not fortified, it is surrounded
by water. We there found a German and his wife, with whom Gosset had lived
all the preceding winter, by the order of Baatu. On the east side of this
river Baatu always travels, and Sartach on the west, never going farther
south than this place, as there is very good grass in great abundance.
Coiacs father, on receiving the letters of Sartach, restored my vestments,
except a surplice, an albs, an almic trimmed with fine silk, a stole, a
girdle, and a tualia adorned with gold embroidery. He gave me back,
likewise, my silver plate, except the censer, and a small box for holding
chrism, all of which were with the priest who attended Sartach; and he
returned my books, except our ladys psalter, which he kept with my leave,
as I could not deny him, for he said Sartach took great delight in it. A
bible also, and an Arabian book worth thirty sultanies, were retained, and
many other things which I never recovered. Sarai, and the palace of Baatu
are on the east side of the river, and the valley through which the arms of
the river spread abroad, is more than seven leagues in breadth.
After leaving Sarai, on the feast of All Saints, 1st November, we travelled
south till the feast of St Martin, 11th November, when we came to the
mountains of the Alani. In fifteen days travel we found no people, except
at one little village, where one of the sons of Sartach resided,
accompanied by many falconers, and falcons. For the first five days we did
not meet a single man, and were a whole day and night in great danger of
perishing for want of water. The Alani in some of the mountains, still hold
out against the Tartars, so that two of every ten of the subjects of
Sartach are obliged to guard certain passes in the mountains of Dagistan,
lest the Alanians carry away the cattle in the plain. There are likewise
certain Mahometans called Lesghis in these mountains who are not
subjugated, so that the Tartars had to give us a guard of twenty men to see
us safe beyond the Iron-gate. I was glad of this circumstance, as I had
never seen the Tartars armed; and yet, of all those twenty, only two had
habergions, which they said they had procured from the Alani, who are
excellent smiths and armourers. In my opinion, the Tartars have small store
of armour, except bows and arrows, and leather jackets; some have iron
plates, and skull cups from Persia, and I saw two at the court of Mangu
armed with clumsy and unwieldy coats of rough hog-skin. We found one castle
of the Alanians, which had been subdued by the Tartars, about which there
were many vineyards, and there we drank wine for the first time. On the
following day we reached Derbent or the Iron-gate, built by Alexander the
Macedonian, on a small plain between the sea and the mountains, one end of
the city reaching to the shore, while the other extends a mile in length to
the top of the mountain, on which is a strong castle. But the breadth of
the city scarcely exceeds a stones throw. It has very strong walls, and
turrets of large polished stones, with no trenches; but the Tartars have
demolished the tops of the turrets, and the bulwarks of the walls.
Two days journey from Derbent we came to a city named Samaron[3], in which
there were many Jews; near which we saw walls descending from the mountains
to the sea; and leaving the way by the sea, because it turns to the east,
we went up into the high countries, towards the south. Next day we passed
through a valley, in which we could perceive the foundations of walls,
stretching quite across between two mountains, which were themselves quite
impassable. All these walls were erected of old by Alexander, for
restraining the fierce nations of Scythian shepherds, inhabiting the
wilderness, from invading the plains and cities of the southern countries
of Persia and Asia Minor. There were also other walls and inclosures
inhabited by Jews. Next day we came to a great city called Samach[4]; and
after this we entered the great plain of Moan, through which runs the river
Cur or Cyrus, from which the Curgi or Curdi have their name, whom we call
Georgians, and which river passes through the middle of Tefflis, their
capital. The Cur comes directly from the west, running east into the
Caspian, and in it are excellent salmon[5]. In the plains of Moan or Mogan
we again met with Tartars; and through this plain flows the Araxes, which
comes from Armenia the Greater, called likewise the land of Ararat. To the
west of that plain is Curgia[6], and in this plain the Crosmini, Krosmians
or Korasmiens[7], formerly dwelt. Ganges or Kanja, a great city in the
entrance of the mountains towards Georgia, was their capital, and prevented
the Georgians from coming down to plunder the plain country. We next came
to a bridge of boats fastened together with great iron chains, for crossing
the united stream of the Kur and Araxes.
We proceeded thence, travelling up the river called _pontem inidignatus
Araxes_, leaving Persia and the Caspian mountains on our left hand, towards
the south, Curgia and the great sea on our right hand, towards the west[8].
Going all the way southwards[9], we passed through the meadows of Bacchu-
khan, the general of the Tartar army on the Araxes, who has likewise
subjugated the Curgi, the Turks, and the Persians. There is another Tartar
governor of Persia at Tauris, named Argon, who presides over the tribute.
But Mangu-khan has recalled both of these generals to make way for one of
his brothers, as I formerly mentioned, who is to have the command in
Persia. I was in the house of Bacchu, who gave me wine, while he drank
cosmos; and, although it was the best new wine, I would rather have had
cosmos, if he had offered it, being more restorative for such a half
starved wretch as I then was. We ascended the Araxes to its head, and
beyond the mountains, where it rises, is the good city of Arsorum [10],
which belongs to the Soldan of Turkey [11]. When we departed from Bacchu,
my guide went to Tauris to speak with Argon, and took my interpreter with
him; but Bacchu caused me to be carried to Naxuam [12], formerly the
capital of a great kingdom, and the greatest and fairest city in those
parts, but the Tartars have now made it a wilderness. There were formerly
eight hundred churches [13] of the Armenians here, which are now reduced to
two very small ones, in one of which I held my Christmas as well as I
could, with our clerk Gosset. Next day the priest of this church died, and
a bishop with twelve monks came from the mountains to his funeral, for all
the bishops of the Armenians are monks, and likewise most of those
belonging to the Greeks [14].
In the city of Naxuam I met a Catalan friar, of the order of Predicants,
named Barnard, who lives with a friar of the Holy Sepulchre, resident in
Georgia, and possessing extensive lands there. We were detained in Naxuam
by the snow, till the 6th January 1255, and came in four days to the
country of Sabensa, a Curdish prince, heretofore powerful, but now
tributary to the Tartars, who destroyed all his warlike stores. Zacharias,
the father of Sabensa, possessed himself of all the country of the
Armenians, from whence he drove out the Saracens. In this country there are
many fine villages of true Christians, having churches like those of
Europe; and every Armenian has in his house, in an honourable place, a
wooden hand holding a cross, before which a lamp continually burns; and
that which we do by holy water, they do with frankincense, which they burn
every evening through every corner of the house, to drive away evil
spirits. I eat with Sabensa, and both he and his wife did me great
reverence. His son Zachary, a wise and comely young man, asked me if your
majesty would, entertain him; for though he has plenty of all things, he is
so uneasy under the Tartar dominion, that he would rather retire to a
strange country, than endure their violent exactions. These people say they
are true sons of the church, and if the Pope would send them aid, they
would bring all the neighbouring nations under subjection to the church of
Rome.
From Naxuam we travelled in fifteen days into the country of the soldan of
Turkey, to a castle called Marseugen, inhabited by Armenians, Curgians, and
Greeks, the Turks only having the dominion. From that place, where we
arrived on the first Sunday of Lent, till I got to Cyprus, eight days
before the feast of St John the Baptist, I was forced to buy all our
provisions. He who was my guide procured horses for us, and took my money
for the victuals, which he put into his own pocket; for when in the fields,
he took a sheep from any flock he saw by the way, without leave or
ceremony. In the Feast of the Purification, 2d February, I was in a city
named Ayni, belonging to Sabensa, in a strong situation, having an hundred
Armenian churches, and two mosques, and in it a Tartar officer resides.
At this place I met five preaching friars, four of whom came from Provence,
and the fifth joined them in Syria. They had but one sickly boy who could
speak Turkish and a little French, and they had the Popes letters of
request to Sartach, Baatu, and Mangu-khan, that they might be suffered to
continue in the country to preach the word of God. But when I had told them
what I had seen, and how I was sent back, they directed their journey to
Tefflis, where there were friars of their order, to consult what they
should do. I said that they might pass into Tartary with these letters, but
they might lay their account with much labour, and would have to give an
account of the motives of their journey; for having no other object but
preaching, they would be little cared for particularly as they had no
ambassador. I never heard what they did afterwards.
On the second Sunday in Lent we came to the head of the Araxes, and passing
the mountains, we came to the Euphrates, by which we descended eight days
journey, going to the west, till we came to a castle named Camath or Kemac,
where the Euphrates trends to the south, towards Halapia, or Aleppo. We
here passed to the north-west side of the river, and went over very high
mountains, and through deep snow, to the west. There was so great an
earthquake that year in this country, that in one city called Arsingan, ten
thousand persons are said to have perished. During three days journey we
saw frequent gaps in the earth, which had been cleft by the convulsion, and
great heaps of earth which had tumbled down from the mountains into the
vallies. We passed through the valley where the soldan of the Turks was
vanquished by the Tartars, and a servant belonging to my guide, who was in
the Tartar army, said the Tartars did not exceed 10,000 men, whereas the
soldan had 200,000 horse. In that plain there broke out a great lake at the
time of the earthquake, and it came into my mind, that the earth opened her
mouth to receive yet more blood of the Saracens.
We remained in Sebasta, Siwas, or Sivas, a town of the Lesser Armenia, in
the Easter week, and on the succeeding Sunday we came to Caesaria of
Capadocia, now called Kaisarea. In about fifteen days, making short
journeys, we came to Konieh or Iconium. This delay arose in part from the
difficulty of procuring horses, but chiefly because the guide chose to
stop, often for three days together in one place, to negotiate his own
affairs; and though much dissatisfied, I durst not complain, as he might
have slain me and our servants, or sold us for slaves, and there was none
to hinder it. I found many Franks at Iconium, and among these a merchant
called Nicholas de Sancto Syrio, and his partner Boniface de Molandino, who
had a monopoly of all the alum of Turkey from the soldan, and by this means
they had raised the price so much, that what used to sell for fifteen
byzants, is now sold for forty. My guide presented me to the soldan, who
said he would willingly get me conveyed to the sea of Armenia or Cilicia;
but the above merchants knowing that the Turks made little account of me,
and that I was much distressed with my guide, caused me to be conveyed to
Curruma[15], a port in the dominions of the king of Armenia. Having
remained here from before the Ascension till after Pentecost, or near a
fortnight, I heard there were messengers arrived from the king to his
father, and I went to the kings father to learn the news. I found him
surrounded by all his sons, except Barum Usin, who resided in a certain
castle; and he told me that his son was on his return, and that Mangu-khan
had much eased his tribute, granting him a privilege that no ambassador
should come into his country. On this the old man and all his sons made a
banquet; and he caused me to be conveyed by sea to the haven called
Aijax[16], whence I passed over into Cyprus, and at Nicosia I found our
provincial, who, the same day, carried me with him to Antiochia [17], which
is in a very weak state; we were there on the feast of St Peter, and St
Paul, 29th June; and from thence we went to Tripolis in Syria, where the
chapter of our order was held, on the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin,
15th August 1255.
