Visit the “lions” of Montreal--The 47th Regiment--The city open to
attack--Quays, public buildings--French colonisation--Rise of
Montreal--Stone--A French-Anglicised city--Loyalty of Canadians
--Arrival of Troops--Facings--British and American Army compared
--Experience needed by latter--Slavery.
I remained several days at Montreal, examining the lions, and
making the most of my brief stay. Here are living a knot of
Southern families in a sort of American Siberia, at a very
comfortable hotel, who nurse their wrath against the Yankee to
keep it warm and sustain each other’s spirits. They form a nucleus
for sympathising society to cluster around, and so germinate into
innocent little balls, sleigh-parties, and occasional matrimonial
engagements.
“Waiting for his regiment,” too, was old General Bell--the veteran
who saw his first shot fired in the Peninsula, and his last,
forty-four years afterwards, before Sebastopol. There were parades
of the 47th Regiment and inspection-drills on the St. Lawrence in
snow-shoes; and Penn marched out his Armstrongs in beautiful order,
on their sleighs, for all to see.
The position of this fine city leaves it open to attack from the
American frontier, which is so near that the blue tops of the
mountain ridges of the bordering States can be seen on a clear day.
The rail from the centre of New York runs direct to it, through
the arsenal and fort of Rouse’s Point on Lake Champlain; and there
are two other lines converging on it, so that an enormous force
could be swiftly sent against it. The frontier is here a mere line
on the map, so drawn as to leave the head of Lake Champlain and
Rouse’s Point in the hands of the Americans. Its importance, its
beauty, and the feeling of the inhabitants would render it tempting
to the Northern armies; and the fierce, relentless, and destructive
spirit which has been evoked in their civil war, might lead them to
destroy all that is valuable and handsome in a city which stands in
strong contrast to the hideousness of American towns, if they were,
as of old, obliged to abandon the city.
The quays of Montreal are of imperial beauty, and would reflect
credit on any city in Europe. They present a continuous line of
cut-stone from the Lachine Canal along the river-front before the
city, leaving a fine broad mall or esplanade between the water’s
edge and the houses. The public buildings, built of solid stone, in
which a handsome limestone predominates, are of very great merit.
Churches, court-houses, banks, markets, hospitals, colleges, all
are worthy of a capital; and these would present a very different
appearance to an invader from that which was offered by the
poverty-stricken and insignificant Montreal of 1812.
There are a few guns mounted on a work on the left bank of the
river above the city, but for military purposes the place may be
considered perfectly open. There are more than 90,000 people in
the city, but it is said not to be a fighting population; and
there are many foreigners and emigrants of an inferior class, who
taint the place with rowdyism. The British element was active
in volunteering when I was there, and figures in uniform were
frequently to be seen in the streets; but the time was unfavourable
for any public displays, and I never saw any of the volunteers
working _en masse_.
Here, as elsewhere, the jealousies of claimants for command,
local and personal rivalry, have impeded the good work; but such
obstacles would vanish in the presence of danger. National feeling
has tended to make the organisation of corps too expensive, and the
question of drafting for the militia has also interfered with the
full development of the movement.
It would be unjustifiable to assert that the enterprise of the
French people, and their capacity for colonisation, have been
diminished by republican institutions; but, unquestionably, the
great convulsions which have agitated society since the fall of
the monarchy appear to have concentrated the energies of the race
upon objects nearer home, even though they have annexed Algeria,
established a protectorate over Tahiti, and are engaged in war
with the Cambodians. Where is the enterprise which, more than 200
years ago, originated a company of merchant adventurers, who pushed
out settlements into this wilderness, and founded factories among
the Iroquois and the Mohawks? In those days, indeed, the zeal of
Jesuits and other Roman Catholic missionaries preceded the march
and directed the course of commerce.
Montreal owes its existence to a certain Monsieur Maisonneuve, the
factor of the Commercial Association in 1642. More than 100 years
afterwards it was nearly destroyed by fire; and ten years after the
conflagration the troops of the insurgent colonies took possession
of the town, which was a favourite object of attack in the two
American wars.
In spite of many misfortunes--fire, hostile occupation,
insurrection, riot--Montreal has flourished exceedingly, and
the energy of its population has been displayed in securing for
it a principal share of the trade between England and the Upper
Provinces. Its railway communications have been pushed with great
energy, and the canals and quays are in imperial grandeur; but
still, in case of war with the States, the only outlet in winter
(by rail to Portland) would be effectually blocked up.
