me for a few years, nay months, I shall witness the downfall of the
detestable government of Rome! When this generation shall have passed
from the face of the earth and no living witnesses remain, posterity
will yield a reluctant belief to the testimony of history when it
shall unfold the story of the Papal sway. That priests have governed
without control the early history of every country shows, but then
the ignorance of the governed was proportioned to the dominion of
the governors; but that such a power should have lasted near four
centuries after the destruction of Constantinople, when the lights of
philosophy were diffused throughout Europe, appears incredible. The
truth of the existence of the governments, Venice and Rome, will ever
be problematical questions in future politics. Most will doubt, and for
the advantage of mankind it is to be hoped none will ever try to revive
experimentally their forms.
[Sidenote: INTRIGUES IN ROME]
This last commotion in Rome seems to have been a contrivance of the
French, aided by the inveterate enemy to the See, Azara, for all (the
Ambassador) Bonaparte’s steps in consequence appear to be the result of
a premeditated scheme.[188] Tho’ I abhor the treachery, yet I cannot
but applaud the effect, though it would be a prouder thing for ye human
mind if the holy jugglers had received their destruction from the
effort of reason, than by the common intrigue of an enemy. The King of
Naples, unlike a faithful son of the Church, has marched a large army
to seize a share of the tottering State, which the French will allow
him to keep until it answers their purposes to take it from him.
_29th January, 1798._--Lord Lansdown, Misses Vernon and Fox,
Messrs Lewis, Jekyll,[189] and Beauclerk dined here. Ld. L. never dines
out, so his coming was a distinguished mark of favour. His character is
a monstrous compound of virtues and failings; the world has never done
him justice for his ample portion of the former. A simple, well-meaning
man once said, ‘What a pity ’tis that Mr. Fox has no private character,
and Ld. L. no public one.’ His temper is violent, and his disposition
suspicious; a man with whom it is impossible to live upon an equality,
as he expects a deference to his will that few are willing to yield
further than his rank and years demand. He is of a noble, generous
inclination when he can serve a friend, and all who have been connected
with him have felt his liberality in some shape or other. There are
those whose fortunes he has made and whose families he has provided for
with splendour even. His disputes with Ld. Wycombe ought not to prove
him unreasonable, for he has an eccentric and impracticable character
to deal with, who is to the full as suspicious as himself and as
jealous of control. The collision of two such dispositions frequently
kindles up a furious flame, but at the bottom each loves the other too
well for the rage to settle into permanent estrangement, but every
moment of each of their lives is embittered by interference on one part
and resistance on the other.
Ld. L., in his old age, surrounded with dignities and wealth, is
helpless, and more an object of pity than of envy. He has no friend.
Colonel Barré, who went through life with him, he has broken with; the
cause of their quarrel is a mystery. He loves the society of women,
and has lost two wives. His son, whom he meant to make a tool for his
ambition and to live over again in his political career, shuns the line
he designed him for, and is an alien to his country. The character of
his second son[190] is not yet developed. His home is a vast solitude,
and but for the three ladies must be insufferable. Old age and the
whole train of infirmities is coming on apace, and he must pass through
many wretched hours without hearing the tender, cheering voice of
friendship to soothe him. He always makes me melancholy, to fancy the
anguish he must at times endure. When he was in Ministry many of the
squibs of the day had compared him to the Jesuit Malagrida. Goldsmith,
with his usual simplicity, said to him, ‘I wonder, my Lord, at their
comparing you to Malagrida, for he was a very honest man.’
[Sidenote: DUKE OF NORFOLK’S SPEECH]
Nothing is talked of but the numerous meeting upon Mr. Fox’s
birthday,[191] and the extraordinary factious toast given by the Duke
of Norfolk, the more extraordinary as coming from him who is in general
a chicken-hearted, trimming sort of politician. He said, ‘Gentlemen,
about twenty years ago two thousand men (about the number in this
room) rallied round one honest man, Mr. Washington, to support their
liberties.’ Then, after expatiating upon their patriotism, he said,
‘I leave you to make the application, and shall propose the health
of Charles Fox.’ This seditious and, in my opinion, very improper
speech met with the most violent applause, which alarmed him, and in
a second discourse he tried to do it away by an explanation. This not
succeeding, he grew frightened, and the next day asked for a private
audience of the King, in which he expressed his loyalty, entreating
his Majesty in case of an invasion to put him forward in the post of
danger, adding that he should write a letter to all the officers of his
regiment recommending them to subscribe their mite towards the defence
of the country. He also had a contradiction to the speech inserted in
the papers, but this recantation has been of no service, for yesterday
he was dismissed from the colonelcy, and is to be suspended as Ld.-Lt.
of Yorkshire. It is said that he is so popular amongst his officers
that they will resign in consequence of his dismissal.