Our provincial is determined that I shall reside at Acon [18], and will not
suffer me to come to your majesty, but commands me to write what I will by
the bearer of these presents. I would willingly see your highness, and some
spiritual friends in your kingdom; and beseech your majesty to write our
provincial to allow me to go to you, and to return shortly again into the
Holy Land.
I would have your majesty to understand, that in Turkey, every tenth man is
not a Mahometan; they are all Armenians and Greeks, and are ruled over by
children. The soldan, who was conquered by the Tartars, had a lawful wife
of Iberia, by whom he had one feeble son, whom he directed to succeed him
as soldan. He had another son by a Greek concubine, whom he committed to
the guardianship of a certain great admiral. The third he had by a Turkish
woman, to whom many Turks and Turkomans having gathered, they proposed to
have slain all the soldans sons by Christian mothers, and if successful, to
have destroyed all the churches, and to compel all to become Mahometans on
pain of death. But he was overcome in battle, and many of his men slain. He
recruited his army, and ventured a second battle, in which he was defeated
and taken prisoner, and still remains confined. Pacester, the son of the
Greek concubine, was soon afterwards made soldan, as the other was weak,
whom they have sent to the Tartars; the kindred by the mothers side, of
this son, such as the Iberians and Curds, are much dissatisfied at his
being deprived; so that at this time a child ruleth in Turkey, having no
treasure, few soldiers, and many enemies. The son of Vestacius is weak, and
at war with the son of Assan, who is likewise a child, and worn out with
the servitude of the Tartars. If, therefore, an army of the church were now
to come to the Holy Land, it were easy to subdue all these countries, or to
pass through them. The king of Hungary hath not above 30,000 soldiers. From
Cologne to Constantinople are not above sixty days journey by waggons; and
from Constantinople not so many to the country of the king of Armenia. In
old times, valiant men passed through all these countries and prospered;
yet they had to contend with most valiant opponents, whom God hath now
destroyed out of the earth. In this way we need fear no dangers of the sea,
or the mercy of sailors, and the price of freight would defray the expences
by land. I say confidently, if our countrymen would go as the king of the
Tartars does, and would be contented with such victuals, they might conquer
the whole world.
It does not seem to me expedient, that any more friars should be sent to
the Tartars, in the way I went, or as the predicant friars go. But if our
lord the Pope were to send a bishop in an honourable style, capable to
answer their follies, he might speak unto them as he pleased; for they will
hear whatever an ambassador chooses to speak, and always demand if he will
say any more. But he ought to have many good interpreters, and ought to be
at large expences.
I have thus written to your highness, according to my weak power and
understanding, craving pardon from your clemency, for my superfluities or
wants, or for any thing that may be indiscreetly or foolishly written, as
from a man of little understanding, not accustomed to write long histories.
The peace of God, which passeth all understanding, preserve your heart and
fortify your mind.
[1] The reason of the change was, probably, that they might fall in with
the travelling Tartar camps, who went northwards in the summer, that
they might procure food and change of horses. In going to Mangu, he
appears to have travelled through Soongaria, and, in returning,
through the country of the Kalmaks. The river here mentioned may have
been the Borotala.--E
[2] Sarni, Saray, or Sarey, seems to have been built on the Achtuba, or
eastern branch of the Volga, near Zarewpod, where many traces of a
large town, still exist. Sumerkent is unknown, but may have been near
Astrachan, formerly named Hadschi-Aidar-Khan. But there are ruins of a
town still existing on both sides of the Volga, which are now used for
the purpose of making saltpetre.--Forst.
[3] Schabran, or Schabiran.--E.
[4] Shamaki, in Shirvan.--E.
[5] The Karai, on which Tefflis or Tiblis stands, runs from the north-west;
the Demur, Araz or Araxes from the west; and both united form the Kur,
which runs directly south into the Caspian.--E.
[6] Georgia or Gurgistan is to the north-west of the plain of Mogan.--E.
[7] These were the ancestors of the present Turks, who laid the foundation
of the Osmanian or Othoman empire. Kanja, called Ganges or Ganghe in
the text, was their capital.--Frost.
[8] This passage is erroneous or corrupted. In travelling westwards up the
Araxes or Araz, he had Persia on his left, to the south, Georgia on
his right, to the north, and the Caspian sea and mountains of the
Iron-gate were left _behind_ him, to the _east_ and north-east.--E.
[9] Westwards.--E.
[10] Arz-roum on the Frat or Euphrates, perhaps a corruption of Arx-
romanorum; as the Turks give the name of Roum to a part of Lesser
Asia; and all the eastern nations call the Constantinopolitan empire
Roum to this day.--E.
[11] Turkey, in these travels of Rubruquis, is always, to be understood as
referring to the Turkish dominion in Asia Minor, of which Konieh or
Iconium was the capital.--E.
[12] Nak-sivan, or Nag-jowan.--E.
[13] This must be an error for eighty.--E.
[14] Rubruquis here tells a long story of an Armenian prophecy, from which
they expected to be freed from the iron yoke of the Tartars, by St
Louis, not worth inserting.--E.
[15] Kurke or Kurch.--E.
[16] Aias-cala, in the gulf of Aiasso, or Scanderoon.--E.
[17] Antioch or Antakia.--E.
[18] Ptolomais, or St John d'Acre.--E.
CHAP. X.
_Travels of Haitho, Prince of Armenia, in Tartary, in 1254 [1]._
SECTION I.
Introduction.
Haitho, or Hatto, was the son of Livon, or Leon II., nephew of Haitho I.,
king of Armenia Minor, in Lesser Asia. At the demise of his father, he
refused to accept of the crown, which he resigned in favour of his brother
Thores or Theodore; but assisted him and his son and successor, Leon III.,
in all the wars and troubles in which they were engaged during many years.
During the reign of his father in 1254, accompanied by his wife and child,
he travelled to the court of Mangu-khan, the great sovereign of the Tartars
or Mongals, for the purpose of obtaining an abatement of the tribute which
had been imposed by these conquerors upon his country, and appears to have
been successful in his negotiations. His journey into the east took place
in the same year in which Rubruquis was on his return; and while at the
court or leskar of Sartach, he was of material service to two of the
attendants of Rubruquis, who had been left at that station; and who but for
his interference must have perished by famine, or would have been reduced
to slavery. Forster asserts that Haitho met with Rubruquis, who was then on
his return home; but we have already seen, in the account of the travels of
Rubruquis, that the two travellers did not meet.
In the year 1305, when he must have become very old, Haitho became a monk
of the Praemonstratensian order at Episcopia in Cyprus. He afterwards went
to Poitou in France, where he dictated in French to Nicholas Salconi, a
history of the events which had occurred in the east from the first
commencement of the conquests of the Tartars or Mongals, including the
reigns of Zingis-khan and his successors, to Mangu-khan inclusively; and a
particular narrative of the history of his own country, Armenia Minor, from
the reign of Haitho I. to that of Leon II. both inclusive. This account
Salconi translated into Latin in 1307, by order of the reigning Pope.
The travels of Haitho being perfectly contemporary with those of Rubruquis,
are not sufficiently interesting to be here inserted; and the historical
part of his relations have no connection with the plan of this work, which
it would swell beyond due bounds: But the following brief account of his
geographical description of the east, as it existed in the thirteenth
century, and as abstracted by J. R. Forster, in his Voyages and Discoveries
in the North, have been deemed worthy of insertion, together with the
observations or commentaries of that ingenious author.
[1] Forst. Hist. of Voy. and Disc. in the North, p. 113.
SECTION II.
_Geographical Notices of the East in the Thirteenth Century, by Haitho._
§ 1. The empire of _Kathay_ is one of the most extensive, most opulent, and
most populous in the world, and is entirely situated on the sea coast. The
inhabitants have a very high notion of their own superior intelligence,
which they express by saying, that they only of all the people on earth
have _two_ eyes; to the Latins they allow _one_, and consider all other
nations as blind. The Kathayans have small eyes and no beards. Their money
consists of small square pieces of paper, impressed with the seal of their
emperor. To the west, this empire is bounded by that of the Tarsae; to the
north by the desert of Belgian; and to the south by the sea, in which there
are innumerable islands. The inhabitants of Kathay are exceedingly skilful
and ingenious in all works of art and in manufactures, but are of a very
timorous disposition. In the foregoing description, and in the traits of
character, the empire and inhabitants of northern China are distinctly
indicated.--Forst.
§ 2. The empire of _Tarsa_ is divided into three provinces, each of which
has a sovereign who assumes the title of King. The inhabitants are called
Jogur, the Jugur or Uigur of other authors. They are divided into many
tribes, ten of whom are Christians, and the rest heathens. They abstain
from every article of food which has ever had life, and drink no wine, but
raise abundance of corn. Their towns are very pleasant, and contain great
numbers of idol temples. They are not inclined to war, but learn all arts
and sciences with great facility, and have a particular manner of writing,
which is adopted by all the neighbouring nations. To the east, this country
is bounded by Kathay, to the west by Turkestan, to the north by an
extensive desert, and to the south by a very rich province, named Sym or
Peim, in which diamonds are found, and which, is situated between Kathay
and India. It appears, that Haitho here describes the country of the Uigurs
in conjunction with that of the Gete: but how it came to receive the name
of Tarsae I know not--_Forst_.
§ 3. _Turkestan_ is bounded on the east by the empire of Tarsae, to the
west by Khorasmin or Khuaresm, and to the south it extends to the desert
which forms the northern frontier of India. In this country there are few
good towns; but many extensive plains, which afford excellent pasturage to
cattle, and the inhabitants are almost universally shepherds and tenders of
cattle. They dwell mostly in tents, and in huts which can be transported
from place to place. They cultivate only a small quantity of corn, and have
no wine. Their drink is beer and milk, and they subsist upon meat with rice
and millet. The people are known by the name of Turks, and are of the
Mahometan religion. Such of them as live in towns use the Arabian letters.
