THE ASSYRIAN PANTHEON.
We have now reached a point where it will be proper to set forth the
phases that the Babylonian religion assumed during the days of Assyrian
supremacy.
An enumeration of the gods occurring in the inscriptions of the rulers
of Assyria from the earliest days to the close of the empire, so far as
published, will show better than any argument the points of similarity
between the Babylonian and the Assyrian pantheon. These gods are in
alphabetical order:[222] Anu, Ashur, Bel, Belit, Gaga, Gibil, Gamlat,
Gula, Dibbarra, Dagan, Damkina, Ea, Ishtar, Kadi, Khani, Marduk, Nabu,
Nana, Nin-gal, Nergal, Ninib, Nusku, Ramman, Sin, Shala, Shalman,
Shamash, Shanitka(?), Tashmitum. Of these quite a number are only
mentioned incidentally, and in a manner that indicates that they do not
belong to the pantheon in the strict sense. Others, like Khani[223] and
Gamlat,--_i.e._, 'the merciful one,'[224]--may turn out to be mere
epithets of deities otherwise known; and it would hardly be legitimate
to extend the list by including deities that have not yet been
identified,[225] and which may similarly be only variant forms,
descriptive of such as are already included. But however much this list
may be extended and modified by further publications and researches, the
historical material at hand for the Assyrian period of the religion is
sufficient to warrant us in setting up two classes of the pantheon,--one
class constituting the active pantheon, the other, deities introduced by
the kings merely for purposes of self-glorification, or to give greater
solemnity to the invocations and warnings that formed a feature of all
commemorative and dedicatory inscriptions, as well as of the annals
proper. The future additions to the list, it is safe to assert, will
increase the second class and only slightly modify, if at all, the first
class. Bearing in mind this distinction we may put down as active forces
in Assyria the following: Anu, Ashur, Bel, Belit, Gula, Dagan, Ea,
Khani, Ishtar, Marduk, Nabu, Nergal, Ninib, Nusku, Ramman, Sin, Shala,
Shamash, Tashmitum.
Comparing both the fuller and the restricted list with the Babylonian
pantheon during the two periods treated of in the preceding chapters, we
are struck by three facts: (1) the smaller compass of the Assyrian
pantheon; (2) the more restricted introduction of what, for want of a
better term, we may call minor deities; and (3) the small number of new
deities met with. To take up the latter point, the only gods in the
above list that are not found in Babylonian inscriptions are Ashur,
Gibil, Gamlat, Dibbarra, Kadi, Nusku, Shala, Shanitka. Of these it is
purely accidental that Gibil, Dibbarra, Nusku, and Shala are not
mentioned, for, except those that are foreign importations, they belong
to Babylonia as much as to Assyria and fall within the periods of the
Babylonian religion that have been treated of. Kadi is a foreign
deity.[226] Shanitka(?) may only be a title of some goddess, and Shalman
(or Shalmannu) occurs only in proper names, and may likewise be only a
title of some god.[227] There remains, as the only god peculiar to
Assyria, the god Ashur. But for this god, the Babylonian and the
Assyrian pantheon are identical. When we come, however, to the position
held by the gods in the pantheon, their relationship to one another, and
the traits which secured for them popular and royal favor, the
differences between the Babylonian and the Assyrian phases of the
religion will be found to be more accentuated.
As for the smaller compass of the Assyrian pantheon, we may recognize in
this a further advance of the tendency already noted in the second
period of the Babylonian religion. There, too, we found the minor local
cults yielding to the growing influence and favor of certain gods
associated with the great centers of Babylonian life, or possessing
attributes that accorded more with the new political order and the
general advance of culture. One of the chief factors in this tendency
towards centralization was, as we saw, the supremacy accorded to Marduk
in the new empire as the patron god of the capital, and that not only
led to his absorbing the role of other deities,[228] but resulted also
in strengthening the belief that there were only a limited number of
deities upon whose power and willingness to aid dependence could be
placed. This tendency was in a measure offset by the pride that the
rulers of the second Babylonian period still took in parading at times,
as large a number as possible of deities under whose protection they
claimed to stand. As we pass from one age to the other, the number of
minor deities thus invoked also tends to diminish, and the occasions
likewise when they are invoked become limited to the more solemn
invocations at the beginning and the close of inscriptions. Now, in
Assyria we have much the same political conditions as in Babylonia, only
intensified. Here, too, we have one god towering above the others, only
to a still greater degree even than Marduk in Babylonia. Marduk, while
absorbing the role of the old Bel, is still bound to acknowledge the
fathership of Ea. For a time he has to fear the rivalry of Nabu, and we
have seen that during the Cassitic rule, the glory of Marduk is somewhat
dimmed. The god who comes to stand at the head of the Assyrian
pantheon--Ashur--suffers from none of these restrictions. He is
independent of other gods and is under no obligations to any of his
fellows, and his rule once acknowledged remains supreme, with, perhaps,
one short period excepted,[229] throughout all the vicissitudes that the
empire undergoes. As a consequence of this unique position, Ashur is so
completely identified with Assyria, that with the fall of the empire he,
too, disappears,--whereas the Marduk cult survives the loss of
Babylonian independence, and is undisturbed even by the final absorption
of Babylonia into the empire of Cyrus. The tendency towards
centralization of the cult is even more pronounced, therefore, in
Assyria than in Babylonia. Marduk is a leader who has many gods as
followers, but all of whom have their distinct functions. Ashur is a
host in himself. He needs no attendants. His aid suffices for all
things, and such is the attachment of his subjects to him that it would
almost appear like an insult to his dignity to attach a long array of
minor gods to him. For the Assyrian kings the same motives did not exist
as for the Babylonians to emphasize their control over all parts of
their empire by adding the chief gods of these districts to the
pantheon. Assyria was never split up into independent states like
Babylonia before the days of Hammurabi. The capital, it is true, changed
with considerable frequency, but there was always only one great center
of political power. So far as Assyrian control over Babylonia was
concerned, it was sufficient for the purposes of the Assyrian rulers to
claim Marduk as their patron and protector, and, as we shall see, they
always made a point of emphasizing this claim. Hence we have only 'great
gods,'[230] and no minor deities, in the train of Ashur. These 'great
gods' could not be expunged from the pantheon without a complete
severance of the ties that bound the Assyrians to their past. Kings of
great empires seldom favor religious revolutions. But by the side of
Ashur these great gods pale, and in the course of time the tendency
becomes more marked to regard them merely as formal members of a little
court with few functions of their own, beyond that of adding by their
presence to the majesty and glory of Ashur. One receives the impression
that in Assyria only a few of the gods invoked by the kings at the side
of Ashur exert any real influence on the lives of the people; and such
as do, gain favor through possessing in some measure the chief attribute
that distinguished Ashur,--prowess in war. They are little Ashurs, as it
were, by the side of the great one. The position of Ashur in the
Assyrian pantheon accounts for the general tendencies manifested by the
religion of the northern empire, and upon a clear conception of the
character of Ashur depends our understanding of the special points that
distinguish the other gods from what we have learned of their character
and traits in the southern states. The beginning, therefore, of an
account of the Assyrian pantheon is properly to be made with Ashur.
Ashur.
The starting-point of the career of Ashur is the city of Ashur, situated
on the west bank of the Tigris, not far from the point where the lower
Zab flows into the Tigris. Ashur is therefore distinctly a local deity,
and so far as the testimony of the texts goes, he was never regarded in
early days in any other light than as the local patron of the city to
which he has given his name. He was never worshipped, so far as can be
ascertained, as a manifestation of any of the great powers of
nature,--the sun or the moon; though, if anything, he was originally a
solar deity.[231] Nor was he a symbol of any of the elements,--fire or
water. In this respect he differs from Sin, Shamash, Nusku,[232] and Ea,
whose worship was localized, without affecting the _quasi_-universal
character that these deities possessed. As a local deity his worship
must have been limited to the city over which he spread his protecting
arm; and if we find the god afterwards holding jurisdiction over a much
larger territory than the city of Ashur, it is because in the north, as
in the south, a distinct state or empire was simply regarded as the
extension of a city. Ashur became the god of Assyria as the rulers of
the city of Ashur grew in power,--in the same way that Marduk, upon the
union of the Babylonian states under the supremacy of the city of
Babylon, became the god of all Babylonia. But a difference between the
north and the south is to be noted. Whereas Marduk, although the god of
Babylonia, was worshipped only in the city of Babylon where he was
supposed to have his seat, temples to Ashur existed in various parts of
the Assyrian empire. The god accompanied the kings in their wars, and
wherever the rulers settled, there the god was worshipped. So in the
various changes of official residences that took place in the course of
Assyrian history from Ashur to Calah, and from Calah to Nineveh, and
from Nineveh to Khorsabad, the god took part, and his central seat of
worship depended upon the place that the kings chose for their official
residence. At the same time, while the cult in the various temples that
in the course of time were erected in his honor probably continued
without interruption, there was always one place--the official
residence--which formed the central spot of worship. There the god was
supposed to dwell for the time being. One factor, perhaps, that ought to
be taken into consideration in accounting for this movable disposition
of the god was that he was not symbolized exclusively by a statue, as
Marduk and the other great gods were. His chief symbol was a standard
that could be carried from place to place, and indeed was so made that
it could be carried into the thick of the fray, in order to assure the
army of the god's presence. The standard consisted of a pole surrounded
by a disc enclosed within two wings, while above the disc stood the
figure of a warrior in the act of shooting an arrow.[233] The statues of
the gods were deposited in shrines, and after being carried about, as
was done on festive days or other occasions, they would be replaced in
their shrines. The military standard, however, followed the camp
everywhere, and when the kings chose to fix upon a new place for their
military encampment--and such the official residences of the Assyrian
warrior-kings in large measure were--the standard would repose in the
place selected. How this standard came to be chosen, and when, is
another question, and one more difficult to answer. It may be that the
representation of the god by a standard was a consequence of the
fondness that the rulers of Ashur manifested for perpetual warfare; or,
in other words, that the god Ashur was represented by a standard so that
he might be carried into the battle and be moved from place to place. At
all events, the two things--the standard and the warlike character of
the subjects of Ashur--stood in close relationship to one another, and
the further conclusion is justified that when a military standard came
to be chosen as the symbol of Ashur, the god was recognized distinctly
as a god of war. The symbols accompanying the standard are of importance
as enabling us to determine something more regarding the character of
Ashur. In the first place, the fact that it contained a figure may be
taken as an indication that the god was at one time represented by a