There is still a rumour of a change in Administration to be effected
by Ld. Moira and a party in the House of Commons headed by two Scotch
Sir Johns, Macpherson and Sinclair; the Prince _y entre pour quelque
chose_ in the management of it. He sent a message last week to
Grey to know whether he had any objection to be reconciled (they
have not spoken for many years).[192] Grey answered very properly
that he had never presumed to imagine his R. H. supposed he would
venture to harbour resentment. He was then asked if he would receive
amicably the advances of the Prince. He replied, ‘He should always be
flattered by any notice or condescension.’ A dinner was proposed at
Mr. O’Byrne’s[193] (an Irish gambler’s), where each party met, and the
day passed in riot and drunkenness. Ld. Moira proposed to Mr. Grey to
contrive an interview with Ld. Lansdown. Grey said he would willingly
bring them together, and hoped as they agreed in opinion so they might
in conduct, but declined all further interference. During the time all
this was going on Ld. H. received frequent messages from the Prince,
intimating that he was coming here, and begged we would give him a
dinner; however he has never appeared.
[Sidenote: WAKEFIELD’S PAMPHLET]
_March 1798._--Gilbert Wakefield,[194] known to the world as a
savant and editor of _Lucretius_, has just written a most violent
pamphlet in answer to one by Watson, the Bishop of Llandaff.[195]
The Bishop from being a patriot and Low Church man has suddenly
become an admirer of Ministers, and his book is in praise of the
Triple Assessments, and to recommend the subscribing for the defence
of the country. He rather implies that the Triple Assessments are
a divine idea. He compares the body politic in this country to a
well-constructed fabric that is to sink down to a degree, but the basis
of the structure will continue firm and unimpaired, so that the descent
will be equally felt by all the inmates, but without any shock. The
learned commentator takes the idea up facetiously, and describes with
some humour what the situation will be (and himself among the number of
the humblest) of those who inhabit the basement of the building, who
will, let the sinking be ever so gradual, soon be below the surface of
the earth; whilst his reverence and those in the upper stories will
find little if any debasement. The Bishop’s zeal is quickened, if not
created, by the mitre of Carlisle in perspective, of which he has a
promise whenever it becomes vacant.
On Thursday, 8th, Mr. Tierney came to Ld. H. to inform him of an
important circumstance, which he was desired by Grey and others to
communicate to him. It was that the P. of W. requested an interview
with the D. of Northumberland[196]; which he obtained of course
as soon as asked. He expressed great alarms about the state of the
country, chiefly arising from the desperate measures of the Ministers,
who were driving everything on with great violence. He said the King’s
mind was inveterate against the Opposition, especially towards Grey,
as he was the one about whom the greatest pains had been taken to
instil prejudices. That in a recent meeting of the Council it had been
resolved upon the first alarm of invasion that military law should
be proclaimed throughout the country, adding that he had seen the
instrument prepared and ready signed by H. M. He therefore entreated
the D. of N. to assemble a meeting of Fox’s friends, to propose to
them to endeavour to persuade Mr. Fox to agree to sign a declaration
protesting strict adherence to the King and Government, in which
declaration a specific reform might be stated. The D. of N. accepted of
the instructions, though giving it as his opinion that it would not be
a measure likely to be adopted or approved by Mr. Fox. It was totally
rejected by the whole party, but the meeting assembled to discuss upon
that declaration suggested the drawing up of another, viz., to declare
unanimously why Secession had been adopted, and why those who still
attended Parliament meant to secede--Tierney, Sheridan, and others; but
this scheme could not be effected, as every individual differed as to
principles and motives. So the affair died away.