Ocerra or Otrar is the capital of this country.
§ 4. _Khorasmin_ or Khuaresm, is a populous, pleasant, and fertile country,
containing many good and strong towns, the capital being Khorasme. The
country produces abundance of corn, and very little wine. This empire
borders on a desert of an hundred days journey in extent. To the west is
the Caspian sea, to the north Kumania, and to the east Turkestan. The
inhabitants are heathens, without letters or laws. The Soldini are the most
intrepid of warriors; have a particular language of their own, for which
they employ the Greek characters in writing; and they follow the usages and
rites of the Greek church, being subject in spirituals to the Patriarch of
Antioch.
According to Ulug-Beg, who was himself prince of this country, the capital
of Khuaresm is the city of Korkang, and no author except Haitho has ever
mentioned a place called Khorasme. The Soldini, whom he mentions as
Christians of the Greek church, are unknown; perhaps they may have been the
Sogdians.--_Forst_.
§ 5. _Kumania_ is of vast extent; but, owing to the inclemency of its
climate, is very thinly inhabited. In some parts, the cold is so intense in
winter, that neither man nor beast can remain in them; and in other parts
the heat is so extreme, and they are so infested with swarms of flies, as
to be quite intolerable. The whole country is flat and level, and without
woods, except some orchards near the towns. The inhabitants live in tents,
and use the dung of their cattle as fuel. It is bounded on the east by a
desert towards Khorasmia; to the west is the great sea, or Euxine, and the
sea of Tenue, Tanna, or Azof; to the north, is the empire of Kaffia or
Kiow; and to the south it extends to the great river Etile or Wolga, which
passes the capital. This river is frozen over every year, and men and
beasts walk upon the ice as on dry land; along the banks of the river are
many small trees; and on the other side of the river, the country is
inhabited by a people, who, though not Kumanians, are subject to the Khan.
Some live towards the high mountains of Cocas or Caucasus, in which there
are white kites. This range of mountains extends between the Black Sea or
Euxine on the west, and the Caspian on the east; this latter has no
connection with the ocean, but is a vast lake called a sea, on account of
its extent, being the largest lake in the world, and contains a great
quantity of excellent fish. It divides Asia into two parts; that to the
east being called _Lower_ Asia, and that to the west _Greater_ Asia. In the
Caspian mountains, abundance of buffalos and many other wild beasts are
found. In this sea there are many islands, to which numerous birds resort
to breed; particularly the falcons called _Pegrim_[1], _Esmetliones_[2],
and _Bousacei_[3], and many other birds not to be found elsewhere. The
largest town of Kumania is Sara or Saray, which was large and of great
renown, but has been ravaged, and almost entirely destroyed by the Tartars,
who took it by storm.
It is obvious, that Haitho here describes that part of the empire of the
Mongals which was subject to Baatu-khan. The Euxine or Black Sea, he calls
the _Great Sea_. The sea of Tenue is that of Tanna or Azof, the town at the
mouth of the Tanais or Don having been known by both of these names, the
former evidently derived from the ancient name of the river, or the river
from the town, and of which the modern name Don is a mere corruption. The
empire of Kaffia is obviously that of Kiow, Kiovia, or Kiavia, long the
capital of the Russian empire, and the residence of the czars or great
dukes.--Forst.
§ 6. Beyond the great mountain of Belgian or Bilkhan, the Tartars lived
formerly without religion, or the knowledge of letters, being chiefly
employed in tending their flocks; and were so far from warlike, that they
readily submitted to pay tribute to any neighbouring prince who made the
demand. All the tribes of the Tartars were known by the name of Mogles,
Moguls or Mongals; and in process of time they increased so much, as to
form seven populous independent nations. The first was called Tartar, after
a province of that name, which was their original habitation; the second
Tangot, Tangut, or Tongusians; the third Kunat; the fourth Jalair or
Thalair; the fifth Sonich; the sixth Monghi; and the seventh Tabeth.
Prompted by a vision and a command from God, the chiefs of these nations
chose Changi or Zinghis to be their sovereign ruler or Great Khan; and we
are told that when he came down from the mountains of Belgian, the sea
withdrew nine feet, and made a way for him where there was none before.
This seems to be the same history with that of Irganekon, which is also
related by Abulgasi. The mountain Belgian must be looked for in the
environs of lake Balehas, in the country of Organum or Irganekon. According
to the Nighiaristan, a collection of oriental history, the Turkomanni
likewise came from a place called Belgian or Bilkhan.--Forst.
[1] Faucon Pelerin, the Pilgrim Falcon,--Forst.
[2] Esmerliones, or Merlins.--Forst.
[3] The Bondree and Sacre, or the Honey-buzzard and Sacre.--Forst.
CHAP. XI.
_Travels of Marco Polo, through Tartary, China, the Islands of India, and
most of Asia, from A. D. 1260 to 1295 [1]._
Nicolo Polo, the father of this intelligent early traveller, and Maffei
Polo his uncle, were Venetian gentlemen engaged in commerce; and appear to
have gone into the east, in the prosecution of their trade, in the year
1260. They resided far some time at the court of Kublai-khan, the great
emperor of the Mongals or Tartars; and, returning to Venice in 1269, they
found that the wife of Nicolo had died during their absence, leaving a son
Marco, the author of the following travels, of whom she was pregnant at the
time of their departure. These circumstances are detailed in the first
section of this chapter, but the date which has been usually assigned for
the commencement of this first journey, 1250, is evidently corrupted, as
will appear from the following considerations, derived from a comparison of
the chronology of the kings and princes, who are mentioned in the travels
as reigning at the time. The high probability is, that the obvious mistake,
of assuming the year 1250 as the era of the first journey, arose from a
careless substitution of the figure 5 for 6 in transcription.
Assuming the corrected date of 1260 as the commencement of the first
journey of Nicolo and Maffei Polo, this will appear to be consonant with
the chronology of the princes with whose reigns their travels were
connected; while the date of 1250, adopted by Ramusio and Muller, is
totally irreconcilable with the truth of history. They remained one year at
the leskar or camp of Bereke-khan, whence they travelled into Bochara,
where they tarried three years. From thence they spent one year on their
journey to the court of Kublai-khan, and were three years on their journey
back to Venice. But as they remained some time at the residence of
Kublai-khan, one year may be allowed for that circumstance; and this first
journey may therefore be allowed to have occupied nine years in all.
Kublai-khan reigned supreme emperor of the Mongals from 1259 to 1294, in
which last year he died at eighty years of age. If, therefore, Nicolo and
Maffei had set out upon their first journey in 1250, they must have arrived
at the imperial residence of Cambalu, or Pekin, in 1255, at the latest, or
four years before Kublai-khan ascended the throne. Their first journey
commenced while Baldwin II. was emperor of Constantinople, who reigned from
1234 to 1261. The khan of Kiptschak, or the western division of the vast
empire of the Mongals, at the time of this journey, was Bereke, who ruled
from 1256 to 1266. Holagu-khan, who was then at war with Bereke, did not
begin to reign till 1258. Hence it follows, that they could not have
commenced their first journey at the very earliest before 1258, or 1259
rather; as it is not to be supposed that Holagu would enter upon a
dangerous war in the first year of his reign. Upon the whole, therefore,
the date of 1260, for the commencement of the first journey, as already
observed, is perfectly consistent with the chronology of history.
The year of their return to Venice, 1269, is agreed upon on all hands; and
as Marco was born in the first year of their absence, he would then be
about nine years of age. Ramusio, who dates the commencement of the first
journey in 1250, supposes Marco to have been fifteen years of age at the
return of his father and uncle, which is absurd; as, if the era assumed by
Ramusio were possibly true, he must then have been in his nineteenth year.
According to the opinion of Mr J. R. Forster, the commencement of the
second journey in which Marco was engaged, must have been in 1271; and he
founds this opinion on the circumstance, that Gregory IX. had then been
elected pope, from whom they carried letters for Kublai-khan. But it will
appear from the travels themselves, that the three Polos had commenced
their journey previously to the election of that sovereign pontiff, and
that they were detained some time in Armenia, in consequence of an express
sent after them for the purpose, that they might there wait for his final
instructions. They may, therefore, have commenced this second journey in
1270. We only know, however, that they set out from Venice for a second
journey into Tartary, soon after their return from the first, in 1269; and
that they carried young Marco along with them. On his appearance at the
court of Cambalu, Kublai-khan took a fancy to the young Venetian, and
caused him to be instructed in four of the principal languages which were
spoken in the extensive dominions of the Mongals. Marco was afterwards
employed by the khan, for a considerable number of years, in several
important affairs, as will appear in the relation of his travels.
At length, the three Polos returned to Venice, in 1295, after an absence of
twenty-five or twenty-six years, during which long period they had never
been heard of by their friends and countrymen, seventeen years of which
Marco had been employed in the service of the great khan. On their return
to their own house in Venice, they were entirely forgotten by their
relations and former acquaintances, and had considerable difficulty to
establish their identity, and to get themselves recognized by their family,
and were obliged to use extraordinary means to recover the respect which
was their due, and an acknowledgement of their name, family, and rank, the
particulars of which will be found in the travels themselves.
About three years after the return of these adventurous travellers,
hostilities arose between the republics of Genoa and Venice. The Genoese
admiral, Lampa Doria, came to the island of Curzola with a fleet of seventy
gallies, to oppose whom, the Venetians fitted out a great naval force under
Andrea Dandolo, under whom Marco Polo had the command of a galley. The
Venetians were totally defeated in a great naval engagement, with the loss
of their admiral and eighty-five ships, and Marco Polo had the misfortune
to be among the number of the prisoners.
Harris alleges that he remained a prisoner during several years, in spite
of every offer of ransom that was made for his liberation. But in this he
must have mistaken, or been misled by the authorities which he trusted to,
as peace was concluded in 1299, the year immediately subsequent to the
naval engagement in which he was made prisoner. While in prison at Genoa,
many of the young nobility are said to have resorted to Marco, to listen to
the recital of his wonderful travels and surprizing adventures; and they
are said to have prevailed upon him to send to Venice for the notes which
he had drawn up during his peregrinations, by means of which the following
relation is said to have been written in Latin from has dictation. From the
original Latin, the account of his travels was afterwards translated into
Italian; and from this again, abridgements were afterwards made in Latin
and diffused over Europe.
