_Account of the Country under the Dominion of the Great Khan of the Manners
and Customs of his Subjects; of a Wonderful Piece of Mechanism, constructed
by a French Goldsmith; and of the Palace of the Khan at Caracarum_.
From the time of our arrival at the court of Mangu-khan, the leskar or camp
made only two days journey towards the south; and it then began its
progress northwards, in the direction of Caracarum. In the whole of my
journey I was convinced of the truth of what I had been informed by Baldwin
de Hainault at Constantinople, that the whole way eastwards was by a
continual ascent, as all the rivers run from the east towards the west,
sometimes deviating towards the north or south, more or less directly, but
never running east, but this was farther confirmed to me by the priests who
came from Kathay[1]. From the place where I found Mangukhan, it is twenty
days journey south-east to Kathay, and ten days journey right east to Oman
Kerule, the original country of the Moal and of Zingis[2]. In those parts
there are no cities, but the country is inhabited by a people called
Su-Moall, or Mongols of the waters, who live upon fish and hunting, and
have neither flocks nor herds. Farther north, likewise, there is no city,
but a poor people of herdsmen, who are called Kerkis. The Orangin are there
also, who bind smooth bones under their feet, and thrust themselves with
such velocity over the ice and snow, as to overtake beasts in the chase.
There are many other poor nations in those parts, inhabiting as far to the
north as the cold will permit, who join on the west with the country of
Pascatir, or the Greater Hungary, of which I have made mention before[3].
In the north the mountains are perpetually covered with snow, and the
bounds are unknown by reason of the extreme cold. All these nations are
poor; yet they must all betake themselves to some employment, as Zingis
established a law that none was to be free from service till so old as to
be unable for work.
I was inquisitive about the monstrous men of whom Isidore and Solinus make
mention; but no one had ever seen any such, and I therefore doubt whether
it be true. Once a priest of Kathay sat by me, clothed in red, of whom I
asked how that colour was procured. He told me that on certain high; craggy
rocks in the east of Kathay there dwelt certain creatures like men, not
above a cubit long, and all hairy, who leapt rather than walked, and dwelt
in inaccessible caves. That those who go to hunt them carry strong drink,
which they leave in holes of the rocks, and then hide themselves. These
little creatures come out from their holes, and having tasted the drink,
call out _chin-chin_, on which multitudes gather together, and drink till
they are drunk, and fall asleep. Then the hunters come and bind them, after
which they draw a few drops of blood from the veins of the neck of each of
these creatures, and let them go free; and this blood is the most precious
purple dye. He told me, likewise, that there is a province beyond Kathay,
into which, if a man enters, he always continues of the same age at which
he entered; but this I do not believe[4].
Kathay is on the ocean, and I was told by the French goldsmith at
Caracarum, that there is a people or nation called Tante and Manse,
inhabiting certain islands, the sea around which is frozen in winter, so
that the Tartars might invade them; but they sent messengers to the great
khan, offering a tribute of 2000 tuemen or jascots yearly, to permit them
to live in peace[5]. A tuemen, toman, or jascot, is a piece of money equal
to ten marks.
The ordinary money of Kathay is of paper made like pasteboard, the breadth
and length of a hand, on which lines are printed, like the seal of Mangu.
They write with a pencil like that used by our painters, and in one figure
they comprehend many letters, forming one word[6]. The people of Thibet
write as we do, and their characters are very like our own. Those of Tangut
write from right to left, like the Arabs, and multiply their lines
ascending; while the Jugurs write in descending columns. The common money
of the Rutenians or Russians, consists in spotted or grizzled furs.
When our Quinquagesima came, which is the Lent time of all the people of
the east, the lady Cota fasted all that week, and came every day to our
oratory, giving meat to the priests and other Christians, of whom a great
company came daily to attend the service. But the porters of the court,
seeing such multitudes come daily to our chapel, which was within the
precincts of the court, sent one to tell the monk, that they would not
allow such multitudes to come within their bounds; to this the monk made a
sharp reply, and threatened to accuse them to the khan; but they prevented
him, and lodged a complaint before Mangu, that the monk was too full of
words, and gathered too great a multitude to hear him speak. On this he was
called before the khan, who reproved him severely, saying, that as a holy
man, he should employ himself in prayers to God, and not in speeches to
men. But he was afterwards reconciled, by promising to go to the Pope, and
to induce all the nations of the west to yield obedience to the khan. On
his return to the oratory, the monk asked me if I thought he might gain
admission to the Pope as the messenger of Mangu; and whether the Pope would
supply him with horses to go to St James in Galicia; and whether your
majesty would send your son to the court of Mangu. But I counselled him, to
beware of making false promises to Mangu, and that God needed not the
service of lies or deceitful speaking. About this time a dispute arose
between the monk and one of the Nestorian priests, more learned than the
rest, as the monk asserted that man was created before paradise, which the
other denied; on reference to me, I said that paradise was created on the
_second_ day, when the other trees were made, whereas man was made on the
sixth. Then the monk said, that the devil brought clay on die first day,
from all the corners of the earth, of which he made the body of man, which
God inspired with a soul. On this I sharply reproved him for his heretical
ignorance, and he scorned me for my ignorance of the language: I departed,
therefore, from him to our own house. But when he and the priests went
afterwards in procession to the court without calling me, Mangu earnestly
enquired the reason of my absence; and the priests being afraid, excused
themselves as well as they could, and reported to me the words of the khan,
murmuring at the monk. After this the monk was reconciled to me, and I
entreated him to aid me in acquiring the language, promising to help him to
the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures.