statue,--as indeed we know from other evidence,[234]--and that the
change of his symbol from a statue to a standard is a result of the
military activity of the Assyrians. The winged disc is so general a
symbol of the sun in the religious system of various ancient
nations[235] that one cannot escape the conclusion that the symbol must
be similarly interpreted in the case before us. Is it possible,
therefore, that in a period lying beyond that revealed by the oldest
inscriptions at our disposal, Ashur was worshipped as a solar deity? One
is bound to confess that the evidence does not warrant us in regarding
Ashur as anything but the patron of the city of Ashur. Nowhere do we
find any allusion from which we are justified in concluding that he
originally represented some elemental power or phenomenon. Tiele[236] is
of the decided opinion that Ashur was at his origin a nature god of some
kind, and he goes so far as to suggest, though with due reserve, the
possible identification of Ashur with Sin. No doubt Tiele is prompted to
this view by the example of the great god of the south, Marduk, who is
originally a solar deity, and by all the other great gods who represent,
or represented, some power of nature. Analogy, however, is not a
sufficiently reliable guide to settle a question for the solution of
which historical material is lacking. So much, however, may be said,
that if we are to assume that Ashur personified originally some natural
power, the symbol of the winged disc lends a strong presumption in favor
of supposing him to have been some phase of the sun. So much, then, for
the general character of Ashur. Before passing on to a specification of
his role and his traits, as revealed by the historical texts, a word
remains to be said as to the etymology and form of the name. Ashur is
the only instance that we have of a god expressly giving his name to a
city, for the name of the city can only be derived from that of the god,
and not _vice versa_. The identification of the god with his favorite
town must have been so complete that the town, which probably had some
specific name of its own, became known simply as the 'city of the god
Ashur.' From such a designation it is but a small step to call the city
simply, Ashur. The difference between the god and the city would be
indicated by the determinative for deity, which was only attached to the
former, while the latter was written with the determinative attached to
towns. When this city of Ashur extended its bounds until it became
coequal with the domain of Assyria, the name of the god was transferred
to the entire northern district of Mesopotamia, which, as the country of
the god Ashur, was written with the determinative for country.[237] The
ideographs which the Assyrian scribes employed in writing the name of
the god reveal the meaning they attached to it. He is described
ideographically as the 'good god.' This interpretation accords admirably
with the general force of the verbal stem underlying the name. In both
Hebrew and Assyrian _a-sh-r_ signifies 'to be gracious, to grant
blessing, to cause to prosper.' Ashur, therefore, is the god that
blesses his subjects, and to the latter he would accordingly appear as
the 'good god' _par excellence_. If the tempting etymology of our own
word 'god,' which connects it with 'good,' be correct, 'god' would be
almost the perfect equivalent of Ashur. It is not necessary to conclude,
as Tiele does,[238] that Ashur, as the 'good one,' is an ethical
abstraction, but certainly a designation of a god as 'a good one' sounds
more like a descriptive epithet than like a name. The supposition that
Ashur was not, therefore, the original name of the god receives a
certain measure of force from this consideration. Moreover, there are
indications that there actually existed another form of his name,
namely, Anshar.[239] This form Anshar would, according to the phonetic
laws prevailing in Assyria, tend to become Ash-shar.[240] Ashur--the
'good one'--would thus turn out to be an epithet of the god, chosen as a
'play' suggested by Ash-shar, just as we found Gula called the lady of
_Ekalli_, and again _Kallat_ (bride).[241] The etymology of Anshar is as
obscure as that of most of the ancient gods of Babylonia,--as of Sin,
Marduk, Ishtar, and many more. But before leaving the subject, it will
be proper to call attention to the role that a god Anshar plays in the
Babylonian-Assyrian cosmological system. _Anshar_ and _Kishar_ are the
second pair of deities to be created, the first pair being _Lakhmu_ and
_Lakhamu_. In the great fight of the gods against the monster Tiamat, it
would appear that, according to one version at least, Anshar sends Anu,
Ea, and finally Bel-Marduk, in turn to destroy the monster. He appears,
therefore, to have exercised a kind of supremacy over the gods. Assuming
the correctness of the deductions, according to which Ashur is an
epithet arising by a play upon Ash-shar (from an original Anshar), it is
hardly open to doubt that this Anshar is the same as the one who appears
in the cosmology. On the other hand, it is difficult to suppose that
Anshar should have played so significant a part in Babylonian traditions
and yet find no mention in the text of the rulers of Babylonia. Bearing
in mind what has been said as to the manner in which ancient traditions
and myths were remodeled by the schoolmen to conform to later ideas,--we
have seen how in this process the popularity of Marduk led to his
assuming the role originally played by Bel,--may not the recognition
given to Anshar be a concession, made at the time that Assyria had begun
her glorious career (_c._ 1400 B.C.), to the chief god of the northern
empire?
That such tendencies to glorify Ashur may justly be sought for in part
of the religious literature is proved by a version of one of the series
of tablets giving an account of the creation, and which assigns to
Anshar the work of building Esharra,--_i.e._, the earth,--that,
according to another version, belongs to Marduk.[242] Evidently, then,
just as the Babylonian theologians sought to glorify Marduk at the
expense of Bel, so Assyrian theologians, or such as stood under Assyrian
influences, did not hesitate to replace Marduk by their own favorite,
Anshar. In the chapter on the 'Cosmology' we will have occasion to come
back to this point. For present purposes it is sufficient to have shown
that the position of Anshar in the remodeled traditions is an argument
in favor of regarding Anshar as the real name of the god who stands at
the head of the Assyrian pantheon.
In the oldest Assyrian inscription known to us, the god Ashur is
mentioned. Samsi-Ramman, who does not yet assume the title of king, but
only _patesi_,--_i.e._, 'religious chief,'[243]--prides himself upon
being 'the builder of the temple of Ashur.' The phrase does not mean
that he founded the temple, but only that he undertook building
operations in connection with it. The date of this ruler may be fixed
roughly at 1850 B.C., and since the two inscribed bricks that we have of
Samsi-Ramman were found in the ruins of Kalah-Shergat,--the site of the
ancient city of Ashur,--there can, of course, be no doubt that the
temple at that place is referred to.
The rulers of Assyria, even after they assumed the title of 'king' (_c._
1500 B.C.), were still fond of calling themselves the 'priest' of the
god Ashur, and frequently gave this title the preference over others. In
the fourteenth century the temple of Ashur seems to have suffered at the
hands of the Cassites, who attempted to extend their power to the north.
This plan was, however, frustrated by Ramman-nirari I., who forces the
Cassites to retreat, successfully opposes other enemies of Assyria, and
restores the injured parts of Ashur's temple. From this time on, and for
a period of several centuries, Assyria assumes an aggressive attitude,
and as a consequence the dependency upon the god is more keenly felt
than before. The enemies against whom the kings proceed are called 'the
enemies of Ashur,' the troops of the king are the troops of Ashur, and
the weapons with which they fight are the weapons of Ashur. It is he who
causes the arms of Tiglathpileser I. to strike down his foes. The
nations cannot endure the awful sight of the god. His brilliancy--the
reference being no doubt to the shining standard as it was carried into
the fray--inspires on every side a terror that casts all enemies to the
ground. All warfare is carried on in the name of Ashur. The statement
may be taken literally, for an oracle was sought at critical moments to
determine the course that was to be pursued. The fight itself takes
place with the help of the god,--again to be taken literally, for the
god, represented by his symbol, is present on the battlefield. The
victory, accordingly, belongs to the god in the first instance, and only
in a secondary degree to the king. The nations are vanquished by Ashur,
the conquered cities become subject to Ashur, and when the tribute is
brought by the conquered foe, it is to Ashur that it is offered by the
kings. Proud and haughty as the latter were, and filled with greed for
glory and power, they never hesitated to humble themselves before their
god. They freely acknowledged that everything they possessed was due to
Ashur's favor. It was he who called them to the throne, who gave them
the sceptre and crown, and who firmly established their sovereignty.
Through Ashur, who gives the king his invincible weapon,--the mighty
bow,--the kingdom is enlarged, until the kings feel justified in saying
of themselves that, by the nomination of Ashur, they govern the four
quarters of the world. Nay, the rulers go further and declare themselves
to be the offspring of Ashur. It is not likely that they ever desired
such an assertion also to be interpreted literally. The phrase is rather
to be taken as the strongest possible indication of the attachment they
felt for their chief god. Everything that they possessed coming directly
from their god, how could this be better expressed than by making the
god the source of their being? The phrase, at all events, is interesting
as showing that the element of love was not absent in the emotions that
the thought of Ashur aroused in the breasts of his subjects. The kings
cannot find sufficient terms of glorification to bestow upon Ashur.
Tiglathpileser I. calls him 'the great lord ruling the assembly of
gods,' and in similar style, Ashurnasirbal invokes him as 'the great god
of all the gods.' For Ramman-nirari III., he is the king of the
Igigi--the heavenly host of spirits. Sargon lovingly addresses him as
the father of the gods. Sennacherib calls him the great mountain or
rock,--a phrase that recalls a Biblical metaphor applied to the
deity,--and Esarhaddon speaks of him as the 'king of gods.' Frequently
Ashur is invoked together with other gods. He is 'the guide of the
gods.' There is only one instance in which he does not occupy the first
place. Ramman-nirari I., to whom reference has above been made, gives
Anu the preference over Ashur in a list of gods,[244] to whom conjointly
he ascribes his victories. We have already had occasion (see pp.
153-155) to note the antiquity of Anu worship in Assyria, the foundation
of whose temple takes us beyond the period of Samsi-Ramman. Ashur's
importance begins only with the moment that the rulers of his city enter
upon their career of conquest. Before that, his power and fame were
limited to the city over which he presided. Those gods who in the south
occupied a superior rank were also acknowledged in the north. The
religion of the Assyrians does not acquire traits that distinguish it
from that of Babylonia till the rise of a distinct Assyrian empire.
Here, as in Babylonia, the religious conceptions, and in a measure the
art, are shaped by the course of political events. Anu, accordingly,
takes precedence to Ashur previous to the supremacy of the city of
Ashur. This superior rank belongs to him as the supreme god of heaven.
Ramman-nirari's reign marks a turning-point in the history of Assyria.
The enemies of Ashur, who had succeeded for a time in obscuring the
god's glory through the humiliation which his land endured, were driven
back, but neither the people nor the rulers had as yet become conscious
of the fact that it was solely to Ashur that the victory was due. Hence,
other gods are associated with Ashur by Ramman-nirari, and the old god
Anu is accorded his proper rank. After the days of Ramman-nirari,
however, Ashur's precedence over all other gods is established. Whether
associated with Bel or with Ramman, or with Shamash and Ramman, or with
a larger representation of the pantheon, Ashur is invariably mentioned
first.