According to Baretti[2], the travels of Marco Polo were dictated by him in
1299, while in the prison of Genoa, to one Rustigielo, an inhabitant of
Pisa, who was his fellow prisoner. They were afterwards published in
Italian, and subsequently translated into Latin by Pessuri, a Dominican
monk of Bologna. Copies of the original manuscript, though written in the
Venetian dialect, which is extremely different from the Tuscan or pure
Italian, were multiplied with great rapidity in all parts of Italy, and
even made their way into France and Germany. From one or more of these,
corrupted by the carelessness or ignorance of transcribers, some of whom
may have abridged the work, or may even have interpolated it from other
sources, a thing quite common before the invention of printing, the Latin
translations may have been made and circulated over Europe. Ramusio, an
early editor of voyages and travels, published these travels in an Italian
translation from the Latin, which he erroneously supposed to have been the
original dictation of Marco to Rustigielo; and many other editions have
been published in the various languages of Europe, but all from one or
other of these corrupted transcripts or translations.
A manuscript of the travels of Marco polo, in the Venetian dialect, was
long preserved by the Soranza family at Venice, but whether this now
exists, or has ever been published, is unknown. Mr Pinkerton informs us
[3], that a genuine edition of these travels, probably from the original
MS. either of Marco himself, after his return from Genoa, or from that of
his amanuensis Rustigielo, was published at Trevigi in 1590, in the dialect
of Venice, which has hitherto escaped the attention of all editors and
commentators. This curious publication is often worded in the names of all
the three travellers, father, uncle, and son; but when the peculiar travels
of Marco are indicated, his name only is employed. In the former case, the
language runs thus, "_We_, Nicolo, Maffei, and Marco, have heard, seen, and
know, &c.:" In the latter, "I Marco was in that place, and saw, &c." In
this Venetian edition, the names of places and persons are often widely
different from those in the other editions, and probably more genuine and
correct. But that publication being at present inaccessible, we are under
the necessity of being contented with the edition of Harris, in which he
professes to have carefully collated the edition of Ramusio with most of
the other translations, and with an original MS. in the royal library of
Prussia. This latter labour, however, he seems to have taken entirely upon
trust from Muller, a German editor and translator, probably through the
intermediation of Bergeron, an early French editor of voyages and travels.
The only freedom which has been assumed in the present edition is, by
dividing it into sections for more ready consultation and reference, and by
the addition of explanatory notes from various sources.
Marco Polo is the chief of all the early modern discoverers; having been
the first who communicated to Europe any distinct ideas of the immense
regions of Asia, from the Euxine eastwards, through the vast extent of
Tartary to China and Japan; and the very first author who has made any
mention of that distant insular sovereignty. Even Columbus is supposed,
with some considerable probability, to have been prompted to his
enterprize, which ended in the discovery of America, by the study of these
travels; believing, that by a western course through the unexplored
Atlantic, he should find a comparatively short passage to those eastern
regions of the Indies, which Polo had visited, described, or indicated. In
this view he was, however, so far misled in his estimation of the distance,
by the erroneously spread-out longitudes of Ptolomy, bringing these regions
much farther towards the east, and consequently nearer by the west, than
their actual situation; and was stopped in his western course, by the
important and unexpected discovery of many islands, and a vast interposed
continent; which, from preconceived theory, he named the West Indies.
Such is the account of these travels which has been handed down to us from
various sources, and which their importance and intrinsic merit have
induced us to record at some length. Of these adventurous travellers, some
notices yet remain, which may be worthy of being preserved. Signior Maffio
Polo, the uncle of Marco, became a magistrate of Venice, and lived for some
time in much respect among his countrymen. Nicolo Polo, the father of
Marco, is said to have married during the captivity of his son at Genoa,
and to have left three children by this second marriage. Marco himself
married after his return to Venice from Genoa, and left two daughters,
Moretta and Fantina, but had no male issue. He is said to have received
among his countrymen the name of Marco Millioni, because he and his family
had acquired a fortune of a million of ducats in the east. He died as he
had lived, universally beloved and respected by all who knew him; for, with
the advantages of birth and fortune, he was humble and beneficent and
employed his great riches, and the interest he possessed in the state, only
to do good.
[1] Harris, I, 593. Forst. Voy. and Disc. p. 117. Modern Geogr. II. xvi.
[2] Ital Libr. p. iv.
[3] Mod. Geogr. II. xvi.
SECTION I.
_Introductory General Account of the whole Travels, from the commencement
of the first Journey of Nicolo and Maffei Polo, in 1260, to their final
return along with Marco to Venice, in 1295_.
[Illustration: MAP OF THE Eastern part of Tartary & ADJACENT COUNTRIES]
In the year 1260, when Baldwin was emperor of Continople, two brothers of
an illustrious family at Venice, Nicolo and Maffei Polo, embarked in a
vessel which was laden with a various assortment of merchandize on their
own account; and, after traversing the Mediterranean and Bosphoros with a
fair wind, they arrived in safety at Constantinople. Having remained for
some time in the imperial city, they crossed the Great Sea to Soldadia[1],
from thence they went to the court of a Tartar prince, named Barha[2], who
lived in the towns of Bolgara and Alsara[3]. To this prince they shewed the
fine jewels which they had brought for sale, and presented him with some of
the most valuable. He was far from ungrateful for their presents, which he
kindly accepted, and for which he made them returns of greater value.
Having remained a whole year at his court, they were desirous of returning
to Venice; but before they had any opportunity of departing, a war broke
out between Barha and another Tartar prince named Arau[4]; the armies of
these rivals came to a battle, in which Barha was defeated, and obliged to
fly. By this unfortunate incident, the roads to the westwards became quite
unsafe for the journey of the Polos, and they were advised to make a large
circuit round the north and east frontiers of the dominions of Barha; and
by which route they made their escape from the seat of war to Guthacam, a
town on the Tygris[5]. A little farther on, they crossed the Gihon, one of
the four rivers of Paradise, and travelled afterwards for seventeen days in
the desert, in which they saw neither town, castle, nor village, and only a
few Tartars dwelling in huts or tents. Leaving the desert, they came to a
considerable city, named Bochara, on the frontiers of Persia, then the
residence of a prince called Barach[6], who gave them a good reception; and
being unable to proceed any farther, on account of the great wars which
then raged among the Tartars, they remained there for three years.
At that time there came to Bochara a person of distinction, who was going
as ambassador from Holagu to Kublai-khan, the great emperor of all the
Tartars, who resided in the remotest countries of the earth, betwixt the
north-east and the east. Meeting with the brothers, who had now become well
versed in the Tartarian language, he was much taken with their
conversation, and persuaded them to accompany him to the court of the great
khan, knowing that he should gratify him in this circumstance, and promised
them that they should be received with great honour, and gratified with
large rewards. They were well aware that it was utterly impossible for them
to return home at this period, without the most imminent danger, and agreed
to this proposal, taking with them some Christian servants whom they had
brought from Venice; and travelling toward the north-east, they employed a
whole year on the journey, being often obliged to wait the melting of the
snow, and the decreasing of the floods, which obstructed their passage.
At length they arrived at the residence of the great khan, and being
brought into his presence, were most courteously received, and treated with
great distinction. He interrogated them much concerning many things
relative to the countries of the west; particularly respecting the Roman
emperor[7], and the other kings and princes of Europe; the forms of their
different governments, the nature, number and discipline of their military
force; how peace, justice and concord were established and maintained among
them; of the manners and customs of the different European nations; and
concerning the pope, the discipline of the church, and the tenets of the
Christian faith. To all this Nicolo and Maffei made proper and suitable
replies, as prudent and wise men, declaring the truth, and speaking orderly
in the Tartarian language; with which the emperor was well satisfied, as he
acquired a knowledge of the affairs of the Europeans; insomuch that he
often commanded them to be brought into his presence.
After some time, Kublai-khan having consulted with his great lords,
informed them, that he was desirous to send them as his ambassadors to the
pope of the Romans, accompanied by one of his lords named Chogatal[8],
requesting that he would send an hundred men, learned in the Christian
religion, to his courts, that they might instruct his wise men, that the
faith of the Christians was preferable to all other sects, being the only
way of salvation; that the gods of the Tartars were devils, and that they
and other people of the east were deceived in the worship of these gods. He
likewise commanded them, on their return from Jerusalem, to bring him some
of the oil from the lamp which burns before the sepulchre of our Lord Jesus
Christ, to whom the emperor had great devotion, believing him to be the
true God. Yielding due reverence to the great khan, they promised
faithfully to execute the charge which he had committed to them, and to
present to the pope the letters in the Tartarian language, which he gave
them for that purpose. According to the custom of the empire, the great
khan caused to be given them a golden tablet, engraven and signed with the
mark or signet of the khan, in virtue of which, instead of a passport, the
bearers were entitled to be everywhere conveyed in safety through dangerous
places, by the governors of provinces and cities, throughout the whole
empire, having their expences everywhere defrayed, and should be furnished
with whatever was needful for them and their attendants in all places, and
for as long as they might have occasion to stay.
Taking their leave of the great khan, they set out upon the journey into
the west, carrying with them the letters to the pope, and the golden
tablet. After travelling twenty days, the Tartar lord, who was associated
in their embassy to the pope, fell grievously sick; on which, having
consulted upon what was best to be done, they resolved to leave him, and to
continue their journey, They were everywhere courteously received, through
the authority of the imperial tablet; yet they were often compelled to
wait, by the overflowing of the rivers, in the course of their journey, so
that they spent three years before they reached the port in the country of
the Armenians, called Giazza [9]. From thence they proceeded to Acre [10],
where they arrived in the month of April 1269. On their arrival at Acre,
they were informed of the death of Pope Clement IV., by Tibaldo Visconti of
Placentia, the papal legate who then resided in that place. They related to
him what had befallen them, and declared what commission they had received
from the great khan to the pope, and he advised to wait the creation of a
new pope, to whom they might deliver their letters. Upon this they took
shipping for Venice, by the way of Negropont, intending to visit their
friends and relations, and to remain there until a new pope should be
elected. On their arrival, Nicolo found that his wife was dead, whom he had
left pregnant at his departure; but that she had left a son, now nineteen
[11] years of age, who is this very _Marco_, the author of this book, in
which he will make manifest all those things which he has seen in his
travels.