After the first week of fasting, the lady ceased from coming to the
oratory, and to give meat and drink, so that we had nothing but brown
bread, and paste boiled in melted snow or ice, which was exceedingly bad.
My companion was much grieved at this diet, on which I acquainted David,
the teacher of the khans eldest son, with our necessities, who made a
report to the khan, and we were then supplied, with wine, flour, and oil.
The Nestorians and Armenians eat no fish in Lent; but the monk had a chest
under the altar, with almonds, and raisins, and dried prunes, and other
fruits, on which he fed when alone.
About the middle of Lent, the goldsmiths son came from Caracarum, bringing
a silver cross made in the French fashion, with an image of Christ, as a
present for Bulgai, the chief secretary of the court; and the young man
informed Mangu, that the great work he had commanded to be made by his
father, was completed. In the neighbourhood of Caracarum, Mangu has a large
court, inclosed with a brick wall like our priories. Within that court is a
great palace, in which the khan holds feasts twice a-year, once in Easter,
and the other in summer; but the latter is the greater, as all the nobles
meet then at the court, when the khan distributes garments among them, and
displays all his magnificence. Beside the palace there are many great
buildings like our barns, in which the victuals and treasures belonging to
the khan are stored. Because it was indecent to have flaggons going about
the hall of the palace, as in a tavern, William, the goldsmith, constructed
a great silver tree, just without the middle entrance of the great hall, at
the root of which were four silver lions, having pipes discharging pure
cows milk. Four pipes were conveyed up the body of the tree to its top,
which spread out into four great boughs, hanging downwards; on each of
these boughs was a golden serpent, all their tails twining about the body
of the tree, and each of these formed a pipe, one discharging wine, a
second caracosmos, a third ball, or mead made of honey, and the fourth
_teracina_ or drink made of rice; each particular drink having a vessel at
the foot of the tree to receive it. On the top, between the four pipes,
there stood an image of an angel with a trumpet. Under the tree there was a
vault, in which a man was hidden, and from him a pipe ascended to the
angel; and when the butler commands to sound the trumpet, the man below
blows strongly, and the trumpet emits a shrill sound. In a chamber without
the palace, the liquors are stored, and servants who are waiting, pour the
liquors each in its proper pipe, at the signal, when they are conveyed by
concealed pipes up the body of the tree, and discharged into, their
appropriate vessels, whence they are distributed by the under butlers to
the visitors. The tree is all ornamented with silver boughs, and leaves and
fruit all of silver. The palace is like a church, having a middle aisle
and two side ones, beyond two rows of pillars, and has three gates to the
south, and before the middle gate stands the silver tree. The khan sits at
the north wall, on a high place, that he may be seen of all, and there are
two flights of steps ascending to him, by one of which his cup-bearer goes
up, and comes down by the other. The middle space between the throne and
the silver tree is left vacant for the cup-bearers and the messengers who
bring presents; on the right side of the khan the men sit, and the women on
the left. One woman only sits beside him, but not so high as he.
About Passion Sunday, the khan went before with his small houses only,
leaving the great ones behind, and the monk and we followed. On the journey
we had to pass through a hilly country[7] where we encountered high winds,
extreme cold, and much snow. About midnight the khan sent to the monk and
us, requesting us to pray to God to mitigate the severity of the weather,
as the beasts in his train were in great jeopardy, being mostly with young,
and about to bring forth. Then the monk sent him incense, desiring him to
put it on the coals, as an offering to God: Whether he did this or no, I
know not, but the tempest ceased, which had lasted two days. On Palm Sunday
we were near Caracarum, and at dawn of day we blessed the willow boughs, on
which, as yet, there were no buds. About nine o'clock we entered the city
of Caracarum, carrying the cross aloft with the banner, and passing through
the street of the Saracens, in which the market is held, we proceeded to
the church, where the Nestorians met; us in procession. We found them
prepared to celebrate the mass, and they all communicated; but I declined
this, having already drank, and the sacrament should always be received
lasting. After mass, being now evening, William Bouchier, the goldsmith,
brought us to sup at his lodging. He had a wife, born in Hungary, of
Mahometan parents, who spoke French, and the language of the Comanians. We
found here also one Basilicus, the son of an Englishman, likewise born in
Hungary, who was likewise skilled in these languages. After supper we
retired to our cottage, which, with the oratory of the monk, were placed
near the Nestorian church; which is of considerable size, and very
handsomely built, and all the ceiling is covered with silk, wrought with
gold.