[Sidenote: HER HEALTH]
About this period we were obliged to go to Bath on account of my
health. I had an alarming complaint in my stomach, the cause a total
debility, the effect a deathlike, icy coldness which suspended all the
functions of digestion, from which torpor nothing but the strongest
cordials could revive me. The physician (Dr. Parry) ventured upon a
bold remedy, and bled me: success warranted the undertaking and I
have been getting better ever since. Bath did me little or no good,
and after a stay of three weeks we returned on March ye 10th to this
delightful mansion.[197] The Duke of Leinster, who is attending his
dying wife at Bristol, came over to see Ld. H. and me.[198] He told
Ld. H. that if he could go to town and take his seat, he would leave
his proxy with him, as he meant it no longer to remain with Ld.
Fitzwilliam, although he had had it for twenty years. Ld. Fitz.’s
acceptance of the Ld.-Lieutenancy has lost him.[199]
_April 1st, 1798._--Ld. Edward Fitzgerald is not apprehended;
Pamela[200] writes to his mother that she is tranquil about him,
knowing that he is _au gré des vents et des flots_.[201] The
report in town now is that they do not wish to take him, as they cannot
prove anything against him, but I would not, were I he, trust to such
vague assertions. It was believed he was in London; a Mr. Sheldon (a
Catholic) fancied he saw him in Lancaster Fields [_sic_], and with
a zeal becoming the fanatical politics of the day immediately went
to Burlington H. to apprise the noble spy, for in fact his Grace’s
department[202] is now but a bad imitation of that once headed in Paris
by the active and celebrated Le Noir. Of all the truly contemptible
public characters in England among the many, surely his Grace of
Portland stands the foremost; his friends even dare not say a word in
his behalf.
In the last month the D. of Bedford brought in his motion for the
removal of Ministers.
[Sidenote: THE HAPPINESS OF HEALTH]
Oh God! chance, nature, or whatever thou art, receive the grateful
thanks and prayers that flow from my heart in acknowledgment for the
health I now enjoy; a full week have I been free from suffering or
alarm. What are the gifts of fortune in comparison to the enjoyment
of health! Grant that it may continue, and that I may, whilst life
lasts, feel no other anguish than what is incidental to the gradual
decay of mortality. Let it be gradual, for I am too happy to bear
with equanimity the thought of being torn from the felicity of a life
replete with every blessing human nature is capable of relishing.
Formerly in the bitterness of sorrow I prayed for death; I looked to
it as a relief to a broken spirit, and when I viewed its approach with
indifference I imputed to philosophy that resignation and contempt,
which despair alone had caused. Now I am a coward indeed; a spasm
terrifies me, and every memento of the fragile tenure of my bliss
strikes a panic through my frame. Oh! my beloved friend, how hast thou
by becoming mine endeared the every-day occurrences of life! I shrink
from nothing but the dread of leaving or of losing thee, but alas! the
day must come:--
La Mort a des rigueurs à nulle autre pareilles;
On a beau la prier.
La cruelle qu’elle est se bouche les oreilles
Et nous laisse crier.
Le pauvre en sa cabane, où le chaume le couvre,
Est sujet à ses lois;
Et la garde qui veille aux barrières du Louvre
N’en défend pas nos Rois.
(_Trad. d’Horace, par Malherbe._[203])
_May ’98._--He spoke upon the D. of Bedford’s motion, and his
praises were sounded everywhere. His manner is like his uncle’s. The
great features of his speaking are eagerness, quickness, and argument.
I saw a _critique_ in a letter from an enemy, that said he was the
counterpart of his uncle--full of ability, spirit, and impetuosity,
presumption in reply, rashness in assertion, and arrogance in
conclusion. But it was an enemy.
At a supper after a great ball the other night at Burlington House,
Sheridan and Lewis got into a dispute, which the latter would have
decided by a wager, and said, ‘I lay you the profits of my play (which,
by-the-bye, Sheridan, you have not paid me).’ ‘I do not like high
wagers,’ replied S., ‘but I’ll lay you a small one, _the worth of
it_.’ The little author became as mute as a fish from the rebuff.