From what has been said of the chief trait of Assyrian history, it
follows, as a matter of course, that the popularity of Ashur is due to
the military successes of the Assyrian armies; and it follows, with
equal necessity, that Ashur, whatever he may originally have been,
becomes purely a god of war, from the moment that Assyria enters upon
what appeared to be her special mission. All the titles given to Ashur
by the kings may be said to follow from his role as the god who presides
over the fortunes of the wars. If he is the 'ruler of all the gods,' and
their father, he is so simply by virtue of that same superior strength
which makes him the 'law-giver' for mankind, and not because of any
ancient traditions, nor as an expression of some nature-myth. He lords
it over gods and spirits, but he lords it solely because of his warlike
qualities. Ashur is the giver of crown and sceptre, and the kings of
Assyria are the _patesis_ of the god, his lieutenants. He is the god
that embodies the spirit of Assyrian history, and as such he is the most
characteristic personage of the Assyrian pantheon--in a certain sense
the only characteristic personage. So profound is his influence that
almost all the other gods of the pantheon take on some of his character.
Whenever and wherever possible, those phases of the god's nature are
emphasized which point to the possession of power over enemies. The gods
of the Assyrian pantheon impress one as diminutive Ashurs by the side of
the big one, and in proportion as they approach nearer to the character
of Ashur himself, is their hold upon the royal favor strengthened.
Ishtar.
Second in rank to Ashur during the most glorious part of Assyrian
history stands the great goddess Ishtar. That the Assyrian Ishtar is
identical with the great goddess of the Babylonian pantheon is beyond
reasonable doubt. She approaches closest to Nana,--the Ishtar of Erech;
but just as we found the Babylonian Ishtar appearing under various names
and forms, so there are no less than three Ishtars in Assyria,
distinguished in the texts as Ishtar of Nineveh, Ishtar of Arbela, and
Ishtar who presides over the temple known as Kidmuru and who for that
reason is generally called 'the queen of Kidmuru.' The seat of the
latter was in Nineveh, as was of course also the seat of Ishtar of
Nineveh. The third Ishtar had her cult at Arbela,[245] a town lying to
the east of Calah about midway between the upper and lower Zab. It is
not easy to determine which of these three Ishtars is the oldest. The
Assyrians themselves seem to have been aware of the Babylonian origin of
Ishtar, for Tiglathpileser I. is at pains to emphasize that the temple
he builds to Ishtar in his capital is dedicated to the 'Assyrian
Ishtar.'[246] This being the oldest mention of Ishtar in Assyrian texts,
we are perhaps warranted in concluding that the cult of the goddess was
transferred with the seat of government to Nineveh. This would not
necessarily make Ishtar of Nineveh the oldest of the three, but accounts
for the higher rank that was accorded to her, as against the other two.
Ishtar of Arbela and the queen of Kidmuru do not make their appearance
so far as the historical texts are concerned till the time of Esarhaddon
(681, B.C.)--a comparatively late date. Tiele[247] suggests that Arbela
became the seat of a school of prophets in the service of Ishtar. The
curious name of the place, the 'four-god' city, certainly speaks in
favor of supposing Arbela to have been a great religious center, but
until excavations shall have been conducted on the modern site of the
town, the problems connected with the worship of Ishtar of Arbela cannot
be solved. It is quite possible, if not probable, that the three Ishtars
are each of independent origin. The 'queen of Kidmuru,' indeed, I
venture to think, is the indigenous Ishtar of Nineveh, who is obliged to
yield her place to the so-called 'Assyrian Ishtar' upon the transfer of
the capitol of Assyria to Nineveh, and henceforth is known by one of her
epithets to distinguish her from her formidable rival. The cult of
Ishtar at Arbela is probably, too, of ancient date; but special
circumstances that escape us appear to have led to a revival of interest
in their cults during the period when Assyria reached the zenith of her
power. The important point for us to bear in mind is that no essential
distinctions between these three Ishtars were made by the Assyrians.
Their traits and epithets are similar, and for all practical purposes we
have only one Ishtar in the northern empire. Next to Ashur, or rather by
the side of Ashur, Ishtar was invoked as the great goddess of battle and
war. This trait, however, was not given to her by the Assyrians.
Hammurabi views the goddess in this light,[248] and in the Izdubar or
Gilgamesh epic, as already pointed out, she appears at times in the role
of a violent destroyer. The warlike phase of the goddess's nature is
largely accentuated in the Assyrian pantheon and dwelt upon to the
exclusion of that softer and milder side which we have seen
characterized her as 'the mother of mankind.' Her role as the goddess of
war grows in prominence as the Assyrian rulers proceed in their
triumphal careers. Ashurrishishi (_c_. 1150 B.C.) invokes her simply as
the superior goddess, but for Tiglathpileser I. and from his days on,
she is primarily the lady of war, who arranges the order of battle and
encourages her favorites to fight. She appears in dreams at critical
moments, and whispers words of cheer to King Ashurbanabal. When danger
threatens, it is to her that the great king spreads his hands in prayer.
She is not merely the goddess of the kings, but of the people as well.
The latter are instructed to honor her. No deity approaches her in
splendor. As Ashur rules the Igigi, so Ishtar is declared to be 'mighty
over the Anunnaki.' Her commands are not to be opposed. Her appearance
is that of a being clothed with fiery flames, and streams of fire are
sent down by her upon the enemies of Ashurbanabal--a description that
expresses admirably the conception formed by the Assyrians of a genuine
goddess of war. Like Ashur, she is given a supreme rank among the gods.
Shalmaneser II. calls her the first-born of heaven and earth, and for
Tiglathpileser I., she is the first among the gods. Her milder
attributes as the gracious mother of creation, the giver of plenty, and
the hearer of the supplications of the sinner, so prominent in the
religious literature,[249] are not dwelt upon in the historical texts.
Still, an element of love also enters into the relationship with her
subjects. Ashurnasirbal (885-860 B.C.) speaks of her as the lady who
'loves him and his priesthood.' Sennacherib similarly associates Ishtar
with Ashur as the lover of his priesthood. As a goddess of war she is of
course 'perfect in courage,' as Shalmaneser II. declares. Temples are
erected to her in the city of Ashur, in Nineveh and Arbela. Ashurbanabal
distinguishes carefully between the two Ishtars,--the one of Nineveh and
the one of Arbela; and, strange enough, while terming Nineveh the
favorite city of Ishtar, he seems to give the preference to Ishtar of
Arbela. It is to the latter[250] that when hard pressed by the Elamites
he addresses his prayer, calling her 'the lady of Arbela'; and it is
this Ishtar who appears to the royal troops in a dream. The month of
Ab--the fifth month of the Babylonian calendar--is sacred to Ishtar.
Ashurbanabal proceeds to Arbela for the purpose of worshipping her
during this sacred period. Something must have occurred during his
reign, to bring the goddess of Arbela into such remarkable prominence,
but even Ashurbanabal does not go so far as to place Ishtar of Arbela
before Ishtar of Nineveh, when enumerating the gods of the pantheon. One
point still remains to be mentioned before passing on. Ashurbanabal
calls Ishtar--he is speaking of Ishtar of Nineveh--the wife of Bel.[251]
Now Ishtar never appears in this capacity in the Babylonian
inscriptions. If there is one goddess with whom she has nothing in
common, it is Belit of Nippur. To account for this curious statement on
the part of the Assyrian scribes, it is only necessary to bear in mind
that the name Belit signifies 'lady,' and Ishtar is constantly spoken of
as the Belit or lady of battle. Much the same train of thought that led
to regarding Bel in the sense of 'lord,' merely as a title of Marduk,
gave rise to the use of 'Belit,' as the title of the great 'lady' of the
Assyrian pantheon.[252] From this it is but a small--but of course
erroneous--step, to speak of Belit-Ishtar as the consort of Bel. Whether
the error is due only to the scribe, or whether it actually made its way
into the Assyrian system of theology, it is difficult to say. Probably
the former; for the distinguishing feature of both the Babylonian and
the Assyrian Ishtar is her independent position. Though at times brought
into close association with Ashur, she is not regarded as the mere
consort of any god--no mere reflection of a male deity, but ruling in
her own right on a perfect par with the great gods of the pantheon. She
is coequal in rank and dignity with Ashur. Her name becomes synonymous
with goddess, as Marduk becomes the synonym for god. The female deities
both native and foreign come to be regarded as so many forms of Ishtar.
In a certain sense Ishtar is the only _real_ goddess of the later
Assyrian pantheon, the only one taking an active part in the religious
and political life of the people. At the same time it is to be noted
that by the side of the Assyrian Ishtar, the Babylonian Ishtar,
especially the one associated with Erech (or Warka) is also worshipped
by the monarchs of the north. Esarhaddon devotes himself to the
improvement of the old temple at Erech, and Ashurbanabal prides himself
upon having rescued out of the hands of the Elamites a statue of Ishtar
or Nana of Erech that had been captured 1635 years previous.[253]
Anu.
Reference has already been made to the antiquity of the Anu cult in
Assyria, and that prior to the time that the city of Ashur assumes the
role of mistress of the northern district, Anu stood at the head of the
pantheon, just as theoretically he continued to occupy this place in the
pantheon of the south. What is especially important, he had a temple in
the very city of Ashur, whose patron god succeeded in usurping the place
of the old 'god of heaven.' The character of Anu in the north differs in
no way from the traits assigned to him in the south. He is the king of
the Igigi and Anunnaki, that is, of all the heavenly and earthly
spirits, and he is this by virtue of being the supreme god of heaven.
His cult, however, appears to have suffered through the overshadowing
supremacy of Ashur. Even in his old temple at Ashur, which
Tiglathpileser I. on the occasion of his rebuilding it, tells us was
founded 641 years before this restoration,[254] he is no longer accorded
sole homage. Ramman, the god of thunder and of storms, because
correlated to Anu, is placed by the side of the latter and permitted to
share the honors with Anu.[255] Anu survives in the Assyrian as in the
Babylonian pantheon by virtue of being a member of the theological
triad, composed as we have seen of Anu, Bel, and Ea. Tiglathpileser I.
still invokes Anu as a deity of practical importance. He associates him
with Ramman and Ishtar as the great gods of the city of Ashur or with
Ramman alone, but beyond an incidental mention by Ashurnasirbal, who in
a long list of gods at the beginning of his annals emphasizes the fact
of his being the favorite of Anu, he appears only in combination with
Bel and Ea. The same degree of reverence, however, was shown to the old
triad in Assyria as in Babylonia. The three gods are asked not to listen
to the prayers of the one who destroys the monuments set up by the
kings. Sargon tells us that it is Anu, Bel, and Ea who fix the names of
the months,[256] and this same king when he comes to assign names to the
eight gates of his great palace, does not forget to include Anu in the
list of deities,[257] describing him as the god who blesses his
handiwork.