The election of the pope was deferred two years, and the Polos became
afraid least the great khan might be displeased at their delay. They went
therefore back to Acre, carrying Marco along with them; and having gone to
Jerusalem for the holy oil requested by Kublai, they received letters from
the legate, testifying their fidelity to the great khan, and that a pope
was not yet chosen. They then set out on their journey, and went to Giazza,
in Armenia. In the mean time letters came from the Cardinals to the legate
Visconti, declaring that he was elected pope, and he assumed the name of
Gregory. On this the new pope sent messengers to the Polos to call them
back, or to delay their departure from Armenia until he might prepare other
letters for them, to present to the khan in his name, and to inform them,
that he meant to join two friars predicants in commission with them, Nicolo
of Vicenza and Guelmo of Tripoli, men of learning and discretion. The Polos
accordingly remained at Giazza, where these two monks arrived with letters
and presents of great value for the khan, and furnished with ample powers
and privileges, and authority to ordain priests and bishops, and to grant
absolution in all cases, as fully as if the pope were present. But learning
that the sultan of Babylon, Bentiochdas[12], was leading a great army to
invade Armenia, and where he committed the most cruel ravages, the two
friars became afraid of themselves, and delivered the letters and presents
of the pope to Nicolo, Maffei, and Marco; and to avoid the fatigues of the
ways and the dangers of war, they remained with the master of the temple,
then at Giazza, and returned with him to Acre.
But the three Venetians proceeded boldly through many dangers and
difficulties, and at length, after a journey of three years and a half,
they arrived at the great city of Clemenisu[13]. In this lengthened journey
they had often long stoppages, on account of the deep snow and extreme
cold, and on occasion of floods and inundations. When the khan heard of
their approach, though yet at a great distance, he sent messengers forty
days journey to meet them, that they might be conducted with all honour,
and to provide them with every accommodation during the remainder of their
journey. On their arrival at the court, and being introduced into the
presence, they prostrated themselves before the khan on their faces,
according to the customary form of reverence; and being commanded to rise,
were most graciously received. The khan then demanded an account of the
many dangers through which they had passed by the way, and of their
proceedings with the pope of the Romans. All this they distinctly related,
and delivered to him the letters and presents from the pope, with which the
khan was well pleased, and gave them great commendations for their care and
fidelity. They presented to him also the oil which they had brought from
the holy sepulchre of the Lord at Jerusalem, which he reverently received,
and gave orders that it should be honourably preserved. The khan inquired
who Marco was? On which Nicolo replied, "He is your majesty's servant, and
my son." The khan graciously received him with a friendly countenance and
had him taught to write among his honourable courtiers; whereupon he was
much respected by all the court, and in a little time made himself familiar
with the customs of the Tartars, and learned to read and write four
different languages. After some time the great khan, to make experience of
his capacity, sent Marco upon a mission or embassy, to a great city called
Carachan or Zarazan, at such a distance as he could scarcely travel in six
months. He executed the commission with which he had been entrusted with
judgment and discretion, and perfectly to the satisfaction of the khan: And
knowing that the khan would be delighted with an account of all the
novelties in the places through which he had to pass, he diligently
inquired into the manners and customs of the people, the conditions of the
countries, and every thing worthy of being remarked, making a memorial of
all he knew or saw, which he presented to the great khan for his
information and amusement. By this means he got so much into the favour of
the khan, that during the twenty-six years which he continued in his
service, he was continually sent through all his realms and dependencies,
chiefly on affairs of government, but sometimes on his own private matters,
by the khan's orders; and this is the true reason that he should have seen
and learnt so many particulars relating to the east, as he has declared in
these his memoirs.
After staying many years in the court of the great khan, and having become
very rich in jewels of great value, and considering that if the khan, who
was now grown very old, should happen to die, they should never be able to
return home; the Venetians became exceedingly anxious to be permitted to
return to their own country. Wherefore, one day that he found the khan in
extraordinary good humour, Nicolo begged permission to return home with his
family. At this the Khan was much displeased, and asked what could induce
them to undertake so long and dangerous a journey; adding, that if they
were in want of riches, he would gratify their utmost wishes, by bestowing
upon them twice as much as they possessed; but out of pure affection, he
refused to give them leave to depart.
It happened, however, not long after this, that a king of the Indies named
Argon, sent three of his counsellors, named Ulatai, Apusca, and Coza, as
ambassadors to Kublai-khan on the following occasion. Bolgana, the wife of
Argon, was lately dead, and on her death-bed had requested of her husband
that he should choose a wife from among her relations in Kathay. Kubla
yielded to this request, and chose a fair young maiden of seventeen years
of age, named Cogalin[14], who was of the family of the late queen Bolgana,
and determined to send her to Argon. The ambassadors departed with their
charge, and journeyed eight months the same way they had come to the court
of Kublai; but found bloody wars raging among the Tartars, insomuch, that
they were constrained to return and to acquaint the great khan with the
impossibility of their proceeding home in that road. In the mean time,
Marco had returned from the Indies, where he had been employed with certain
ships in the service of the khan, to whom he had reported the singularities
of the places which he had visited, and the facility of intercourse by sea
between Kathay and the Indies. This came to the knowledge of the
ambassadors, who conferred with the Venetians on the subject; and it was
agreed, that the ambassadors and the young queen should go to the great
khan, and beg permission to return by sea, and should request to have the
three Europeans, who were skilful in sea affairs, to accompany and conduct
them to the dominions of king Argon. The great khan was much dissatisfied
with this proposal, yet, at the earnest entreaty of the ambassadors, he at
length gave his consent; and calling Nicolo, Maffei, and Marco into his
presence, after much demonstration of his favour and affection, he made
them promise to return to him after they had spent some time in Christendom
among their relations; and he caused a tablet of gold to be given them, on
which his commands were engraven for their liberty, security, and free
passage throughout all his dominions, and that all the expences of them and
their attendants should be defrayed, providing them everywhere with guides
and escorts, where necessary. He authorized them also to act as his
ambassadors to the pope, and the kings of France and Spain, and all other
Christian princes.
The khan ordered fourteen ships to be prepared for the voyage, each having
four masts, and carrying nine sails. Four or five of these were so large as
to have from 250 to 260 mariners in each, but the rest were smaller. In
this fleet the queen and the ambassadors embarked, accompanied by Nicolo,
Maffei, and Marco; having first taken leave of the great khan, who
presented them, at parting, with many rubies and other precious stones, and
a sum or money sufficient to defray all their expences for two years.
Setting sail from Kathay or China, they arrived in three months at an
island called Java, and sailing from thence they arrived in eighteen months
in the dominions of king Argon. Six hundred of the mariners and others died
during the voyage, and but one woman; and only Coza of the three
ambassadors survived. On arriving at the dominions of Argon, he was found
to be dead, and a person named Ghiacato or Akata, governed the kingdom for
his son Casan; who was under age. On making the regent acquainted with
their business, he desired them to carry the young queen to Casan, who was
then on the confines of Persia, towards Arbor Secco[15] with an army of
60,000 men, guarding certain passes of the frontiers against the
enterprises of their enemies; Having executed this order, Nicolo, Maffei,
and Marco, returned to the residence of Chiacato, and staid there for nine
months.
At the end of this period they took leave of Chiacato, who gave them four
tablets of gold, each a cubit long and five fingers broad, and weighing
three or four marks[16]. On these were engraven to the following purport:
"In the power of the eternal God, the name of the great khan shall be
honoured and praised for many years; and whosoever disobeyeth, shall he put
to death, and all his goods confiscated." Besides this preamble, they
farther commanded, that all due honour should be shown to the three
ambassadors of the khan, and service performed to them in all the countries
and districts subject to his authority, as to himself in person; that all
necessary relays of horses and escorts, and their expences, and every thing
needful should be supplied to them freely and gratuitously. All this was
duly executed, so that sometimes they had 200 horse for their safeguard.
During their journey, they were informed that the great emperor of the
Tartars, Kublai-khan was dead, by which they considered themselves absolved
from all obligations of the promise they had made to return to his court.
They continued their journey to Trebisond, on the south side of the Euxine;
whence they proceeded by the way of Constantinople and Negropont to Venice,
where they arrived in safety, and with great riches, in the year 1295.
On their arrival at their own house, in the street of St Chrysostom in
Venice, they found themselves entirely forgotten by all their old
acquaintances and countrymen, and even their relations were unable to
recognize them, owing to their long absence, now thirty-five years from
setting, out on their first journey into the east; besides being much
altered by age they had become altogether resembling Tartars in their
speech, dress and manners, and were obliged to use some extraordinary
expedients to satisfy their family and countrymen of their identity, and to
recover the respect which was their due, by a public acknowledgment of
their name, family, and rank. For this purpose, they invited all their
relations arid connections to a magnificent entertainment, at which all the
three travellers made their appearance in rich eastern habits of crimson
satin. After the guests were seated, and before the Polos sat down, they
put off their upper garments which they gave to the attendants, appearing
still magnificently dressed in habits of crimson damask. These they threw
off at the appearance of the last course or service of the entertainment,
and bestowed likewise on the attendants; while they themselves still
appeared clad in magnificent dresses of crimson velvet. When dinner was
over, and all the servants had withdrawn, Marco Polo produced to the
company the coats of Tartarian cloth or felt, which he, and his father and
uncle had ordinarily worn during their travels, from the folds of which he
took out an incredible quantity of rich jewels; among which were some that
were well known to those who were present at the entertainment, and by
which the three travellers incontestibly proved themselves members of the
Polo family, and the identical persons they represented themselves.
[1] The Black-Sea, or Euxine, is here called the _Great_ Sea. Soldadia,
Soldaia, or Sudak, was a city in the Crimea, a little to the west of
Caffa.--Forst.
[2] Barha or Barcha, more properly Bereke-khan, who reigned from 1256 to
1266.--E.
[3] Bolgara is the town of Bolgari, the capital of Bulgaria, which
subsisted from 1161 to 1578. Alsara is Al-seray, which was built by
Baatu-khan, on the Achtuba, a branch of the Volga.--Forst.
[4] Probably Holagu-khan, to whom all Persia was in subjection, quite to
Syria.--Forst.
[5] Ukakah, Grikhata, Khorkang, or Urghenz on the Gihon.--Forst.
[6] Bereke-khan.--Forst.
[7] This probably refers to the Constantinopolitan or Greek emperor; his
dominions being called _Roum_ in the east to the present day.--E.
[8] In different editions this name is corruptly written Gogoka, Gogatal,
Cogatal, and Chogatal.--E.
[9] Otherwise called Glaza and Galza, but more properly Al-Ajassa, on the
south-east extremity of the Euxine or Black-sea.--Forst.