_May 23rd._--Well may one ask the question, as Mr. Fox does in a
letter to Ld. H., whether Robespierre was worse than the present state
of things with regard to O’Connor. Poor fellow, there seems to have
been a refinement in their cruelty towards him at the moment.[204]
He endeavoured to get out of the place where as a criminal he had
been standing before his acquittal. The messengers jumped upon him.
A scuffle ensued, in which ye sabres that had been brought in in
evidence against them were used. O’Connor came forward, and as he saw
his fate was inevitable, made a most pathetic appeal to the feelings
of the court; he said that he did not fear death, which to him was far
preferable to the prospect of languishing in a dungeon. He entreated
Buller to interfere, and that if he was to endure the hardship of
another confinement, at least to allow him to be imprisoned with his
brother. Buller behaved with humanity, regretting that the court had no
power to interfere.
[Sidenote: O’CONNOR’S ARREST]
O’Coigly[205] behaved heroically; his countenance never changed whilst
the judge was passing sentence, except that he smiled ironically to
hear the heinousness of treason was said to be aggravated when it was
against so just and beneficent a Prince as the one who now graced the
throne. He took snuff, and bowed when all was over. The purport of the
paper was absurd to a degree. He is half enthusiast, half bigot. He did
himself an injury by confessing to a priest.
Very soon after I heard of O’Connor’s second arrest, when my heart was
full of pity and commiseration, came the sad intelligence of poor Ld.
Edward’s arrest. A personal misfortune could scarcely have grieved or
shocked one more, and though I should at all times feel strongly for a
man endowed as he is with every good and estimable quality, yet I felt
more acutely, because for the last month I have been intimately with
his mother and family and had witnessed their love and anxiety on his
account. Excellent woman, I fear if the business ends fatally for him,
it will not do less for her. He is the child of her heart, and the idol
of his family. The circumstances of his being seized are accompanied
with many awkward facts: the wounding the messengers, and even after
the warrant was shown, the resisting.
Mr. Fox came over to pass the day with the Duke of Leinster. He was
extremely agitated about Ld. E., and intends doing everything friendly,
such as going over to the trial (as does Ld. H.) to make a show of
friends and family; for a strong appearance in a man’s favour has its
effect upon a jury, especially where there are titles and celebrity.
Ld. Henry came to see him before he went. He was to have gone last
night, but he waited for an answer from the D. of Portland, to whom
he had applied for permission to see his brother. I can hardly think,
steeled as hearts are become, this request can be denied, but bad times
make bad men, and one can’t answer for one’s best friend.
The general want of common humanity, both for O’Connor and Ld. E., is
disgusting. Party opinions may, and always must, run high in critical
moments, but when things come to life and death, as in these cases,
one should think the speculatists might yield to the man, and pity
creep in and soften the rigour of the politician; but alas! I find
none made of penetrable stuff. Ld. Morpeth thinks O’Connor guilty
and unfairly acquitted, and is as violent against Buller as they are
against Eyre who acquitted Hardy and the others.[206] C. Ellis, who
does not allow himself to form an opinion, and if he could make the
effort would stifle the embryo of it did it not coincide with Canning’s
assertion, is naturally mild, but upon the cases of these unhappy men
his bitterness is wonderful. I put it to him fairly whether it did not
at the first hearing strike him to be a measure of unusual harshness.
He would not reply for some time, as he said it might make him commit
himself in a way he did not mean if taken as an A and B case; but if I
asked whether it was hard for O’Connor he should not hesitate to say
no, because the more cruel it was, the stronger was the proof of its
being necessary and he being guilty, as Ministers were incapable of
injustice. I told him that I regretted he had not lived in the middle
ages and given his faith to orthodox points, as he would have made
one of the firmest pillars of the Church, instead of being a milk and
water politician now. Mr. Fox was extraordinarily pleasant and full of
acute and judicious observations upon ye trial; he came and stayed here
twenty-four hours.