Dagan.
Coequal in antiquity with the cult of Anu in Assyria is that of Dagan.
Although occurring in Babylonia as early as the days of Hammurabi, and
indeed earlier,[258] it would appear that his worship was imported from
the north into the south.[259] At all events, it is in the north that
the cult of Dagan rises to prominence. The name of the god appears as an
element in the name of Ishme-Dagan (the father of Samsi-Ramman
II.),[260] whose date may be fixed at the close of the nineteenth
century B.C. The form Dagan is interesting as being almost identical
with the name of the chief god of the Philistines, Dagon,[261] who is
mentioned in the Book of Judges. The resemblance can hardly be entirely
accidental. From other sources we know that Dagan was worshipped in
Palestine as early as the fourteenth or fifteenth century, and the form
Dagan, if derived from _Dag_, contains an afformative element which
stamps the word as non-Assyrian. The proposition has much in its favor
which regards Dagan as a god whose worship was introduced into Assyria
at a very early period through the influence of Aramaean hordes, who
continue throughout Assyrian history to skirt the eastern shores of the
Tigris. Once introduced, however, into Assyria, Dagan assumes a
different form from the one that he receives among the Philistines. To
the latter he is the god of agriculture, while in Assyria he rises to
the rank of second in the pantheon, and becomes the associate of Anu.
The latter's dominion being the heavens, Dagan is conceived as the god
of earth. Hence, there results the fusion with the Babylonian Bel, which
has already been noted,[262] and it is due to this fusion that Dagan
disappears almost entirely from the Assyrian pantheon. Ashurnasirbal
invokes Dagan with Anu. Two centuries later, Sargon, whose scribes, as
Jensen has noticed, manifest an 'archaeological' fondness for the
earlier deities, repeats the phrase of Ashurnasirbal, and also calls his
subjects 'troops of Anu and Dagan'; but it is important to observe that
he does not include Dagan among the deities in whose honor he assigns
names to the gates of his palace. We may, therefore, fix upon the ninth
century as the terminus for the Dagan cult in Assyria. Proper names
compounded with Dagan do not occur after the days of Ashurnasirbal.[263]
Shamash.
Besides the testimony furnished by the name of the king, Samsi-Ramman,
we have a proof for the antiquity of the Shamash cult in Assyria in the
express statement of Pudilu (_c._ 1350 B.C.) that he built a temple to
the sun-god in the city of Ashur. He calls Shamash the 'protecting
deity,' but the protection vouchsafed by Shamash is to be understood in
a peculiar sense. Shamash does not work by caprice. He is, as we have
seen, preeminently a god of justice, whose favors are bestowed in
accordance with unchangeable principles. So far as Assyria is concerned,
the conceptions regarding Shamash reach a higher ethical level than
those connected with any other deity. Ashur and Ishtar are partial to
Assyria, and uphold her rulers at any cost, but the favors of Shamash
are bestowed upon the kings because of their righteousness, or, what is
the same thing, because of their claim to being righteous. For
Tiglathpileser I., great and ruthless warrior as he is, Shamash is the
judge of heaven and earth, who sees the wickedness of the king's
enemies, and shatters them because of their guilt. When the king
mercifully sets certain captives free, it is in the presence of Shamash
that he performs this act. It is, therefore, as the advocate of the
righteous cause that Tiglathpileser claims to have received the glorious
sceptre at the hands of Shamash; and so also for the successors of
Tiglathpileser, down to the days of Sargon, Shamash is above all and
first of all the judge, both of men and of the gods. There is, of
course, nothing new in this view of Shamash, which is precisely the one
developed in Babylonia; but in Assyria, perhaps for the reason that in
Shamash is concentrated almost all of the ethical instinct of the
northern people, the judicial traits of Shamash appear to be even more
strongly emphasized. Especially in the days of Ashurnasirbal and
Shalmaneser II.--the ninth century--does the sun-cult receive great
prominence. These kings call themselves the _sun_ of the world. The
phrase,[264] indeed, has so distinctly an Egyptian flavor, that, in
connection with other considerations, it seems quite plausible to assume
that the influence of Egyptian reverence for _Ra_ had much to do with
the popularity of the sun-cult about this time. Shalmaneser bestows
numerous epithets upon Shamash. He is the guide of everything, the
messenger of the gods, the hero, the judge of the world who guides
mankind aright, and, what is most significant, the lord of law. The word
used for law, _tertu_, is identical with the Hebrew term _tora_ that is
used to designate the Pentateuchal legislation. No better testimony
could be desired to show the nature of the conceptions that must have
been current of Shamash. Sargon, again, who is fond of emphasizing the
just principles that inspire his acts, goes to the length of building a
sanctuary[265] for Shamash far beyond the northern limits of Assyria.
But the kings, in thus placing themselves under the protection of the
great judge, were not oblivious to the fact that this protection was
particularly desired on the battlefield. War being uppermost in their
thoughts, the other side of Shamash's nature--his power and
violence--was not overlooked. Tiglathpileser invokes him also as the
warrior,--a title that is often given to Shamash in the religious
literature. There can be little doubt that a nation of warriors whose
chief deities were gods of war, was attracted to Shamash not merely
because he was the judge of all things, but also, and in a large degree,
because he possessed some of the traits that distinguished Ashur and
Ishtar.
Ramman.
The association of Ramman with Shamash in the name of the old ruler of
Assyria, Samsi-Ramman, is not accidental or due to mere caprice. Only
such deities are combined in proper names that are, or may be,
correlated to one another. Ramman, as the god of storms, is naturally
viewed as a power complementary to the great orb of light.[266] The two
in combination, viewed as the beneficent and the destructive power,
constitute the most powerful elements of nature, whose good will it was
most important, especially for a nation of warriors, to secure. Some
such thought surely underlies this association of Shamash with Ramman.
The Assyrian Ramman differs in no way from the Ramman of Babylonia, but
he is much more popular in the north than in the south. The popularity
of the god is but a reflection of the delight that the Assyrians took in
military pursuits. Ramman is hardly anything more than another Ashur.
Tiglathpileser I., who once calls the god Mar-tu, _i.e._, "the West
god,"[267] has left us an admirable description of him. He is the hero
who floods the lands and houses of the country's enemies. The approach
of the Assyrian troops is compared to an onslaught of Ramman. His curses
are the most dreadful that can befall a nation or an individual, for his
instruments of destruction are lightning, hunger, and death. Reference
has several times been made to the manner in which Tiglathpileser honors
Ramman by making him a partner of Anu in the great temple of the latter
at Ashur. But the successors of Tiglathpileser are no less zealous in
their reverence for Ramman. It is to Ramman that the kings offer
sacrifices during the campaign, and when they wish to depict in the
strongest terms the destruction that follows in the wake of an onslaught
of the Assyrian troops, they declare that they swept over everything
like Ramman. It is natural, in view of this, that Ramman should have
been to the Assyrians also the 'mightiest of the gods.'[268] Through the
Assyrian inscriptions we learn something of the consort of Ramman.
Shala.
Sennacherib tells us that in the course of his campaign against
Babylonia he removes out of the city of Babylon, and replaces in
Ekallate[269] the statues of Ramman and Shala. This, he says, he did 418
years after the time that they had been carried captive from Ekallate to
Babylon by Marduknadinakhi.[270] We know nothing more of this Ekallate
except that it lay in Assyria,--probably in the southern half,--and that
Ramman and Shala are called the gods of the city. The name 'Shala'
appears to signify 'woman.' It reminds us, therefore, of 'lady' (Ninni,
Nana, etc.), which we have found to be the designation for several
distinct goddesses. It is possible that Shala, likewise, being a name of
so indefinite a character, was applied to other goddesses. A 'Shala of
the mountains,' who is stated to be the wife of Marduk, is mentioned in
a list of gods.[271] The wife of Bel, too, is once called Shala, though
in this case the confusion between Marduk and Bel may have led to
transferring the name from the consort of one to the consort of the
other. Too much importance must not be attached to the data furnished by
these lists of gods. They represent in many cases purely arbitrary
attempts to systematize the Babylonian and Assyrian pantheon, and in
other cases are valuable only as reflecting the views of the
theologians, or rather of certain schools of theological thought, in
Babylonia. In the religious hymns, too, the consort of Ramman finds
mention, and by a play upon her name is described as the 'merciful one.'
The attribute given to her there is the 'lady of the field,' which puts
her in contrast to Ramman, rather than in partnership with him. Since we
hear little of her worship in Assyria, beyond the notices of
Sennacherib, we may conclude that, like so many goddesses, Shala
dwindled to the insignificant proportions of a mere pale reflection of
the male deity.
Nin-ib.
Another god, who by virtue of his violent traits enjoys the favor of the
Assyrian rulers, is the old Babylonian deity whose name is provisionally
read Nin-ib. In the very first mention of him, in the inscription of
Ashurrishishi (_c._ 1150 B.C.), he is called the 'mighty one of the
gods.' Through the protection of Nin-ib, Ashurrishishi secures victory
over his enemies on all sides. Similarly, other of the Assyrian rulers
emphasize the strength of Nin-ib. Tiglathpileser I. calls him the
courageous one, whose special function is the destruction of the king's
enemies. In doing so he becomes the god 'who fulfills the heart's
desire.' The unmistakable character of the god as a god of war is also
shown by his association with Ashur.[272] If Ashur is the king of Igigi
and Anunnaki, Nin-ib is the hero of the heavenly and earthly spirits. To
him the rulers fly for help. Of all the kings, Ashurnasirbal seems to
have been especially devoted to the service of Nin-ib. The annals of
this king, instead of beginning, as is customary, with an invocation of
all or many of the gods, starts out with an address to Nin-ib, in which
the king fairly exhausts the vocabulary of the language in his desire to
secure the favor of this powerful deity. Almost all the attributes he
assigns to him have reference to the god's powers in war. Dwelling in
the capital Calah, he is 'the strong, the mighty, the supreme one,' the
perfect hero, who is invincible in battle, the 'destroyer of all
opposition, who holds the lock of heaven and earth, who opens the deep;
the strong one, endowed with youthful vigor, whose decree is
unchangeable, without whom no decision is made in heaven or on earth,
whose attack is like a flood, who sweeps away the land of his enemies,'
and so forth, through a bewildering array of epithets. The inscriptions
of the Assyrian kings, especially in the introductions, manifest little
originality. One king, or rather his scribe, frequently copies from
earlier productions, or imitates them. Hence, it happens that the
grandson of Ashurnasirbal, Shamshi-Ramman (_c._ 825-812 B.C.), furnishes
us with an almost equally long array of epithets, exalting the strength
and terror of Nin-ib. Like Ashurnasirbal, he declared himself to have
been chosen by this god to occupy the throne. A comparison of the two
lists makes it evident that the later one is modeled upon the earlier
production. The conclusion is justified that in the century covered by
the reigns of Ashurnasirbal[273] and Shamshi-Ramman, the cult of Nin-ib
must have acquired great popularity, though suffering, perhaps, an
interruption during the reign of Shalmaneser II.,--midway between these
two kings,--whose favorite we have seen was Shamash. The great temple of
Nin-ib stood in Calah, which Ashurnasirbal chose as his official
residence, and it was in this temple that the king deposited a long
inscription commemorating his deeds. In the temple, he also places a
colossal statue of the god. Upon the completion of the edifice, he
dedicates it with prayer and sacrifices. The special festivals of the
god are fixed for the months of Shabat and Ulul,--the eleventh and sixth
months,--and provision is made for the regular maintenance of the cult.