[10] Acon, or more properly Akko. It is not easy to conceive what should
have taken them so much out of their way as Acre; unless they could
not procure shipping at Giazza, and travelled therefore by land
through Asia Minor and Syria; or that they intended here to procure
the holy oil for the khan.--E.
[11] This is an error in transcription, and it has been already noticed in
the introduction to these travels, that Marco could not then have
exceeded the ninth year of his age.--E.
[12] Bibars el Bentochdari, sultan of Kahira or Cairo, in Egypt, often
called Babylon.--Forst.
[13] Chambalu, or Khan-balu, or the city of the Khan, now Peking.--Forst.
[14] Called likewise; Kogatin, Gogatin, and Gogongin, in the different
transcripts of these travels.--E.
[15] From the circumstance of this kingdom of Argon being near Arbor Secco
it would appear to have been one of the eight kingdoms of Persia
mentioned in the sequel; and from the sea voyage, it probably was
Mekran, which, reaches to the sea and the Indies,--E.
[16] These were most princely letters-patent; equal in weight to 400
guineas, perhaps equal in efficacious value to 4000 in our times.--E.
SECTION II.
_Description of Armenia the Lesser, of the country of the Turks of Greater
Armenia, Zorzania, the kingdom of Mosul, of the cities of Bagdat and
Tauris, and account of a strange Miracle[1]._
There are two Armenias, the Greater and the Lesser. In the Lesser Armenia
the king resides in a city called Sebaste; and in all this country justice
and good government are strictly enforced. This kingdom has many cities,
fortresses, and castles; the soil is fertile, and the country abounds with
game and wildfowl, and every necessary article of provisions, but the air
is not very good. Formerly the Armenian gentlemen were brave men and good
soldiers, but are now become effeminate, and addicted to drinking and
debauchery. The city of Giazza, on the Black Sea, has an excellent harbour,
to which merchants resort from divers countries, even from Venice and
Genoa, for several sorts of merchandize, especially for the different kinds
of spices, and various other valuable goods, which are brought here from
India, as this place is the settled market for the commodities of the east.
Turcomania is inhabited by three different nations, Turcomans, Greeks, and
Armenians. The Turcomans, who are Mahometans, are a rude, illiterate, and
savage people, inhabiting the mountains and inaccessible places, where they
can procure pasture, as they subsist only on the produce of their flocks
and herds. In their country there are excellent horses, called Turkish
horses, and their mules are in great estimation. The Greeks and Armenians
possess the cities and towns, and employ themselves in manufactures and
merchandize, making, especially, the best carpets in the world. Their chief
cities are Cogno or Iconium, Caesarea, and Sebaste, where St Basil suffered
martyrdom. This country is under subjection to one of the khans of the
Tartars.
The Greater Armenia is a large province, subject to the Tartars, which has
many cities and towns, the principal of which is Arsugia, in which the best
buckram in the world is made. In this neighbourhood there are excellent hot
springs, which are celebrated as salutary baths in many diseases. The
cities next in consequence are Argiron and Darziz. In the summer season
many Tartars resort to this country on account of the richness of the
pastures, and retire again in winter, because of the abundance of snow. The
ark of Noah rested on Arrarat, one of the mountains of Armenia.
This country has the province of Mosul and Meridin on the east, or
Diarbekir; and on the north is Zorzania[2], where there is a fountain that
discharges a liquid resembling oil; which, though it cannot be used as a
seasoning for meat, is yet useful for burning in lamps, and for many other
purposes; and it is found in sufficient quantities to load camels, and to
form a material object of commerce. In Zorzania is a prince named David
Melic or King David; one part of the province being subject to him, while
the other part pays tribute to a Tartar khan. The woods are mostly of
box-trees. Zorzania extends between the Euxine and Caspian seas; which
latter is likewise called the sea of Baccu, and is 2800 miles in
circumference: but is like a lake, as it has no communication with any
other sea. In it there are many islands, cities, and castles, some of which
are inhabited by the people who fled from the Tartars out of Persia.
The people of Zorzania are Christians, observing the same rites with
others, and wear their hair short like the western clergy. There are many
cities, and the country abounds in silk, of which they make many fine
manufactures. Moxul or Mosul, is a province containing many sorts of
people; some are called Arahi, who are Mahometans; others are Christians of
various sects, as Nestorians, Jacobites, and Armenians; and they have a
patriarch stiled Jacolet, who ordains archbishops, bishops, and abbots,
whom he sends all over India, and to Cairo, and Bagdat, and wherever there
are Christians, in the same manner as is done by the pope of Rome. All the
stuffs of gold and silk, called _musleims_, are wrought in Moxul[3]. In the
mountains of this country of Diarbekir, dwelt the people called Curds, some
off whom are Nestorians or Jacobites, and other Mahometans. They are a
lawless people, who rob the merchants that travel through their country.
Near to them is another province called Mus, Meridin, or Mardin, higher up
the Tigris than Mosul, wherein grows great quantities of cotton, of which
they make buckrams[4] and other manufactures. This province is likewise
subject to the Tartars. Baldach, or Bagdat, is a great city in which the
supreme caliph formerly resided, who was pope of all the Saracens. From
this city it is counted seventeen days journey to the sea; but the river
Tigris runs past, on which people sail to Balsora, where the best dates in
the world grow, but in the passage between these; two cities there lies
another named Chisi. In Bagdat are many manufactures of gold and silk, and
damasks and velvets with figures of various creatures; in that city there
is a university, where the law of Mahoment, physic, astronomy, and geomancy
are taught; and from it come all the pearls in Christendom.
When the Tartars began to extend their conquests, there were four brothers
who possessed the chief rule; of whom Mangu, the eldest, reigned in
Sedia[5]. These brethren proposed to themselves to subdue the whole world,
for which purpose one went to the east, another to the north, a third to
the west, and Ulau or Houlagu went to the south in 1250, with an army of an
hundred thousand horse, besides foot. Employing stratagem, he hid a great
part of his force in ambush, and advancing with an inconsiderable number,
enticed the caliph to follow him by a pretended flight; by this means he
took the caliph prisoner, and made himself master of the city, in which he
found such infinite store of treasure, that he was quite amazed. Sending
for the caliph into his presence, he sharply reproved him, that, possessing
such riches, he had not employed them in providing soldiers to defend his
dominions; and commanded him to be shut up in the tower where his treasure
was placed, without any sustenance.
This seemed a just judgment from our Lord Jesus Christ upon the caliph;
for, in the year 1225, seeking to convert the Christians to the Mahometan
superstition, and taking advantage of that passage in the gospel which
says, "He that hath faith as a grain of mustard seed, shall be able to
remove mountains," he summoned all the Christians, Nestorians, and
Jacobites, and gave them their choice, "In ten days to remove a certain
mountain, to turn Mahometans or to be slain;" alleging that there was not
one among them who had the least grain of faith. The astonished and
dismayed Christians continued ten days in prayer; when, by a revelation to
a certain bishop, a certain shoemaker was chosen to perform this
compulsatory miracle. This shoemaker was once tempted to lust in fitting a
shoe to a young woman, and had literally and zealously performed the
injunction of the gospel by putting out his right eye. On the day appointed
by the caliph, he and all the Christians of the city followed the cross
towards the mountain; then, lifting up his hands, he prayed to God to have
mercy on his afflicted people, and, in a loud voice, commanded the
mountain, in the name of the holy and ever blessed Trinity to remove: which
it presently did, to the great astonishment and terror of the caliph and
all his people, The anniversary of this day, and the evening before, is
ever since kept holy by fasting and prayer[6].
[1] Marco Polo having spent much the largest portion of his life
among the Tartars, necessarily used their names for the countries, places,
and people which he described, and these names have been subsequently much
disfigured in transcription. This has occasioned great perplexity to
commentators in endeavouring to explain his geography conformably with
modern maps, and which even is often impossible to be done with any
tolerable certainty. The arrangement, likewise, of his descriptions is
altogether arbitrary, so that the sequence does not serve to remove the
difficulty; and the sections appear to have been drawn up in a desultory
manner just as they occurred to his recollection, or as circumstances in
the conversation or inquiry of others occasioned him to commit his
knowledge to paper.--E.
[2] Gurgistan, usually called Georgia.--E.
[3] This manufacture from Mosul or Moxul, on the Tigris, must be carefully
distinguished from the muslins of India, which need not be
described.--E
[4] These buckrams seem to have been some coarse species of cotton cloth,
in ordinary wear among the eastern nations. The word occurs
frequently, in these early travels in Tartary, but its proper meaning
is unknown--E.
[5] This word is inexplicable, unless by supposing it some corruption of
_Syra_ Horda, the golden court or imperial residence, which was
usually in Tangut or Mongalia, on the Orchen or Onguin. But in the
days of Marco, the khans had betaken themselves to the luxurious ease
of fixed residences and he might have misunderstood the information he
received of the residence of Mangu.--E.
[6] Marco Polo is no more answerable for the truth of this ridiculous
legend of the 13th century, than the archbishop of Paris of the 19th
is for many, equally absurd, that are narrated in the French national
Catechism. Both were good catholics, and rehearsed what they had
heard, and what neither of them pretended to have seen.--E.
SECTION III
_Of the Country of Persia, the Cities of Jasdi, Cermam and Camandu, and the
Province of Reobarle._
Tauris is a great city in the province of Hircania[1], and is a very
populous place. The inhabitants live by the exercise of manufacture and
trade, fabricating, especially, stuffs of silk and gold. The foreign
merchants who reside there make very great gains, but the inhabitants are
generally poor. They are a mixed people, of Nestorians, Armenians,
Jacobites, Georgians, Persians, and Mahometans. These last are perfidious
and treacherous people, who think all well got which they can filch or
steal from those of other religions; and this wickedness of the Saracens
has induced many of the Tartars to join their religion; and if a Saracen be
killed by a Christian, even while engaged in the act of robbery, he is
esteemed to have died a martyr. It is twelve days journey from Tauris to
Persia[2]. In the confines stands the monastery of St Barasam, of which the
monks resemble Carmelites: they make girdles, which they lay on the altars
and give to their friends, who esteem them as holy. Persia is divided into
eight kingdoms, _viz_. Casbin, Curdistan[3], Laristan, Susistan or
Chorassan, Spahan, Ispahan or Fars, Shiras[4], Soncara[5], and lastly
Timochaim, which is near Arboreseco, towards the north[6]. Persia breeds
excellent horses, which are sold to the Indies; also very good asses, which
are sold for a higher price than the horses, because they eat little, carry
much, and travel far. They have camels also, which, though not swift, are
necessary in these countries, which, sometimes for a long way, yield no
grass or water.