I much deliberated with myself, whether I should continue in communion with
the monk and the Nestorians, because I saw their actions full of idolatry
and sorcery; but I feared to give offence to the khan in separating from
the other Christians, as I saw that my presence pleased him, for which
reason I always accompanied them to court; but when there I did not join in
their mummeries, praying always in a loud voice for the church, and that
God would direct the khan in the right way of salvation. On one occasion
the khan promised to come to the church next day; but he departed on his
journey to the northward, desiring the priests to excuse him, because he
had learnt that the dead were carried thither. But we remained behind, that
we might celebrate the festival of Easter. There were a vast multitude of
Hungarians, Alans, Rutenians or Russians, Georgians, and Armenians, who had
not received the sacrament since they were taken prisoners, as the
Nestorians would not admit them into their church unless they were
rebaptized; yet they offered their sacrament freely to us, and allowed me
to see their manner of consecration; on the vigil of Easter I saw their
ceremony of baptism. They pretend to have the ointment with which Mary
Magdalen anointed the feet of Jesus, and they put in so much of that oil in
kneading their sacramental bread; for all the people of the east use
butter, or oil, or fat from a sheeps tail, in their bread, instead of
leaven. They pretend also to have of the flour of which the bread was made
which was consecrated by our Lord at his Last Supper, as they always keep a
small piece of dough from each baking, to mix up with the new, which they
consecrate with great reverence. In administering this to the people, they
divide the consecrated loaf first into twelve portions, after the number of
the apostles, which they afterwards break down into smaller pieces, in
proportion to the number of communicants, giving the body of Christ into
the hand of every one, who takes it from his own palm with much reverence,
and afterwards lays his hand on the top of his head.
I was much at a loss how to act, as the Nestorians entreated me to
celebrate the festival, and I had neither vestments, chalice, nor altar.
But the goldsmith furnished me with vestments, and made an oratory on a
chariot, decently painted with scripture histories; he made also a silver
box or pix for the host, and an image of the blessed Virgin, and caused an
iron instrument to be made for us to make hosts in our way. Then I made the
before mentioned Christians to confess to me, as well as I could, by means
of an interpreter, explaining to them the ten commandments, the seven
deadly sins, and other matters, exhorting them to confession and penitence:
But all of them publickly excused themselves respecting theft, saying that
they could not otherwise live, as their masters neither provided them with
food or raiment; and I said they might lawfully take necessaries from their
masters, especially as they had forcibly deprived them of their subsistence
and liberty. Some who were soldiers excused themselves from having gone to
the wars, as otherwise they would be slain; these I forbid to go against
Christians, declaring, that if slain for their refusal, God would account
them as martyrs. After this I gave the holy communion to these people on
Easter day, and I hope, with the blessing of God to many, being assisted by
the Nestorians, who lent me their chalice and paten. They baptized above
threescore persons on Easter eve with great solemnity, to the great joy of
all the Christians.
Soon after this William Bouchier was grievously sick, and when recovering,
the monk Sergius visited him, and gave him so great a doze of rhubarb as
had almost killed him. On this I expostulated with the monk, that he ought
either to go about as an apostle, doing miracles by the virtue of prayer
and the Holy Ghost, or as a physician, according to the rules of the
medical aid, and not to administer strong potions to people who were not
prepared. About this time the principal priest of the Nestorians, who was a
kind of archdeacon over the rest, became sick $ and when I endeavoured, at
the request of his family, to prevail upon the monk to visit him, he said,
"Let him alone for he and three others intend to procure an order from
Mangu-khan to expel you and I." And I learnt afterwards, that there was a
dispute between them, as Mangu-khan had sent four jascots on Easter eve to
the monk, to distribute among the priests; and Sergius, keeping one to
himself, had given three to the priests, one being a counterfeit, and the
priests thought Sergius had kept too great a share to himself. Finding the
archdeacon in a dying way, I administered to him the Eucharist and extreme
unction, which he received with great humility and devotion; but, by the
advice of the monk, I quitted him before he died, as otherwise I could not
have entered the court of Mangu-khan for a whole year. When he was dead,
the monk said to me, "Never mind it: This man only, among the Nestorians,
had any learning, and opposed us; henceforwards Mangu-khan and all the
rest will crouch at our feet." He even pretended that he had killed him by
his prayers. I afterwards learnt that the monk practised divination, with
the aid of a Russian deacon, though, when I challenged him, he pretended to
excuse himself, and to deny the truth of what had been reported to me: But
I could not leave him, having been placed there by command of the khan, so
that I dared not to remove without his special command.