It must, of course, not be supposed that, because Nin-ib appears to be a
favorite of the king, the latter concentrates his attentions upon this
god. He appears to have been specially fond of temple building, and,
besides the one to Nin-ib, he tells us of sanctuaries to 'Belit of the
land,' _i.e._, Ishtar,[274] Sin, Gula, Ea, and Ramman,--that he erects
or improves. One might be led to regard it as strange that a god like
Nin-ib, or Shamash, should claim so large a share of the attention of
the Assyrian rulers, to the apparent neglect of Ashur, but it must be
borne in mind that the position of Ashur was so assured as to be beyond
the reach of rivalry. The fact also that Ashur's popular symbol was the
movable standard was no doubt a reason why so few temples were erected
to him. He did not stand in need of temples. For the very reason that
Ashur was the universally acknowledged master of everything, the kings
felt called upon to choose, by the side of Ashur, some additional
deity,--a patron under whose special protection they placed themselves.
The natural desire for novelty--together with other circumstances that
escape us--led one to choose Ramman, another Nin-ib, a third Shamash,
and a fourth, as we shall see, Nabu. In doing so they were not conscious
of any lack of respect towards Ashur, of whose good will they always
felt certain.
Besides the service rendered by Nin-ib in war, his aid was also invoked
by the kings in their recreations, which partook of the same violent
character as their vocation. Their favorite sport was hunting,
especially of lions, wild horses, elephants, stags, boars, and bulls.
They either proceeded to districts where these animals were to be found,
or they had large parks laid out near their residences, which were then
stocked with material for the chase. Ashurnasirbal does not shun a long
journey to distant mountainous regions to seek for sport, and it is
Nin-ib whom he invokes, together with Nergal. These two, he declares,
who, like Ashur and Ishtar, "love his priesthood," are the ones that
convey into his hands the hunting spoils. Tiglathpileser I. was
especially fond of lion and elephant hunting. He declares that on one
occasion he killed 10 elephants and 920 lions in various parts of
northwestern Mesopotamia; and he ascribes his success to Nin-ib, who
loves him, and who, again, in association with Nergal, and Ashur, has
placed in the king's hands the mighty weapons and the glorious bow.
After the days of Shamshi-Ramman we hear of Nin-ib chiefly in the formal
lists of gods which the later kings of Assyria, from Sargon[275] on, are
fond of placing at the beginning and end of their inscriptions. These
lists, again, copied the one from the other, are of value only as
indicating the chief gods of the pantheon, but warrant no conclusions as
to the activity reigning in the cults of the gods there mentioned.
Before leaving Nin-ib a few words need be said as to his relations to
the other gods. In the chapter on the pantheon before Hammurabi,[276]
the identity of Nin-ib with the chief god of Gudea's district,
Nin-girsu, has been pointed out. The solar character of the latter being
clear, it follows that Nin-ib, too, is originally a personification of
the sun, like Nin-gish-zida and Nin-shakh, whose roles are absorbed by
Nin-ib.[277] This has long been recognized, but it is the merit of
Jensen[278] to have demonstrated that it is the east sun and the morning
sun which is more especially represented by Nin-ib. On this supposition,
some of the titles given to him in the inscriptions of Ashurnasirbal and
Shamshi-Ramman become perfectly clear. Like Marduk, who, it will be
remembered, is also originally a phase of the solar deity, Nin-ib is
called the first-born of Ea; and as the rising sun he is appropriately
called the offspring of Ekur,--_i.e._, the earth,--in allusion to his
apparent ascent from a place below the earth. Ekur and Eshara being
employed as synonyms, Shamshi-Ramman replaces Ekur by Eshara, and since
Bel is the lord of Ekur-Eshara, Nin-ib also becomes the first-born son
of Bel. Other epithets, such as 'the light of heaven and earth,' 'the
one who pursues his path over the wide world,'[279] are all in keeping
with the solar character of the deity, and date, therefore, from a
period when the more purely 'nature' phases of the god were dwelt upon.
But just as in the case of Shamash and Nergal (also, as we have seen, a
solar deity), so in that of Nin-ib, the violent, fiery, and destructive
character that the sun has in a climate like that of Babylonia brought
it about that Nin-ib was viewed as a destructive force, whose assistance
was of great value in military strife. He becomes the god of the cloud
storm, before whom, as he passes along, heaven and earth tremble. By his
strong weapon he humiliates the disobedient, destroys the enemies of the
kings, and grants all manner of protection to his favorites. Only in the
religious literature are other qualities dwelt upon, such as his
'holiness.'[280] For Hammurabi, it will be recalled, Nin-ib is already
the god of war, and it is natural that in a country like Assyria this
side of the god's nature should become accentuated to the point of
obscuring all others, until nothing more is left of his solar character
than is indicated by stray bits of mythological phrases, perhaps only
half understood, and introduced to add to the imposing array of epithets
that belong to the terrible god of war. As the consort of Nin-ib, the
Assyrians recognized
Gula.
She is only occasionally invoked by the Assyrian rulers. A sanctuary to
Gula, as the consort of Nin-ib, is erected by Ashurnasirbal, and a
festival in honor of the goddess is referred to by Ashurbanabal.
Nergal.
Nergal not only shares with Nin-ib, as already mentioned, the honor of
being the god under whose auspices the royal chase is carried on, but he
is also, like Nin-ib, invoked in that other sport of which the Assyrian
rulers were so fond,--war. He is scarcely differentiated from Nin-ib.
Like the latter he is the perfect king of battle, who marches before the
monarch together with Ashur, and he is pictured as carrying the mighty
weapons which Ashur has presented to the king. In an inscription of
Shalmaneser II.[281] there is an interesting reference to the city
sacred to Nergal--Cuthah. The king, who in the course of his campaign
against Babylonia reaches Cuthah, brings sacrifices to Nergal, whom he
speaks of as 'the hero of the gods, the supreme raging sun.' A later
king, Sargon, also honors the god by giving a fortress in the distant
land of Nairi, to the northeast of Assyria, the name of Kar[282]-Nergal.
It would seem as though, through the influence of Sargon, a revival of
the Nergal cult took place. His successor, Sennacherib, erects a temple
in honor of the god at Tarbisu, a suburb to the north of Nineveh proper,
and Ashurbanabal, who dwells at Tarbisu for a while, is engaged in
adding to the beauty of the edifice,--an indication of the honor in
which the god continued to be held. Nergal's consort is Laz, but she is
not referred to by the Assyrian rulers.
Sin.
The old Babylonian moon-god plays a comparatively insignificant role in
Assyria. Ashurnasirbal speaks of a temple that he founded in
Calah--perhaps only a chapel--in honor of Sin. It could not have been of
much importance, for we learn nothing further about it. Sargon, too, who
manifests a great fondness for reviving ancient cults, erects
sanctuaries to Sin along with a quantity of other gods in his official
residence at Khorsabad and beyond the northeastern confines of Assyria
at Magganubba. But when invoked by the kings, Sin shows traces of the
influence which the conceptions current about Ashur exerted upon his
fellow deities. He takes on, as other of the gods, the attributes of the
war-god. Instead of being merely the lord of the crescent, as in
Babylonia, and one of the sources of wisdom because of the connection of
astrology with lunar observations, he is pictured as capable of
inspiring terror. At the same time he is also the lord of plenty, and in
his capacity as the wise god he is regarded as the lord of decisions.
But by the side of new epithets that are attached to him in the Assyrian
inscriptions, there is one which, just as in the case of Nin-ib,
connects the Assyrian Sin cult with the oldest phase of moon-worship in
the south. It is one of the last kings of Assyria, Ashurbanabal, who
calls Sin 'the firstborn son of Bel.' He appears in this relationship to
Bel in the religious texts of Babylonia. The Bel here meant can only be
the great god of Nippur, and the title 'son of Bel' accordingly shows
that the moon-worship of Assyria is ultimately derived from that which
had its seat in the south. Sin's secondary position is indicated by
making him a son of Bel. The rise of the science of astronomy in
connection with astrology, was, as already suggested, an important
factor in spreading and maintaining the Sin cult in the south, while the
lack of intellectual originality in Assyria would equally account for
the comparatively subordinate position occupied by Sin in the Assyrian
pantheon.
Nusku.