The people in these countries are very wicked and covetous, thieves and
murderers, killing the merchants unless they travel in caravans, yet they
profess to follow the law of Mahomet. In the cities there are excellent
artificers in gold, silk, and embroidery; and the country abounds with
silk-worms, wheat, barley, millet, and other kinds of grain, with plenty of
fruits and wine; and though wine is forbidden by the Mahometan law, they
have a gloss to correct or corrupt the text, saying, that when boiled, it
changes its taste and name, and may be then drank.
Jasdi is a great city on the confines of Persia, which carries on a great
trade, and has many manufactures of silk. Chiaman[7] is a kingdom on the
frontiers of Persia to the east, which is subject to the Tartars. In the
veins of the mountains, the stones commonly called turquoises are found,
and other valuable jewels. They here make all sorts of warlike weapons; and
the women work admirably with the needle in silken embroidery, on which
they pourtray the figures of various animals in a most beautiful manner.
They have the best falcons in the world, which are red breasted, of very
swift flight and more easily trained than those of other countries.
Proceeding from Chiaman or Crerina, for eight days journey through a great
plain, in which are many towns and castles, and many habitations, with
abundance of game, you come to a great descent, in which there are
abundance of fruit trees, but no habitations, except those of a few
shepherds, though, in ancient times, it was well inhabited. From the city
of Crerina to this descent, the cold, in winter, is quite insupportable.
After descending for two days journey, you come to a wide plain, at the
beginning of which is a city called Adgamad or Camandu, which, in ancient
times, was large and populous, but is now destroyed by the Tartars. This
plain is very warm, and the province is called Reobarle[8], in which grow
pomegranates, quinces, peaches, dates, apples of paradise, pistachios, and
other fruits. The oxen are large, white, and thin haired, with thick short
blunt horns, and having a hunch like a camel between the shoulders about
two spans round. They are accustomed to bear great burthens, and when they
are to be loaded, they are taught to bow their knees like camels, and rise
again when loaded. The sheep of this country are as large as small asses,
having such long and broad tails, that some of these weigh thirty pounds,
and this part is most delicate and extremely rich food. In this plain there
are many cities and towns, having high and thick ramparts of earth to
defend them against the Caraons, who are a mixed race between Tartar
fathers and Indian mothers, ten thousand of whom are commanded by one
Nugodar, the nephew of Zagathai, who once ruled in Turkestan. This Nugodar
having heard of the weakness of the Malabars subject to soldan Asiden,
went, without his uncles knowledge, and took Dely and other cities, in
which he erected a new sovereignty[9]; and his Tartar soldiers, by mixing
with the women, of the country, produced this spurious breed called
Caraons, who go up and down, committing depredations in Reobarle, and other
neighbouring districts.
When these people wish to commit robberies, by means of incantations
addressed to the demons, they have the means of obscuring the air as if it
were midnight darkness, that they may not be seen from any distance. This
obscurity, when once raised, lasts for seven days; and they are perfectly
acquainted with all the passes of the mountains, in which they march one
after another in single file, so that no one can possibly escape them, but
all who fall in their way, must encounter death or captivity, the old being
slain, and the young sold for slaves. I Marco, who write this book, was
once very near falling into their hands, and in the utmost danger, of being
either killed or taken prisoner by them in midst of this darkness, if I had
not been so fortunate as to make my escape in to a castle, called
Ganosulmi, while many of my companions in the journey were either taken or
slain[10].
After travelling in this plain for five days, towards the south, the road
again begins, by little and little, to descend for twenty miles together,
the road itself being very bad, and not without danger from thieves. At the
bottom of this declivity there is another plain of great beauty and
fertility, which extend for two days journey in breadth. This fine country,
which is called Cormos or Ormus[11], abounds in streams of water, and
plantations of date palms, and there are abundance of birds of various
kinds, particularly of popinjays, which are not like those of Europe.
After two days journey across this plain country, we arrive at the sea, in
which is the island and city of Ormus, which is the capital of the kingdom,
and a great emporium of commerce, to which many merchants resort, bringing
spices, pearls, precious stones, cloth of gold and silver, and all the
other rich commodities of India, The king is called Ruchinad Ben Achomach,
having many cities and castles under his authority, and he makes himself
the heir of all merchants who happen to die in that placed; yet he is
himself tributary to the king of Chermain or Kerman. In summer the heat of
this country is quite outrageous, and the inhabitants betake themselves to
their summer houses, which are built in the waters. From nine o'clock in
the morning till noon, there blows a wind, with such extreme heat, from the
sands, that it is quite stifling and insufferable, and during this time the
people sit in the water. The king of Kerman once sent an array of 5000 foot
and 1600 horse against the king of Ormus, to compel the payment of tribute,
when the whole army was stifled by that wind. The inhabitants of Ormus eat
no flesh, or bread made of corn; but live upon dates, salt fish, and
onions. The ships of this country are not very stout, as they do not fasten
them with iron nails, because the timber is too brittle, and would split in
driving these home; but they are fastened with wooden pins, and sewed with
twine made from the husks of certain Indian nuts, prepared in a peculiar
manner; this twine or thread is very strong, and is able to endure the
force and violence of the waters, and is not easily corrupted[12]. These
ships have only one mast, one beam or yard, and one deck, and are not payed
with pitch, but with the oil and fat of fishes; and when they cross the sea
to India, carrying horses or other cargoes, they lose many ships, because
they are not strengthened with iron. The people of this country are black,
and have embraced the religion of Mahomet. It is the custom of this
country, when the master of a family dies, that the widow shall mourn for
him publickly once every day, for four years; but there are women who
profess the practice of mourning, and are hired to mourn daily for the
dead.
In returning from Ormus to Kerman, you pass through a fertile plain, but
the bread made there cannot be eaten, except by those who are accustomed to
it, it is so exceedingly bitter, on account of the water with which it is
made. In this country there are excellent hot baths, which cure many
diseases.
[1] Now Tebriz in Corcan.--E.
[2] This must refer to Fars, or Persia proper; as Tebriz is in Persia.--E.
[3] Perhaps Iracagemi?--E.
[4] Perhaps Kerman?--E.
[5] Inexplicably corrupt.--E.
[6] Timochaim and Arboresecco are inexplicable, perhaps from corrupt
transcription. But Timochaim appears to nave been Mekran on the coast
of the Indian sea, and perhaps reached to the Indus, as observed in a
former note; and it may have included Sigistan.--E.
[7] Jasdi is almost certainly Yezd in Fars. Pinkerton considers Chiaman to
be Crerina, which is impossible, as that place is afterwards named:
Perhaps it may be the province named Timochaim, mentioned in the
immediately preceding note.--E.
[8] As the route may be considered as nearly in a straight line south from
Yesd, Crerina may possibly be the city of Kerrnan, and the cold
elevated plain, a table land between the top of the Ajuduk mountains
and a nameless range to the south, towards Gambroon or Ormus. Adgamad
being destroyed, cannot now be ascertained, but it must have stood on
the fine plain above described, and at the bottom of these southern
mountains. Reobarle is not to be found In our maps, but must have been
a name for the province of Ormus.--E.
[9] There is a series of corruptions or absurdities here: a _Malabar_
government under a _Sultan_ Asiden, or Asi-o-din, situated at _Dely_,
conquered by a secret expedition from _Turkestan_, requires a more
correct edition of the original of Marco Polo to render intelligible.
We can suppose a tribe of Indians or Blacks not far from Gombroon, to
have been under the rule of a mussel man Sultan, and conquered or
subverted by a Tartar expedition from Touran, or the north of Persia:
But this remains a mere hypothetical explanation.--E.
[10] For this paragraph, the editor is indebted to Mr Pinkerton, Mod. Geog.
II. xxii. who has had the good fortune to procure what he thinks an
original edition from the MS. of Marco Polo.--E.
[11] By some singular negligence in translating, Mr Pinkerton, in the
passage quoted in the preceding note, has ridiculously called this
country the plain of _Formosa_, mistaking the mere epithet,
descriptive of its _beauty_ in the Italian language, for its name. The
district was obviously a distinct small kingdom, named Ormus from its
capital city; which, from its insular situation, and great trade with
India, long maintained a splendid independence.--E.
[12] The two Mahometan travellers of the ninth century, give precisely the
same account of the ships of Siraf, in the same gulf of Persia.--E.
SECTION IV.
_Account of several other Countries, and their Principal Curiosities_.
From Kerman[1], in three days riding, you come to a desert which extends to
Cobin-ham[2], seven days journey across, the desert. In the first three
days you have no water, except a few salt, bitter ponds, of a green colour,
like the juice of herbs; and whoever drinks even a small quantity of this
water, cannot escape a dysentery, and even beasts that are compelled to
drink of it, do not escape without a scouring. It is therefore necessary
for travellers to carry water along with them, that they may avoid the
inconvenience and danger of thirst. In the fourth day you find a
subterranean river of fresh water[3]. The three last days of this desert
are like the first three. Cobin-ham is a great city, where great mirrors of
steel are made[4]. Tutia also, which is a cure for sore eyes, and spodio
are made here in the following manner: From the mines of this country they
dig a certain earth, which is thrown into furnaces, from which the vapours,
forced downwards, through an iron grate, condense below into tutia of
tutty[5], and the grosser matter remaining in the furnace is called spodio.
Leaving Cobin-ham, you meet with another desert of eight days journey in
extent, and terribly barren, having neither trees or water, except what is
extremely bitter, insomuch, that beasts refuse to drink of it, except when
mixed with meal, and travellers are therefore obliged to carry water along
with them. After passing this desert, you come to the kingdom of
Timochaim[6], in the north confines of Persia, in which there are many
cities and strong castles. In this country there is an extensive plain, in
which one great tree grows, which is called the Tree of the Sun, and by
Christians Arbore-secco[7], or the dry tree. This tree is very thick, the
leaves being green on one side, and white on the other, and it produces
prickly and husky shells, like those of chesnuts, but nothing in them. The
wood is strong and solid, and of a yellow colour like box. There are no
other trees within an hundred miles, except on one side, where there are
trees at the distance of ten miles. In this place, the inhabitants say that
Alexander fought a battle against Darius[8]. The cities of this place are
plentifully furnished with good things; the air is temperate, and the
people handsome, especially the women, who are in my opinion the handsomest
in the world.