The city contains nearly 100,000 inhabitants, of whom 60,000 are
Roman Catholics--representing a great variety of nationalities,
with a predominance, however, of French-Canadians and Irish. An
abundance of fine stone, found near the town, has enabled the
inhabitants to build substantial houses in lieu of the wooden
edifices from which they were driven by two great conflagrations;
but the material is of a dull cold grey colour, and the streets,
seen in winter-time, have in consequence a gloomy and melancholy
aspect. Many of the cupolas and spires and the roofs of many of the
houses are covered with metal plates, which shine out in the sun,
and give the city a bright appearance from a distance, which is not
altogether maintained on a nearer approach.
The mental activity of the population, displayed in a large crop
of newspapers, doubtless indicates a close intimacy with the
United States; but Montreal is, after all, French Anglicised, and,
notwithstanding the disaffection of which it gave symptoms in the
rebellion, the sympathies of its people are very far removed from
the bald republicanism of the New England States.
Nuns and priests seem, to a Protestant eye, to be rather too
numerous for the good of the people; but having seen the schools
of the Christian Brothers, and having heard the testimony of all
classes to the services rendered to morals and religion, to charity
and to Christianity, by the various religious orders, I am forced
to believe that Montreal is much indebted to their labours.
The number of hospitals, schools, scientific institutions--the
libraries, reading-rooms, universities, are remarkable. They are
worthy of a highly-civilised, wealthy, and prosperous community;
but, in fact, the economy with which they are managed is not one
of the least remarkable features about the Montreal institutions.
Party animosities have now been softened: but there is no doubt of
the satisfaction with which the Liberal Canadian points to the fact
that those who were imprisoned and persecuted by the Government,
for rebellious acts or tendencies, have since been called to
office, and have served the Crown in high official positions.
The people of Canada are learning a useful piece of knowledge or
two from what is passing so close to them. The annexation party are
heard no more: in their room stand the people of Canada, loyal to
the Crown and to the connexion, prepared to defend their homes and
altars against invasion. So far as I have gone, in no place in the
Queen’s dominions is there greater attachment to her person and
authority.
The Canadians see with sorrow the ills which afflict their
neighbours, in spite of all the ill-advised menaces of the Northern
Press; but they felt naturally indignant at being spoken of as
if they were a mere chattel, which could be taken away by the
United States from Great Britain in order to spite her. With such
turbulent and dangerous elements at work close to them, they will
no doubt eagerly assist the authorities in their efforts to secure
their borders and their country, by putting the militia on a proper
footing. The patriotism of the Legislature can be relied on to do
this. England will do the rest, and give her best blood, if need
be, to aid this magnificent dependency of the same Crown as that to
which she is herself subject, in maintaining the present situation.
It was most agreeable to hear praise instead of grumbling, and to
know that amid no ordinary difficulties the troops were landed
and conveyed across the snows of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick in
the month of January without casualty or mishap worth mentioning,
and that the arrangements were worthy of every commendation. It
made us feel proud of our army when we saw the cheerfulness,
soldierly look, cleanliness, and deportment of the men, and learnt
that they had conducted themselves in the most exemplary manner,
though exposed to great temptation by the hospitality of the New
Brunswickers and the cheapness of intoxicating liquors.
And what wonderful vicissitudes of service those officers and
men have seen! Here is a face yet burned by the suns of India,
encircled in fur-cap, and peering into the railway carriage to
welcome some well-known friend from China or Aldershot. There
marches a sturdy Guardsman, one of the few who remain of the men
of Alma and Inkerman, with that small ladder of glory on his
breast. Here is one of the old Riflemen--alas, most gracious
Queen! they feel proud in sadness of their name now--one of “the
Prince Consort’s Own Rifle Brigade,” who heard, that bright evening
when our good ship was gliding through the blue waters of the
Dardanelles, the rich chorus of those manly voices, most of which
are silenced for ever:--
“Soldiers, merrily march away!
Soldier’s glory lives in story,
His laurels are green when his locks are grey,
Then hurrah for the life of a soldier!”