That Nusku is a Babylonian god, meriting a place in the pantheon of
Hammurabi, if not of the days prior to the union of the Babylonian
states, is shown by the fact (1) that he had a shrine in the great
temple of Marduk at Babylon, along with Nebo, Tashmiyum, and Ea;[283]
and (2) that he appears in the religious texts. In view of this it might
appear strange that we find no reference to the god in historical texts
till we reach the Assyrian period. The reason, or at least one reason,
is that Nusku is on the one hand amalgamated with Gibil, the fire-god,
and on the other identified with Nabu. The compound ideogram with which
his name is written includes the same sign--the stylus or sceptre--that
is used to designate Nabu, the second part of the ideogram adding the
idea of 'force and strength.' Whether this graphical assimilation is to
be regarded as a factor in bringing about the identification of Nusku
and Nabu, or is due to an original similarity in the traits of the two
gods, it is difficult to say. Hardly the latter, for Nusku is a solar
deity, whereas, as we have tried to show, Nabu is originally a
water-deity.[284] But however we may choose to account for it, the
prominence of Nusku is obscured by Nabu. As a solar deity, it is easy to
see how he should have been regarded as a phase of the fire-god, and if
the various other solar deities were not so regarded, it is because in
the course of their development they were clothed with other attributes
that, while obscuring their origin, saved them from the loss of their
identity. Apart from the formal lists of gods drawn up by Sargon and his
successors, Shalmaneser II. and Ashurbanabal are the only kings who make
special mention of Nusku. The former calls him the bearer of the
brilliant sceptre, just as Nabu is so called; and again, just as Nabu,
he is termed the wise god. The two phases of the ideogram used in his
name--the sceptre and the stylus--are thus united in the personage of
Nusku precisely as in Nabu. On the other hand, the manner in which
Ashurbanabal speaks of him reflects the mythological aspect of Nusku. In
the religious literature Nusku is the messenger of Bel-Marduk, who
conveys the message of the latter to Ea. From being the messenger of
Bel, he comes to be viewed as the messenger of the gods in general, and
accordingly Ashurbanabal addresses him as 'the highly honored messenger
of the gods,' but, combining with the mythological the more realistic
aspect of Nusku, refers to him also as the one who glorifies sovereignty
and who, at the command of Ashur and Belit, stands at the king's side to
aid in bringing the enemies to fall. As for the fire-god Gibil, with
whom Nusku is identified, we have merely a reference to a month of the
year sacred to the servant of Gibil in a passage of the inscriptions of
Sargon.[285]
Bel-Marduk.
From the time that the Assyrian rulers claimed a greater or small
measure of control over the affairs of Babylonia, that is, therefore,
from about the twelfth century, they were anxious to make good their
claim by including in their pantheon the chief god of Babylonia. The
Assyrian inscriptions prove that, as early as the twelfth century, the
theoretical absorption on the part of Marduk, of the role taken by the
old god Bel of Nippur, which was enlarged upon in a preceding
chapter,[286] had already taken place. Marduk is not only frequently
known as Bel, but what is more, Babylonia is the country of Bel, or
simply Bel, and the Babylonians are referred to as 'the subjects of
Bel,' or the 'humanity of Bel.' There can be no doubt that in all these
cases Bel-Marduk is meant and not the older Bel. In the days of
Ashurrishishi we already come across the title 'governor of Bel,' that
to the latest days remains the official designation for political
control over the southern empire. So general is this use of Bel for
Marduk that the latter name does not occur until we reach Shalmaneser
II., _i.e._, the ninth century. There seems to be no reason to question,
therefore, that even when Tiglathpileser I. applies to Bel titles that
certainly belong to the older Bel, such as 'father of the gods,' 'king
of all the Anunnaki,' 'who fixes the decrees of heaven and earth,' he
means Marduk, a proof for which may be seen in the epithet _bel matati_,
'lord of lands,' which follows upon these designations and which, as we
saw, is a factor in the evolution of Marduk into Bel-Marduk.[287] The
importance that Tiglathpileser I., and therefore also his successors,
attached to their control over the old southern district, is shown by
his according to Bel the second place in the pantheon, invoking him at
the beginning of his inscriptions immediately after Ashur. The control
over Babylonia was an achievement that stirred the pride of the Assyrian
rulers to the highest degree. Its age and its past inspired respect.
Besides being the source of the culture that Assyria possessed,
Babylonia had sacred associations for the Assyrians, as the original
dwelling-places of most of the gods worshipped by them. The old sacred
centers like Ur, Nippur, Uruk, Sippar, with their great temples, their
elaborate cults, their great storehouses of religious literature, and
their great body of influential priests and theologians and astrologers
were as dear to the people of the north as to those of the south; and in
proportion as these old cities lost their political importance, their
rank as sacred centers to which pilgrimages were made on the occasion of
the festivals of the gods was correspondingly raised. Hence the value
that the Assyrian rulers attached to the possession of Babylonia. They
do not like to be reminded that they rule the south by force of arms.
They prefer, as Tiglathpileser I. declares, to consider themselves
'nominated by the gods to rule over the land of Bel.' They want to be
regarded as the favorites of Bel, and they ascribe to him the greatness
of their rule. It is he who fulfills the wishes of the kings; and when
the kings enter upon a campaign against Babylonia, as they frequently
did to quell the uprisings that were constantly occurring in the one or
the other of the southern districts, they emphasize, as Shalmaneser II.
does, that he enters upon this course at the command of Marduk. They set
themselves up as Marduk's defenders, and it must be said for the
Assyrian rulers that they were mild and sparing in their treatment of
their southern subjects. They do not practise those cruelties--burning
of cities, pillage, and promiscuous slaughter--that form the main
feature in their campaigns against the nations to the northeast and
northwest, and against Elam. They accord to the Babylonians as much of
the old independence as was consistent with an imperial policy. The
internal affairs continue for a long time to be regulated by rulers who
are natives of Babylonia, and it is not until a comparatively late
day--the time of Sennacherib--that in consequence of the endless trouble
that these native rulers gave the Assyrians through their constant
attempt to make themselves independent, it became customary for the
Assyrian kings to appoint a member of the royal house--a son or
brother--to the lieutenancy over Babylonia. As for the cult, the
Assyrian kings were at great pains to leave it undisturbed, or where it
had been interrupted to restore it, and thus secure the favor of the
southern gods. So Shalmaneser II. upon the completion of his campaign
enters Marduk's great temple at Babylon, E-sagila, and offers prayers
and sacrifices to Bel and Belit, _i.e._, Marduk and Sarpanitum. From
E-sagila he crosses over to Borsippa, and pays homage to Nabu and to
Nabu's consort, whom he calls Nana.[288] The kings are fond, especially
when speaking of the Babylonian campaigns, of slipping in the name of
Marduk after that of Ashur. With the help of Ashur and Marduk their
troops are victorious. Marduk shares Ashur's terrible majesty. At times
Shamash, or Shamash and Ramman, are added to form a little pantheon
whose assistance is invoked in the Babylonian wars. From being used in
restricted application to Babylonian affairs, Ashur and Marduk came to
be invoked in a general way. Esarhaddon expressly sets up the claim of
being the savior of Marduk's honor, as a kind of apology for proceeding
against Babylonia with his armies. Sargon, to emphasize his legitimate
control over Babylonia as well as Assyria, says that he has been called
to the throne by Ashur and Marduk, but Ashurbanabal goes further even
than his predecessors. He proceeds to Babylon on the occasion of the
formal installation of his brother Shamash-shumukin as viceroy of the
district, enters the temple of Marduk, whom he does not hesitate to call
'the lord of lords,' performs the customary rites, and closes the
ceremonies by a fervent prayer to Marduk for his continued good will and
blessing.[289] The great gods Nergal, Nabu, and Shamash come from their
respective shrines to do homage to Marduk. Ashurbanabal's brother
Shamash-shumukin, when he attempts as governor of Babylon to make
himself independent of his brother, endeavors by means of sacrifices and
other devices to secure the favor of Marduk, well aware that in this way
he will also gain the support of the Babylonians. On another occasion,
incidental to a northern campaign, Ashurbanabal mentions that the day on
which he broke up camp at Damascus was the festival of Marduk,--an
indication that the Babylonian god was in his thoughts, even when he
himself was far away from Babylonia. Esarhaddon and Ashurbanabal, when
approaching the sun-god to obtain an oracle, make mention of Marduk by
the side of Shamash. There are, however, a number of passages in the
Assyrian inscriptions in which when Bel is spoken of, not Marduk but the
old god Bel is meant.
Bel.
Tiglathpileser I. tells us that he rebuilt a temple to Bel in the city
of Ashur, and he qualifies the name of the god by adding the word 'old'
to it. In this way he evidently distinguished the god of Nippur from
Bel-Marduk, similarly as Hammurabi in one place adds Dagan to Bel,[290]
to make it perfectly clear what god he meant. Again, it is Sargon who in
consistent accord with his fondness for displaying his archaeological
tastes, introduces Bel, the 'great mountain,' 'the lord of countries,'
who dwells in E-khar-sag-kurkura, _i.e._, the sacred mountain on which
the gods are born, as participating in the festival that takes place
upon the dedication of the king's palace in Khorsabad. The titles used
by the king are applicable only to the old Bel, but whether he or his
scribes were fully conscious of a differentiation between Bel and
Bel-Marduk, it is difficult to say. Bel is introduced in the inscription
in question[291] immediately after Ashur, and one is therefore inclined
to suspect that Sargon's archaeological knowledge fails him at this
point in speaking of the old Bel, whereas he really meant to invoke the
protection of Bel-Marduk as the chief god of his most important
possession next to Assyria.[292] Besides this, the old Bel is of course
meant, when associated with Anu, as the powers that, together with
Belit, grant victory,[293] or as a member of the old triad, Anu, Bel,
and Ea, whose mention we have seen is as characteristic of the Assyrian
inscriptions as of the Babylonian. Lastly, Sargon calls one of the gates
of his palace after Bel, whom he designates as the one who lays the
foundation of all things. In this case, too, the old Bel is meant.
Belit.
In the case of Belit a curious species of confusion confronts us in the
Assyrian inscriptions. At times Belit appears as the wife of Bel, again
as the consort of Ashur, again as the consort of Ea, and again simply as
a designation of Ishtar.[294] To account for this we must bear in mind,
as has already been pointed out, that just as Bel in the sense of lord
came to be applied merely as a title of the chief god of Babylonia, so
Belit as 'lady' was used in Assyria to designate the chief goddess. This
was, as the case may be, either Ishtar or the pale 'reflection'
associated with Ashur as his consort. Now this Belit, as the wife of
Ashur, absorbs the qualities that distinguish Belit, the wife of
Bel-Marduk. The temple in the city of Ashur, which Tiglathpileser
I.[295] enriches with presents consisting of the images of the deities
vanquished by the king, may in reality have been sacred to the Belit of
Babylonia, but Tiglathpileser, for whom Bel becomes merely a designation
of Marduk, does not feel called upon to pay his devotions to the
Babylonian Sarpanitum, and so converts the old Belit into 'the lofty
wife, beloved of Ashur.' Sargon, on the other hand, who calls one of the
gates of his palace _Belit ilani_ 'mistress of the gods,' seems to mean
by this, the consort of Ea.[296] Similarly, Ashurbanabal regards Belit
as the wife of Ashur, and himself as the offspring of Ashur and Belit.