Exclusive of the palace of the khan, Caracarum is not so good as the town
of St Denis, and the monastery of St Dennis is worth more than ten times
the value of the palace itself. It contains two principal streets: that of
the Saracens in which the fairs are held, and to which many merchants
resort, as the court is always near; the other is the street of the
Kathayans, which is full of artificers. Besides these streets, there are
many palaces, in which are the courts of the secretaries of the khan. There
are twelve idol temples belonging to different nations, two Mahometan
mosques, and one Nestorian church at the end of the town. The town itself
is inclosed with a mud wall, and has four gates. On the east side, there is
a market for millet and other grain, but which is ill supplied; on the
west, sheep and goats are sold; on the north side, oxen and waggons; and on
the south side, horses.
Mangu-khan has eight brothers, three by the mother and five by the father.
One of these on the mothers side he sent into the country of the
Assassines, called _Mulibet_ by the Tartars, with orders to kill them all.
Another was sent into Persia, who is supposed to have orders to send armies
into Turkey, and from thence against Bagdat and Vestacius. One of his other
brothers has been sent into Kathay, to reduce certain rebels. His youngest
maternal brother, named Arabucha, lives with him, and keeps up his mothers
court, who was a Christian.
About this time, on account of a violent quarrel between the monk and
certain Mahometans, and because a rumour was propagated of four hundred
assassins having gone forth in divers habits, with an intention to murder
the khan, we were ordered to depart from our accustomed place before the
court, and to remove to the place where other messengers dwelt. Hitherto I
had always hoped for the arrival of the king of Armenia[8], and had not
therefore made any application for leave to depart; but hearing no news of
the king, or a certain German priest who was likewise expected, and fearing
lest we should return in the winter, the severity of which I had already
experienced, I sent to demand the pleasure of the khan, whether we were to
remain with him or to return, and representing that it would be easier for
us to return in summer than in winter. The khan sent to desire that I
should not go far off, as he meant to speak with me next day; to which I
answered, requesting him to send for the son of the goldsmith to interpret
between us, as my interpreter was very incompetent.
[1] So for as was travelled by Rubruquis, and in the route which he pursued
on the north of the Alak mountains, this observation is quite correct
to longitude 100° E. But what he here adds respecting Kathay, is
directly contradictory to the fact; as all the rivers beyond Caracarum
run in an easterly direction. The great central plain of Tangut, then
traversed by the imperial horde of the Mongals, and now by the Eluts
and Kalkas, must be prodigiously elevated above the level of the
ocean.--E.
[2] The information here seems corrupted, or at least is quite incorrect.
Kathay or northern China is due east, or east south-east from the
great plain to the south of Karakum. Daouria, the original residence
of the Mongols of Zingis, between the rivers Onon and Kerlon, is to
the north-east.--E.
[3] The Kerkis must fee the Kirguses, a tribe of whom once dwelt to the
south-west of lake Baikal. The Orangin or Orangey, inhabited on the
east side of that lake. Pascatir is the country of the Bashkirs,
Baschkirians, or Pascatirians in Great Bulgaria, called Great Hungary
in the text, between the Volga and the Ural.--E.
[4] Rubruquis properly rejects the stories of monstrous men, related by the
ancients, yet seems to swallow the absurd story of the purple dye,
engrafted by the Kathayan priest on a very natural invention for
catching apes. He disbelieves the last information of the priest,
which must have been an enigmatical representation of the province of
death, or of the tombs.--E.
[5] It is difficult to guess as to these people and their islands; which
may possibly refer to Japan, or even Corea, which is no island. Such
tribute could not have been offered by the rude inhabitants of
Saghalien or Yesso.--E.
[6] This evidently but obscurely describes the Chinese characters; the most
ingenious device ever contrived for the monopoly of knowledge and
office to the learned class, and for arresting the progress of
knowledge and science at a fixed boundary.--E.
[7] From this circumstance, it would appear that Rubruquis had found the
court of the khan in the country of the Eluts, to the south of the
Changai mountains, perhaps about latitude 44° N. and longitude 103°
E, the meridian of the supposed site of Karakum on the Orchon. And it
may be presumed, that the imperial suite was now crossing the Changai
chain towards the north.--E.
[8] Haitho, of whom some account will be found in the succeeding chapter of
this work.--E.