Firm and clean and straight as of yore, under all his load of
greatcoat, furs, and boots, struts the soldier of the 47th,
mindful of De Lacy Evans, “little Inkerman,” and of the greater in
which it was eclipsed. Will he be as trim and neat, I wonder, if
they take away his white facings? Of the old “fours”--the second
brigade of the division which with the light divided the “general”
fighting--the 41st and 47th, though perhaps no better, always
looked better than the 49th, because of their facings.
The influence of facings, indeed, goes much further than that
in general society. The hotel in which I live (a very attentive
host is doing his best to complete the resemblance by extensive
dilapidations) is as like a barracks as can be. The “St. Lawrence
Hall” is in a military occupation. The obstacles in way of
“alterations” are bestridden by Guardsmen, Riflemen, and Engineers,
on their way to breakfast and dinner, as if they were getting
through breaches. In the hall abundance of soldiers, anxious
orderlies with the quaint quartoes full of orders, and military
idlers smoking as much as you like, but, I am glad to say, not
chewing--nor, as a New York paper calls the Republican Senators,
“tobacco-expectorant.” To appreciate this boon properly, pray be
prepared to limit the suffrage immensely. In the passages more
orderlies and soldier-servants, who now and then do a little of
what is called flirting with the passing _demoiselles de service_;
tubs outside in the passage; doors of rooms open _à la caserne_;
military chests and charts on the table.
It would have given those who admit that war is necessary
sometimes, as the sole means of redressing national grievances,
considerable satisfaction to have seen the difference presented by
the regular troops of Great Britain in Canada and the vast masses
of volunteers assembled on the Potomac by the United States. It
is not that the British are one whit finer men: taking even the
Guards, there are some few regiments there which in height and
every constituent of physique, except gross weight, cannot be
excelled.
As a whole, perhaps, the average of intelligence, taken there to
mean reading and writing, may be higher among the United States
volunteers than among the British regulars;--not much, however. The
Sanitary Commission of New York, a very patriotic and thoroughly
American body, did not attempt to claim more than three-fifths of
the United States armies as of American _birth_. The immediate
descendants of Irish and German parents are thus included among
native-born Americans, though they are in all respects except birth
Irish and Germans still. Very probably they have not partaken to
the full, or to any great extent, of the advantages of public
education.
But, taking the statement of the Commissioners--which, by-the-bye,
is a very serious reflection on the patriotism of the Northern
populations--it may be doubted whether in reading, writing, and
arithmetic there is any great superiority on the part of the United
States troops over the British. I admit that in some regiments of
the New England States there is a higher average of such knowledge
as may enable a man to argue on the orders of his officers, and of
such intelligence as may induce him to believe he is competent to
criticise the conduct of a campaign.
There is an immense amount of newspaper reading and letter-writing,
the former taste predominating; but our own mailbags are ample
enough to satisfy any one that the same preponderance which is
maintained by London over New York in correspondence is to be found
in the English army over the American. Many Irish and Germans here
have no inducements to write letters, but there are few who are
unable to read their newspapers.
What is it, then, one may reasonably ask, which would satisfy
the grumbler, who finds fault with the expenditure of standing
armies, that he has got value for his money when he contrasts the
British troops here with the battalions on the Potomac? It is
the efficiency produced by obedience, which is the very life of
discipline: the latter is obedience incorporated, and, in motion
or at rest, acting by fixed rules, with something approaching to
certainty in its results.
The small army in Canada could be massed together, with its
artillery and transport, in a very short time, and directed with
precision to any one point, though it is a series of detachments
on garrison duty rather than a _corps d’armée_, and it has
neither cavalry nor baggage animals. With all the liberal (if not
occasionally extravagant) outlay, and the cost of transporting
it, the force in a few weeks would be far less expensive than an
American corps of the same strength; and it is no disparagement to
the latter to say they would be less efficient than the British. I
do not speak of actual fighting; for our battle-fields in Canada
tell how desperate may be the encounters between the armies. Our
force would be under the orders of experienced officers. The staff
would consist of men who have seen service in the Russian war, in
Asia, in India, and in China, and who have witnessed the operations
of great European armies. The United States is laboriously seeking
to acquire experience, at a cost which may be ruinous to its
national finances, and a delay which may be fatal to its cause;
but it cannot galvanise the inert mass with the fire of military
efficiency, though it burns, we are told, with hidden volcanic
energies, and is pregnant with patriotic life. The use of an army
in war is to fight, to be able to move to and after its enemy, to
beat and to pursue him.