At the same time he gives to this Belit the title of 'mother of great
gods,' which of right belongs to the consort of the Babylonian Bel. In
the full pantheon as enumerated by him, Belit occupies a place
immediately behind her consort Ashur. Ashurbanabal, however, goes still
further, and, influenced by the title of 'Belit' as applied to Ishtar,
makes the latter the consort of Ashur. This at least is the case in an
inscription from the temple of Belit at Nineveh,[297] known as
E-mash-mash, and in which Ashurbanabal alternately addresses the goddess
as Belit and as Ishtar, while elsewhere[298] this same Belit, whose seat
is in E-mash-mash, is termed the consort of Ashur. How Ashurbanabal or
his scribes came to this confusing identification we need not stop to
inquire. In part, no doubt, it was due to the general sense of
'goddess,' which Ishtar began to acquire in his days.[299] At all
events, Ashurbanabal's conception marks a contrast to the procedure of
Shalmaneser II., who correctly identifies the mother of the great gods
with the wife of Bel.[300] On the other hand, the confusion that took
place in Ashurbanabal's days is foreshadowed by the title of 'Belit
mati,' _i.e._, 'mistress of the land,' by which Ashurbanabal appears to
designate some other than Ishtar.[301] Lastly, it is interesting to note
that Ashurbanabal recognizes by the side of Belit-Ishtar, the wife of
Ashur, the older Belit, the wife of the Bel of Nippur, to whom, in
association with Anu and Bel, he attributes his victory over the
Arabs.[302]
Sarpanitum.
The consort of Marduk is only incidentally referred to: once by
Sargon,[303] who groups Bel with Sarpanitum and Nabu and Tashmitum, at
the head of the gods of Babylonia; and similarly by Tiglathpileser III.,
on the occasion of his enumerating the chief gods of the Babylonian
pantheon.
Nabu.
The intimate association of Nabu with Marduk in the city of Babylon
leads as a natural consequence to a similar association in Assyria, when
once the Marduk cult had for political reasons become established in the
north. The kings invoke the favor of Bel (meaning Marduk) and Nabu,
especially when dealing with the affairs of Babylonia,[304] as they
invoke Ashur and Ishtar. Just as we have certain kings devoted to Nin-ib
and Shamash by the side of Ashur, so there are others whose special
favorite is Nabu. In the days of Ramman-nirari III. (812-783 B.C.) the
Nabu cult reached its highest point of popularity in Assyria. From the
manner in which the king speaks of the god, one might draw the
conclusion that he attempted to concentrate the whole Assyrian cult upon
that god alone. He erects a temple to the god at Calah, and overwhelms
the deity with a great array of titles. The dedicatory inscription which
the king places on a statue of Nebo closes with the significant words,
'O Posterity! trust in Nabu. Trust in no other god.'[305] Still we must
not press such phrases too hard. Ramman-nirari III. had no intention of
suppressing Ashur worship, for he mentions the god elsewhere, and
assigns to him the same rank as the other kings do, but so much we are
justified in concluding, that next to Ashur and Ishtar he feels most
strongly attached to Nabu. That the Babylonian Nabu is meant, is clear
from such designations as 'the offspring of E-sagila, the favorite of
Bel,' 'he who dwells at E-zida,' which appear among the epithets
bestowed upon the god; and the temple in Calah, which one of the last
kings of Assyria, Ashuretililani,[306] is engaged in improving, bears
the same name E-zida, as Nabu's great temple at Borsippa. We have
already set forth the reasons[307] for the popularity of the Nabu cult
in Assyria. Suffice it to recall that the peculiar character of the god
as the patron of wisdom placed him beyond the reach of any jealousy on
the part of the other members of the pantheon. So Ramman-nirari III.
extols Nabu as the protector of the arts, the all-wise who guides the
stylus of the scribe, and the possessor of wisdom in general. He is not
merely the originator of writing, but the source of all wisdom, and for
this reason he is spoken of as the son of Ea. Attributes of mere brutal
force are rarely assigned to Nabu, but as befits a god of wisdom, mercy,
nobility, and majesty constitute his chief attractions. By virtue of his
wisdom, Sargon calls him 'the clear seer who guides all the gods,' and
when the last king of Assyria--Saracus, as the Greek writers called
him--invokes Nabu as the 'leader of forces,' he appears to have in mind
the heavenly troops rather than earthly armies. Such patrons of learning
as Sargon and Ashurbanabal were naturally fond of parading their
devotion to Nabu. The former significantly calls him the 'writer of
everything,' and as for Ashurbanabal, almost every tablet in the great
literary collection that he made at Nineveh closes with a solemn
invocation to Nabu and his consort Tashmitum, to whom he offers thanks
for having opened his ears to receive wisdom, and who persuaded him to
make the vast literary treasures of the past accessible to his subjects.
Tashmitum.
The consort of Nabu was permitted to share the honors in the temple of
Nabu at Calah, but beyond this and Ashurbanabal's constant association
of Tashmitum with Nabu in the subscript to his tablets, she appears only
when the kings of Assyria coming to Babylonia as they were wont to
do,[308] in order to perform sacrifices, enumerate the chief gods of the
Babylonian pantheon.
Ea.
Ea takes his place in the Assyrian pantheon in the double capacity of
god of wisdom and as a member of the old triad. Ashurnasirbal makes
mention of a sanctuary erected to the honor of Ea in Ashur. A
recollection of the role that Ea plays in Babylonian mythology survives
in the titles of 'creator' and 'king of the ocean,' which Shalmaneser
gives him,[309] and of the 'one who opens the fountains' as Ashurbanabal
declares.[310] He is also, as in Babylonia, the one who determines the
fates of mankind. As the one who has a care for the arts, he is the wise
god, just as Nabu, and under various titles, as Nu-gim-mud,[311]
Nin-igi-azag, and Igi-dug-gu,[312] all emphasizing his skill, he is the
artificer who aids the kings in their building operations. The
similarity of the roles of Nabu and Ea, as gods of wisdom and the arts,
might easily have led to a confusion. Fortunately, the grandiloquent and
all-embracing titles accorded to the former did not alter his character
as essentially the god who presides over the art of writing, while Ea
retains the control over the architectural achievements,--the great
colossi, in the first instance, that guarded the approach of palaces,
the images of the gods in the second, and the temples and palaces in
general as his third function.
Damkina.
Of the consort of Ea, it is sufficient to note that she is occasionally
referred to in the historical texts of the Assyrian period. In the
inscriptions of Sargon she appears under the rather strange title of
'Belit ilani,' _i.e._, the mistress of the gods.[313] This 'mistress'
cannot be, as might at first blush appear, Ishtar or the old Belit, for
elsewhere[314] Ishtar, Belit, and Belit ilani occur side by side. Sargon
declares that he owes his wisdom to Ea and Belit ilani. In naming the
gates of his palace, he again associates Ea with 'the mistress of the
gods,' from which it is clear that the epithet is used of Ea's consort.
Nin-gal.
A sanctuary to the old Babylonian goddess Nin-gal is included by Sargon
among the holy edifices erected by him in his official residence.[315]
Dibharra.
We have pointed out in a previous chapter how faint the dividing line
sometimes becomes between gods and spirits. Among the minor deities,
ranking hardly above demons, is the plague-god, whose name may
provisionally be read Dibbarra.[316] The god plays a role in some of the
ancient legends of Babylonia. Remains have been found of a kind of epic
in which Dibbarra is the chief personage.[317] In the historical texts
he is once incidentally mentioned by Ashurbanabal, who in the course of
his campaign against Babylonia[318] describes how the corpses of those
killed by Dibbarra, _i.e._, through hunger and want, filled the streets
of the cities. Evidently Dibbarra here is a mere personification of the
dreadful demon of want that so often follows in the wake of a military
destruction. Still there can be no doubt that at one time he was
regarded as a real deity, and not merely a spirit or demon. Dibbarra is
identified in the theological system of Babylonia with Nergal.
Damku, Sharru-ilu, and Sha-nit(?)-ka.
In an interesting passage recounting the restoration of the city
Magganubba, Sargon[319] says that he prayed to Damku, _i.e._, 'grace,'
Sharru-ilu, _i.e._, 'king-god,' and Sha-nit(?)-ka. The two former he
calls the judges of mankind. That Damku and Sharru-ilu are titles and
not names is evident from the meaning of the words, but at present it
is impossible to say what gods are meant.[320] Perhaps that these are
the translations of names of the old deities of Magganubba. We have
at least one other example of a foreign deity introduced into the
Assyrian pantheon. At Dur-ilu, a town lying near the Elamitic
frontier, there flourished the cult of Ka-di,[321] evidently a god
imported into the Assyrian pantheon from Elam or some other eastern
district. Sargon's scribes are fond of translating foreign names and
words, and they may have done so in this case, and thus added two new
deities to the glorious pantheon protecting their royal chief. As for
Sha-nit(?)-ka,[322] were it not that she is called the mistress of
Nineveh, one would also put her down as a foreign goddess. In view of
this, however, it may be that Sha-nit(?)-ka is an ideographic
designation of Ishtar.
Before leaving the subject, a word needs to be said regarding the
relation between the active Assyrian pantheon and the long lists of
deities prepared by the schoolmen of Babylonia and Assyria. Reference
has already been made to these lists.[323] They vary in character. Some
of them furnish an index of the various names under which a god was
known,[324] or the titles assigned to him. These names and titles are
frequently indications that some great god has absorbed the attributes
of smaller ones, whose independence was in this way destroyed. Other
lists[325] are simple enumerations of local deities, and when to these
names some indications are added, as to the locality to which the gods
belong,[326] their importance is correspondingly increased. There can be
no doubt that most of these lists were prepared on the basis of the
occurrence of these gods in texts, and it seems most plausible to
conclude that the texts in question were of a religious character.
References to local cults are numerous in the incantations which form a
considerable proportion of the religious literature, while in hymns and
prayers, gods are often referred to by their titles instead of their
names. In some respects, however, these lists of gods are still obscure.