[Sidenote: O’CONNOR’S TRIAL]
_June 10th._--Death has placed the gallant Ld. Edward beyond the
reach of his enemies. His confinement and illness and all the previous
transactions were accompanied with circumstances so disgustingly cruel,
that for the sake of the human character one feels almost inclined to
suppress ye details, but as it is essential for the unfortunate victim
that all should be known, I hope a faithful narrative will appear well
attested. It appears that he was sick with a bad sore throat, and lying
upon his bed, when Ryan fired at him through the door, burst it open,
and seized upon him. He naturally (as any man would) resisted, wounded
Ryan in the scuffle, and was seized himself by Swan and a file of
musketeers; not, however, until by repeated wounds he had himself been
disarmed. Those into whose custody he was placed were violent against
him, and did not attend to his wounds for twenty-four hours. As he
was carried to prison six persons separately attempted to rescue him,
and, as might be expected, perished in the endeavour; the man at whose
house he had been secreted, on the first impulse of honest zeal and
rage, flew with his drawn sabre upon the soldiers. He was seized and
hanged.[207]
Such was the winning character of poor Lord Edward that without
patronage, wealth, no very superior abilities, he had the faculty of
attaching men of all ranks to his person. He was universally beloved
both among his family and country and acquaintances. His loss has
brought forth more genuine, unfeigned tears of sorrow than would
perhaps the death of fifty other individuals, even in his own rank
of life, and taken out of a family as numerous. Ly. Edward was sent
out of the country upon his apprehension; it was notified harshly,
intimating that unless she obeyed speedily she would be arrested and
tried for her life, as Government could hang her from proofs they had
against her. She said she would stand ye trial, provided she might be
allowed to share the prison of her ever-to-be-lamented husband. This
was denied her, and she was compelled to set off with her two children,
one only a month old, to this country, with a passport limiting her
stay. Ld. Henry, upon his arrival in Dublin, was peremptorily refused
an interview with his brother. I shall not give the particulars of what
passed when he did see him, until I have heard it from himself, as he
returned last night. The D. of Richmond came forward in the warmest
manner. He had an audience with ye King, and laid before him the letter
he had written to Ld. Camden.[208]
[Sidenote: LORD E. FITZGERALD’S DEATH]
When the excellent Duchess set off full of hopes and anxiety, she was
overtaken at Coleshill, after travelling night and day to reach Dublin
as soon as possible. She bore the dreadful news with composure and
resignation. Lord Henry is in such an agitated state, that he cannot
yet see any of his family. His state of mind is violently affected by
the shock of seeing his dying brother perishing by wanton cruelty. Upon
his first application to see Ld. E. he was refused. On Saturday, the
2nd of June, Ld. E. was roused from sleep by an unusual noise under his
window; upon enquiring he was told that the military were in the act of
hanging a man just condemned by martial law. The man’s name was Clinch,
a friend and adherent of his. The effect upon his nerves was immediate;
he became raving mad, and a keeper from a madhouse was necessary to
attend him. The next day, the surgeons declared that the symptoms of
death were upon him.
The titled murderers, when they heard what had caused his approaching
dissolution, began to relent, and acceded to the prayers of Ld. Henry.
He was admitted with Ly. L. Conolly to see him; they found him almost
expiring, but even at that moment anxious to do what he knew would be
acceptable to the opinions of his mother and aunt. He entreated her to
read him the service for the dying.[209]
Upon Ld. H.’s[210] arrival at Holyhead he wrote a violent, reproachful
letter to Ld. Camden of such a nature that personal danger may be the
effect; no answer has yet been returned, and Ld. C. is upon ye point of
returning to England, so it remains to be seen whether another calamity
will overtake ye unfortunate family of Fitzgerald.
Upon ye Land Tax Ld. H. spoke, and I hear very well: ye subject was
dry.
The explosion has at length taken place in Ireland, civil war rages
with all its fury; the insurgents daily gain adherents and strong
posts.[211] Ld. Camden is recalled, and Ld. Cornwallis is to succeed
him, but not to conciliate. On Monday the D. of Leinster made a motion,
which was seconded by ye D. of Devonshire and others; Ld. H. spoke
remarkably well. The division would have been larger if the Opposition
Lords had been sent to in time. My friend Ld. Boringdon did as shabby
a thing as was ever done. He spoke against ye Bill for sending out ye
Militia, with much heat, and the very next day he voted as readily as
if it had been his own measure. Ld. Carlisle did the same thing, but he
is so hackneyed in shabbiness that one neither is surprised or angry.
But in a young man it is a bad debut.
[Sidenote: THE PRINCE AND IRELAND]