It is not greatly to be wondered at if the work, which Great
Britain has only partially accomplished, notwithstanding the
greatness of its progress, should be only begun in the United
States. The aptitude of a large mass of the inhabitants for
arms, whether they be foreign or native-born, is marred by many
things. There is the principle of equality intruding itself in
military duty, confounding civil rights with the relations between
superior and inferior--between officer and rank-and-file. There
is the difficulty of getting men to follow officers who have no
special fitness for their post. A soldier may be made in a year;
a company officer cannot be made in three years. There are many
officers in the American army of great theoretical and some
practical knowledge; there are many in the British army lazy and
indifferent;--but no one would think for a moment of comparing
the acquirements, in a military sense, of the officers of the two
nations.
In the Crimean war, when our army was enlarged at a time that
severe losses had much diminished the number of officers, we saw
that our standard was considerably lowered by the precipitate
infusion of new men. No wonder, then, that the United States had
and has great difficulty in procuring officers of the least value
for a levy of more than half-a-million of volunteers.
But the system itself is a most formidable barrier to success.
Under no circumstances can it reach a moderate degree of
efficiency, unless the test of subsequent examination be rigidly
enforced. There is no superiority of rank, of military knowledge,
of personal character, of social position, to create an emulation
in the mind of the private to be the obedient but daring equal of
the officer in the time of danger. To such general remarks there
are many and brilliant exceptions.
In the course of time, the personal qualities and the reputation
for bravery and skill of officers would stand in the Republican
armies in lieu of those influences which move the British soldier.
No one is foolish enough to think or say that the private follows
his officer because the latter has paid so much money for his
commission or has so much a year. The gradual rise from one rank to
another is a guarantee of some military knowledge--at all events,
of acquaintance with drill. Social position counts for much. Men
who are equal before the law are very unequal in the drill-book.
It would be lamentable to see so much faith in a cause, such
devotion, zeal, boundless expenditure, and splendid material
comparatively lost--to behold the petted Republic wasting away
under this influence, and the _vis inertiæ_ of the force it has
called into being, were it not that the spectacle is a lesson for
the nations. It has not yet come to its end.
If standing armies there must be, let them be as complete in
organisation as possible. If an empire must rely on volunteers as
its main defence, let care be taken that they are organised and
officered so as to be effective, and regulated on such principles
of economy that they may not overwhelm with debt the country they
are engaged in protecting by their arms.
It is quite true that the Confederates suffer from the same
disadvantages as those which affect the Federals, but in a far
less degree. Mr. Davis, early in the war, got hold of the army and
subjected it to discipline. It was not so difficult to do so in the
South as in the North, owing to the difference in the people. The
officers were appointed by him. The men were animated, as they are
now, by an intense hatred of their enemy. Their armies were in a
defensive attitude; a large number, comprising some of the best,
of the United States officers sided with them. They are operating
besides on the inner lines.
But, after all, if the possession of the seaboard, the use of
navies, the vast preponderance of population, the ability to get
artillery and arms, and the occupation of the heads of the great
river communications be not utterly thrown away, the North must
overrun the South, if only the Northerners can fight as well as
the Southerners, and if the North can raise money to maintain the
struggle.
Let us leave out of view the slave element for once. The
Abolitionists assert that the most formidable weapon in the United
States armoury is the use of the emancipated slave; but it is
rather difficult to see how the slaves could assist the North
as long as they remain obedient and quiet in the South, or how
the North can get at them by a mere verbal declaration till it
has conquered the Slave States. Above all, it is not clear that
it would benefit the penniless exchequer of the North to have
4,000,000 black paupers suddenly thrown on it for support.
Slavery is to me truly detestable; the more I saw of it the
less I liked it. It is painful, to one who has seen the
system at work and its results, to read in English journals
philosophical--pseudo-philosophical treatises on the subject, and
dissertations on the “ethics and æsthetics” of the curse, from
which we shook ourselves free years ago with the approbation of our
own consciences and of the world.
Before I speak of the defence of Montreal in connection with
the general military position of the Canadian frontier, I shall
continue my brief narrative of my tour through Canada.