It is often difficult to determine whether we are dealing with gods or
spirits, and the origin and meaning of many of the names and epithets
assigned to gods are similarly involved in doubt. Use has been made of
these lists in determining the character of the gods included in this
survey of the Babylonian and Assyrian pantheon, but it would be
manifestly precarious to make additions to this pantheon on the basis of
the lists alone. Despite the tendency towards centralization of divine
power in a limited number of gods, local cults, no doubt, continued to
enjoy some importance in Assyria as well as Babylonia; but, in the
present stage of our knowledge, we have no means of determining either
the number or the character of these local cults. While, therefore, a
complete treatment of the pantheon of Babylonia and Assyria would
include all the minor local cults, we may feel quite certain that these
local cults furnish few, if any, additions to the concepts connected
with these gods which we have discussed. I have therefore contented
myself with some illustrations, in each of the three divisions under
which the pantheon has been surveyed, of some of the minor deities
chosen, such as actually occur in historical, commercial, or religious
texts. For the Assyrian pantheon, we may place Nin-gal and most of the
consorts of the gods among the minor gods, and also such deities as
Ka-di, Khani, Gaga, Dibbarra, Sherua, and Azag-sir, who are merely
incidentally referred to.[327] These illustrations suffice for placing
clearly before us the distinction to be made in the pantheon between
gods whose worship was actively carried on, and those who occupy more of
a theoretical position in the system perfected by the schoolmen,
standing under the political and social influences of their days. With
this distinction clearly impressed upon us, we will be prepared for such
modifications of our views of the Babylonian-Assyrian pantheon as
further researches and discoveries may render necessary.
FOOTNOTES:
[222] Semitic alphabet.
[223] A form of Nebo, according to Meissner-Rost, _Bauinschriften
Sanherib's_, p. 105.
[224] See Meissner-Rost, _ib._ p. 108.
[225] As _e.g._, En-e-in-pal (Meissner-Rost, _ib._ p. 76). Sherua and
Arag-sir (_ib._ p. 101). For further lists of deities, see pp. 234, 238.
[226] The Assyrian kings are fond of mentioning foreign deities, and of
adding them to their pantheon. In his annals (VR. col. vi. ll. 30-43)
Ashurbanabal gives a list of twenty Elamitic deities captured by him.
[227] Tiele (_Babyl.-Assyr. Geschichte_, p. 519) suggests Ea.
[228] An interesting example of this tendency is furnished by a tablet
published by T. G. Pinches (_Journal of the Victoria Institute_, xxviii.
8-10), in which the name Marduk is treated almost as a generic term for
deity. Nergal is called 'the Marduk of warfare'; Nebo, 'the Marduk of
earthly possessions'; Ninib, 'the Marduk of strength'; En-lil, 'the
Marduk of sovereignty'; and so on, in a long enumeration, the gods are
regarded as so many forms of Marduk. Pinches' conclusion that the list
points to monotheistic beliefs is, however, unwarranted. The list only
illustrates a tendency towards a centralization of divine powers in
Marduk, that accompanies the political centralization of the period.
[229] See below, pp. 228, 229.
[230] So the gods of the Assyrian pantheon are generally termed in the
inscriptions of the kings.
[231] See below, p. 195.
[232] See below, p. 220.
[233] A description of this symbol occurs in a text of Sennacherib
(Meissner-Rost, _Bauinschriften Sanherib's_, p. 94). The symbol itself
is found on sculptured slabs and on seal cylinders.
[234] So Sennacherib still speaks of Images of Ashur, and of the great
gods erected by him (Meissner-Rost, _Bauinschriften Sanherib's_, p. 94).
[235] See Stevenson, "The Feather and the Wing in Mythology," _Oriental
Studies of the Phila. Oriental Club_, pp. 236-239.
[236] _Babyl.-Assyr. Geschichte_, p. 533.
[237] For the sake of convenience it is customary to distinguish between
Ashur the god, and the country by writing the latter with a double
_sh_--Ashshur.
[238] _Geschichte_, p. 533.
[239] See Jensen _Zeits. fuer Assyr._ i. 1 _seq._ and Delitzsch, _Das
Babylonische Weltschoepfungsepos_, p. 94.
[240] By the assimilation of the _n_ to the following consonant.
[241] See above, pp. 173, 175.
[242] Jensen, _Kosmologie_, p. 275.
[243] The combination of religious supremacy with political power, which
characterizes the social state of ancient Babylonia and Assyria, gives
to the title _patesi_ a double significance. In Babylonia, moreover, it
acquires the force of vassal-king.
[244] The full list is Anu, Ashur, Shamash, Ramman, and Ishtar.
[245] More precisely Arba-ilu, signifying 'city of the fourfold
divinity' or 'four-god' city. _Cf._ the Palestinian form Kiryath-Arba,
"four city,"--originally perhaps, likewise, a city of four gods, rather
than four roads or four quarters, as commonly explained.
[246] IR. 14, l. 86.
[247] _Babyl.-Assyr. Geschichte_, p. 85.
[248] See above, p. 83.
[249] See above, pp. 83, 84.
[250] Cylinder B, col. v. ll. 30 _seq._; elsewhere (Rassam Cylinder,
col. ii. ll. 115 _seq._) he prays to Ashur and Ishtar.
[251] Rassam Cylinder, col. viii. l. 92. Elsewhere, Cylinder B, col. v.
17, Ishtar is called the daughter of Bel. This, however, must be an
error; either Sin must be read for Bel, or _khirat_ (consort) for
_marat_ (daughter).
[252] See above, p. 151.
[253] See Barton, "The Semitic Ishtar Cult" (_Hebraica_, x. 9-12).
[254] _I.e._, _c._ 1800 B.C.
[255] See p. 154.
[256] See above, p. 149.
[257] See below, p. 237.
[258] A king of Nippur (_c._ 2500 B.C.) bears the name Ishme-Dagan.
[259] See above, p. 154; Tiele, _Geschichte der Religion im Alterthum_,
i. 172.
[260] See Hommel, _Geschichte_, p. 490. How much earlier Samsi-Ramman I.
reigned is not known--perhaps only 40 or 50 years.
[261] The _d_ of Dagon would be represented by _d_ in cuneiform writing.
[262] See p. 154.
[263] An eponym in his days bears the name Daganbelusur.
[264] In the El-Amarna tablets (_c._ 1400 B.C.) the governors of the
Palestinian states generally address their Egyptian lord as 'my sun'.
[265] Exactly of what nature we do not know. The Assyrian word used,
Cylinder, l. 43, is obscure.
[266] See p. 160.
[267] IR. 8, col. i. 85. See above, p. 166.
[268] Ashurnasirbal calls him so in his annals, _e.g._, col. iii. 1.
130.
[269] Bavian Inscription, ll. 48-50. See also Meissner-Rost,
_Bauinschriften Sanherib's_, p. 102. The reading of the name of the city
is not certain. It signifies 'city of palaces.'
[270] _c._ 1120 B.C.
[271] II Rawlinson, 57, 33.
[272] So Tiglathpileser associates Ashur and Nin-ib, as those 'who
fulfill his desire.'
[273] Ashurnasirbal's father bears the name Tukulti-Ninib.
[274] See above, pp. 151, 206.
[275] One of the gates of Sargon's palace is called after Nin-ib.
[276] See above, p. 57.
[277] See above, pp. 92-94.
[278] _Kosmologie_, pp. 457-475.
[279] He is also called the offspring of a goddess, Ku-tu-shar, but this
reference is not clear. See Jensen, _Kosmologie_, p. 468, note 5.
[280] In a religious text he is addressed as 'holy, holy, holy.'
[281] Balawat, col. v. ll. 4, 5.
[282] Kar = fortress.
[283] See Sayce, _Hibbert Lectures_, p. 438, and Jensen's important
note, _Kosmologie_, pp. 492-494.
[284] See pp. 124, 125.
[285] Cylinder, l. 61.
[286] See pp. 117 _seq._
[287] We may therefore expect, some day, to come across the name Marduk
in Assyrian texts earlier than the ninth century.
[288] See p. 131.
[289] So also Shalmaneser II., Obelisk, l. 179, unless Marduk here is an
error for Ramman, _cf._ l. 175.
[290] See above, p. 146.
[291] The so-called _Prunkinschrift_, ll. 174 _seq._
[292] Note the frequent use of Ashur and Bel for Assyria and Babylonia.
[293] Ashurbanabal, Rassam Cylinder, col ix. ll. 76, 77.
[294] See above, p. 205.
[295] IR. II. col. iv. ll. 34, 35.
[296] See below, pp. 231, 237.
[297] Rawlinson, ii. 66.
[298] Rassam Cylinder, col. x. ll. 25-27.
[299] See Tiele, _Babyl. Assyr. Geschichte_, p. 127.
[300] Obelisk, l. 52.
[301] Annals, col. ii. l. 135.
[302] Rassam Cylinder, col. x. l. 75.
[303] _Prunkinschrift_, l. 143.
[304] Esarhaddon, IR. 46, col. ii. l. 48; Rawlinson, iii. 16, col. iii.
l. 24.
[305] IR. 35, no. 2, l. 12.
[306] IR. 8, no. 3, ll. 5 _seq._
[307] See above, p. 126.
[308] _E.g._, Tiglathpileser III., Nimrud inscription (Layard, pl. 17,
l. 12).
[309] Obelisk, l. 5.
[310] Rassam Cylinder, col. i. l. 45.
[311] Delitzsch (_Das Babylonische Weltschoepfungsepos_, p. 99) questions
whether Nu-gim-mud (or Nu-dim-mud) was originally a designation of Ea.
Nu-dim-mud being an epithet might, of course, be applied to other gods,
but there can be no doubt that it was used to designate more
particularly Ea as the artificer. See my remarks, pp. 138, 177 _seq._
[312] Meissner-Rost, _Bauinscriften Sanherib's_, p. 105.
[313] Cylinder, l. 48, ideographically as Nin-men-an-na, 'lady of the
heavenly crown.' In the parallel passage, however, as Lyon
(_Sargontexte_, p. 71) points out, _Belit ilani_ is used.
[314] Cylinder, l. 70.
[315] Cylinder, l. 68.
[316] Jensen, _Kosmologie_, p. 445, reads the name _Gira_. See pp.
527-28.
[317] See the author's work on _A Fragment of the Dibbarra Epic_. (Ginn
& Co., Boston, 1891).
[318] Rassam Cylinder, col. lv. ll. 79 _seq._
[319] Cylinder, ll. 44-53.
[320] Delitzsch's supposition (see Lyon, _Sargontexte_, p. 71) that
Sharru-ilu is Izdubar is untenable.
[321] _Babyl. Chronicle_, col. iii. l. 44.
[322] May also be read Sha-ush-ka.
[323] See above, pp. 13, 170.
[324] _E.g._, IIR. 58, no. 5, titles of Ea; IIR. 60, no. 2, titles of
Nabu.
[325] _E.g._, IIR. 60, no. 1.
[326] _E.g._, IIIR. 66, lists of gods worshipped in various temples of
Assyria and also of Babylonia.
[327] See pp. 189, 238.