1686-1689.
The French Attack upon Fort Rupert -- Governor Sargeant
Apprised -- Intrepidity of Nixon -- Capture of Fort Albany --
Disaster to the _Churchill_ -- The Company Hears the ill News
-- Negotiations for Colonial Neutrality -- Destruction of New
Severn Fort -- Loss of the _Hampshire_ -- The Revolution.
Undecided whether to next attack Fort Rupert or Fort Albany, the
Chevalier de Troyes was prompted to a decision through learning that a
boat containing provisions had left Moose Factory on the previous day
bound for Rupert's River. Iberville was therefore sent with nine men
and two bark canoes to attack a sloop belonging to the Company then
lying at anchor at the mouth of the latter river with fourteen souls
aboard, including the Governor. To accomplish this stroke it was
necessary to travel forty leagues along the sea coast. The road was
extremely difficult and in places almost impassable. A shallop was
constructed to carry a couple of small cannon, and on the 25th of June
Troyes left for Fort Rupert.
St. Hèlène was sent on in advance to reconnoitre the establishment. He
returned with the information that it was a square structure, flanked
by four bastions, but that all was in a state of confusion owing to
repairs and additions then being made to the fort. The cannon had not
yet been placed, being temporarily accommodated outside on the slope
of a redoubt.
Before the attack, which could only have one issue, was made by the
land forces, Iberville had boarded the Company's sloop, surprised
captain and crew, and made all, including Governor Bridgar, prisoners.
Four of the English were killed.
After this exploit Iberville came ashore, rejoined his superior and
overpowered the almost defenceless garrison of Fort Rupert.
The French forces now united, and St Hèlène having been as successful
as his brother in securing the second of the Company's ships, all
embarked and sailed for the remaining post of the Company in that part
of the Bay.
* * * * *
Neither Troyes nor Iberville knew its precise situation; but a little
reconnoitring soon discovered it. Fort Albany was built in a sheltered
inlet forty yards from the borders of the Bay. Two miles to the
north-east was an _estrapade_ on the summit of which was placed a seat
for a sentinel to sight the ships expected from England and to signal
them if all was well. But on this morning, unhappily, no sentinel was
there to greet with a waving flag the Company's ship, on the deck of
which young Iberville stood.
[Sidenote: Attack on Fort Albany.]
Two Indians, however, brought Governor Sargeant tidings of the
approach of the enemy, and his previous successes at Moose and Rupert
rivers. The Governor immediately resolved upon making a bold stand;
all was instantly got in readiness to sustain a siege, and the men
were encouraged to behave with fortitude. Two hours later the booming
of cannon was heard, and soon afterwards a couple of skirmishers were
sighted at a distance. Despite the Governor's example, the servants at
the fort were thrown into the greatest confusion. Two of their number
were deputed by the rest to inform the Governor that they were by no
means disposed to sacrifice their lives without provision being made
for themselves and families in case of a serious issue. They were
prevailed upon by the Governor to return to their posts, and a bounty
was promised them. Bombardment by the French soon afterwards began,
and lasted for two days, occasionally replied to by the English. But
it was not until the evening of the second day that the first fatality
occurred, when one of the servants was killed, and this brought about
a mutiny. Elias Turner, the chief gunner, declared to his comrades
that it was impossible for the Governor to hold the place and that,
for his part, he was ready to throw himself on the clemency of the
French. Sargeant overhearing this declaration, drew his pistol and
threatened to blow out the gunner's brains if he did not return to
his post, and this form of persuasion proved effective. The French now
profited by the darkness to bring their cannon through the wood closer
to the fort; and by daybreak a series of heavy balls struck the
bastions, causing a breach. Bridgar and Captain Outlaw, then at Fort
Albany, were convinced that the enemy was undermining the powder
magazine, in which case they would certainly be blown up.