[1] Marco here probably means the town or city of Kerm-shir, as that lies
in the course of his present route from Ormus to the north-east of
Persia.--E.
[2] This name is inexplicable; yet from the circumstance of its mines, and
the direction of the journey, it may have been situated near the
Gebelabad mountains; and some German editor may have changed _abad_,
into the precisely similar significant termination _ham_. The original
probably had Cobin-abad.--E.
[3] In confirmation of the idea entertained of the present route of Marco,
from Ormus by Kerm-shir, to the north-east of Persia, there is, in the
maps, a short river in the desert between Diden and Mastih, which has
no outlet, but loses itself in the sands, on which account he may have
called it subterraneous, as sinking into the earth.--E.
[4] More probably of copper, whitened by some admixture of zinc, and other
metals, of the existence of which in this district there are
sufficient indications in the sequel. These mirrors may have been
similar to telescope metal.--E.
[5] What is here called Tutty, is probably the sublimed floculent white
oxid, or flowers of zinc.--E.
[6] Timochaim seems obviously Segistan, to which Mechran appears to have
been then joined, from the circumstance before related of the Polos
having gone from China by sea to this kingdom. The strange application
of Timochaim is probably corrupt, and may perhaps be explicable on the
republication of the Trevigi edition of these travels; till then, we
must rest satisfied with probable conjecture.--E.
[7] The native name of this tree, and of the plain in which it grew,
appears obviously to have been translated by Marco into Italian.--E.
[8] It is possible that this Arbore-secco may have some reference to
Arbela.--E.
SECTION V.
_History of the Assassins, and the manner in which their Prince was killed:
With the description of several other Countries_.
Mulchet[1], in the Saracen language, signifies the place of Heretics, and
the people of the place are called Hulehetici, or heretics in regard to the
Mahometan law. The prince of this country is called the _old man_ of the
mountain, concerning whom I Marco heard much from many persons during my
travels. His name was Aloadin, and he was a Mahometan. In a lovely valley
between two high and inaccessible mountains, he caused a pleasant garden to
be laid out, furnished with the best trees and fruits that could be
procured, and adorned with many palaces and banqueting houses, beautified
with gilded bowers, pictures, and silken tapestries. Through this place, by
means of pipes, wine, milk, honey, and water were distributed in profusion;
and it was provided with beautiful damsels, skilled in music, singing and
dancing, and in all imaginable sports and diversions. These damsels were
dressed in silk and gold, and were seen continually sporting in the garden
and its palaces. He made this garden with all its palaces and pleasures, in
imitation of that sensual paradise, which Mahomet had promised to his
followers. No man could enter into this garden, as the mouth of the valley
was closed up by a strong castle, from which there was a secret entrance
into the garden, which was called the Terrestrial Paradise.
Aloadin had certain youths from twelve to twenty years of age, chosen among
such as seemed of a bold and dauntless character, who were initiated in all
the pleasures and delights of this paradise, and whom he employed to entice
others to join the select company of young enthusiasts, by representing the
joys and pleasures of the paradise of Aloadin. When he thought proper, he
caused ten or twelve of these youths to be cast into a deep sleep, by means
of a potion, and then had them conveyed severally into different chambers
of the garden palaces; where they were attended upon at their awaking by
the beautiful damsels, and supplied with all kind of delicious meats and
fruits and excellent wines, and in whose company they enjoyed all manner of
luxurious delights, so that they imagined that they were actually
transported into paradise. When they had revelled in delights for a few
days, they were again cast into a deep sleep, and removed from the garden
of pleasure; and being brought into the presence of Aloadin, were
questioned by him where they had been. The old man then represented that it
was the command of the prophet, that whoever was faithful and obedient to
his lord, should enjoy the delights of paradise; and that if they would
faithfully obey all his commands, they should be admitted to reside
continually among the joys of which they had been permitted to participate
for a short time. Having thus roused their passions for pleasure, they
thought themselves happy to execute whatever commands they might receive,
even at the utmost hazard of their lives, being assured, whether living or
dead, that their obedience would secure them the eternal enjoyment of
paradise and all its delights. By these means Aloadin used to procure the
murder of other lords who were his enemies, by these his assassins, who
despised all dangers, and contemned their lives when employed in his
service. By this procedure he was esteemed a tyrant, and greatly dreaded by
all around; and he had two vicars or deputies, one in the neighbourhood of
Damascus, and another in Curdistan, who had similarly instructed young men
under their orders. Besides this, he used to rob all passengers who went
past his borders. At length, in the year 1262, Ulau, or Houlagu-khan, sent
an armed force against him, which besieged his castle for three years, and
at length made themselves masters of it, partly by famine, and partly by
undermining the walls[2].
Departing from thence[3], you come to a pleasant enough country,
diversified by hills and plains with excellent pasture, and abundance of
fruits, the soil being very fertile[4]. This continues for six days
journey, and then you enter a desert of forty or fifty miles without water;
after which you come to the city of Sassurgan[5], where there are plenty of
provisions, and particularly the best melons in the world, which are as
sweet as honey. Passing from thence, we come to a certain city named
Batach, Balach, or Balk, which was formerly large and famous, having
sumptuous marble palaces, but is now overthrown by the Tartars. In this
city it is reported that Alexander married the daughter of Darius. The
eastern and north-eastern frontiers of Persia reach to this city; but in
proceeding between the east and north-east from this place, We found no
habitations for two days journey, the inhabitants having endured so many
grievances from thieves, that they were compelled to fly to the mountains
for safety. There are many rivers in this country, and much game, and lions
are also to be met with. As travellers can find no food in this part of
their journey, they must carry enough with them for two days. At the end of
two days journey, we came to a castle called Thaican, Thalkan, or Thakan,
where we saw pleasant fields and abundance of corn. The mountains to the
south of this place are high, some of which contain white salt, so
extremely hard that it has to be dug out and broken with iron tools; and
the inhabitants, from thirty days journey all around, come here to procure
salt, which is of most excellent quality, and is in such amazing
quantities, that the whole world might be supplied from these mines. The
other mountains produce abundance of almonds and pistachio nuts.
Going between the east and north-east from hence, the country is fruitful,
but the inhabitants are perfidious Mahometans, murderers, thieves, and
drunkards. Their wine is boiled, and truly excellent. They go bareheaded,
except that the men bind a string or fillet, ten handbreadths long, about
their heads. They make breeches and shoes of the skins of wild beasts, and
use no other garments. After three days journey is the town of Scasom[6],
seated in a plain, through the middle of which there flows a great river;
and there are many castles in the surrounding mountains[7]. There are many
porcupines in this country, which are hunted by dogs; and these animals,
contracting themselves with great fury, cast their sharp quills at the men
and dogs, and often wound them. The nation has a peculiar language, and the
shepherds dwell in caves in the mountains. We went three days journey from
thence, without meeting any inhabitants, to the province of Balaxiam,
Balascia or Balasagan, which is inhabited by Mahometans, who have a
peculiar language. Their kings, who succeed each other hereditarily,
pretend to derive their lineage from Alexander and the daughter of Darius,
and are called Dulcarlen, which signifies Alexandrians. In this country the
famous Ballas rubies are found, and other precious stones of great value,
particularly in the mountains of Sicinam. No person dares either to dig for
these stones, or to send them out of the country, without the consent and
licence of the king, on pain of death; and he only sends them to such as he
thinks fit, either as presents, or in payment of tribute; he likewise
exchanges many of them for gold and silver, lest they should become too
cheap and common. In other mountains of the same province, the best lapis
lazuli in the world is found, from which azure or ultramarine is made.
There are mines also of silver, copper, and lead. The climate is very cold,
yet it produces abundance of large, strong, and swift horses, which have
such hard and tough hoofs, that they do not require iron shoes, although
they have to run among rocks. It is said, that not many years ago, the
king's uncle was in the exclusive possession of a breed of horses descended
from the famous Bucephalus, and marked on the forehead exactly as he was;
and refusing to let the king have any of his stud, he was put to death, on
which his widow, in revenge, destroyed the whole race. The mountains of
this country produce the sacre falcon, the lanner, the goshawk, and the
sparrowhawk, all excellent in their kind, and much used by the inhabitants
in the chase, as they are all much addicted to hunting. The soil of this
country produces excellent wheat, and barley without husks, and oil made of
nuts and mustard, which resembles the oil from lintseed, but is more
savoury than other oil. The men of the country are excellent archers and
keen hunters, and are mostly clothed in the skins of beasts; while the
women contrive to put sixty or eighty yards of cotton cloth into the skirts
of their garments, as the bulkier they look they are esteemed the
handsomer. The plains of this country are large, and well watered with fine
rivers, but the hills are high and steep, and the passes very difficult of
access, by which the inhabitants are secured against invasions; and in
these mountains there are flocks of from four hundred to six hundred wild
sheep, which are very difficult to catch. If any one contracts an ague by
living in the moist plains, he is sure to recover his health by a few days
residence in the mountains, which I Marco experienced in my own person
after a whole years sickness.
The province Bascia, or Vash, on a river of that name which falls into the
Gihon, is ten days journey to the south of Balaxiam, and the country is
very hot, on which account the people are of a brown colour. They have a
language of their own, and wear gold and silver ear-rings, artificially
ornamented with pearls and other precious stones; they eat flesh and rice,
and are crafty and cruel idolaters.
The province of Chesmur, Khesimus, Khaschimir, or Cashmere, is seven days
journey from Bascia. The inhabitants have also a peculiar language of their
own, and are given to idolatry beyond all others, and addicted to
enchantment, forcing their idols to speak, and darkening the day. The
people of this country are not wholly black, but of a brown complexion, the
air being temperate. They are extremely lean, although they use abundance
of flesh and rice; yet the natives will shed no blood, and employ the
Saracens who live among them to slaughter their cattle. They have many
strong cities and towns, and being surrounded by deserts and rugged
mountains, they are in no danger of any foreign enemies, so that the king
of this country yields tribute to none. Coral is held in great estimation
in this country, and sells dearer than in any other part of the world.
There are certain hermits in this province, who live with great abstinence
in cells and monasteries, devoting their whole lives to the service of
their idols, and observing the strictest chastity; Many of these men are
reputed as saints and are held in high estimation among the people. From
this province you may go to the Indies and the ocean; but I shall not now
follow out the course to India, but returning to Balaxiam, shall trace the
way to Kathay, betwixt the east and north-east.