The French from the ship had thrown up a battery, which was separated
from the moat surrounding the fort by less than a musket shot. None
ventured to show himself above ground at a moment of such peril. A
shell exploded at the head of the stairway and wounded the cook. The
cries of the French could now be distinctly heard outside the
fort--"Vive le Roi, vive le Roi." In their fright and despair the
English echoed the cry "Vive le Roi," thinking thereby to propitiate
their aggressors. But the latter mistook the cry for one of defiance,
as a token of loyalty to an altogether different monarch, and the
bullets whistled faster and thicker. Sargeant desired to lower the
flag floating above his own dwelling, but there was none to undertake
so hazardous a task. Finally Dixon, the under-factor, offered to show
himself and propitiate the French. He first thrust a white cloth from
a window and waved a lighted torch before it. He then called in a loud
voice, and the firing instantly ceased. The under-factor came forth,
fully dressed, and bearing two huge flagons of port wine. Walking
beyond the parapets he encountered both Troyes and Iberville, and by
the light of a full moon the little party of French officers and the
solitary Englishman sat down on the mounted cannon, or on the ground
beside it, broached the two flagons and drank the health of the two
kings, their masters.
"And now, gentlemen," said Dixon, "what is it you want?"
"Possession of your fort in the name of his Most Christian Majesty,
King Lewis XIV."
Dixon, explaining that he was not master there, offered to conduct
this message to Sargeant, and in a very short time the French
commanders were seated comfortably within the house of the Governor.
The demand was again preferred, it being added that great offence had
been given by the action of the English in taking captive three French
traders, the previous autumn, and keeping them prisoners on ground
owned and ruled by the King of France. For this reason reparation was
demanded, and Sargeant was desired at once to surrender the fort. The
Governor was surprised at such extreme measures, for which he was
totally unprepared, but was willing to surrender upon terms of
capitulation. On the following morning these were arranged.
[Sidenote: Capitulation of the fort.]
It was agreed that Sargeant should continue to enjoy all his personal
effects; and further, that his deputy, Dixon, three domestics and his
servant, should accompany him out of the fort. It was also agreed that
Troyes should send the clerks and servants of the Company to Charlton
Island, there to await the arrival of the Company's ships from
England. In case of their non-arrival within a reasonable time, Troyes
promised to assist them to such vessel as he could command for the
purpose. The Frenchman also gave Sargeant the provisions necessary to
keep him and his companions from starvation. All quitted the fort
without arms, save Sargeant and his son, whose swords and pistols hung
at their sides. The Governor and his suite were provided with passage
to Hays Island, where he afterwards made his escape to Port Nelson.
The others were distributed between Forts Moose and Albany, and were
treated with considerable severity and hardship.
Having attended to the disposition of his prisoners and their
property, Troyes, accompanied by Iberville, departed on 10th August
for Montreal. The gallant Chevalier and his associates would have been
glad to have pursued their successes, by crossing the Bay and
capturing York Factory. But although two ships belonging to the
Company had fallen to their lot, yet they could find none competent to
command them. The distance between Albany and Port Nelson was by water
two hundred and fifty leagues, and the road overland was as yet
unknown to the French. But it was not their purpose that it should
long remain so. In a letter to his official superior at Quebec,
Denonville, pursuing his way amongst the tribes of the Upper
Mississippi region, boasted that the next year would not pass without
their becoming acquainted with it.
Wherefore Troyes suffered himself to be prevailed upon by Iberville,
and be content with the victories already won. They carried with them
in their journey more than 50,000 beaver as a trophy of their arms.
Many of the Hudson's Bay Company's servants were employed in bearing
the spoils. Along the dreary march several of these unhappy captives
were killed through the connivance of the French with the Indians; and
the survivors reached Quebec in a dreadfully emaciated and halt
condition.
Troyes' victories were ludicrously exaggerated: his return, therefore,
was attended with much pomp.
[Sidenote: French prisoners taken by the "Churchill."]
Ignorant of Troyes and his conquests, the Company sent out its annual
expedition as usual in 1687. In the autumn of this year the
_Churchill_ was caught in the ice near Charlton Island. Iberville was
quickly apprised of this mishap, and sent a party of four across the
ice to reconnoitre. They appear to have been somewhat careless, for,
while one sank down from utter exhaustion, the others were surprised
by the Company's crew, seized and bound. One of the three, however,
managed to escape the fate of his companions, who were manacled and
placed in the bottom of the ship's hold, where they passed the winter.
But the three Frenchmen enjoyed no monopoly of misfortune. The captain
of the ship, while hunting on the island in the early days of spring,
lost his life by drowning; and there were numerous minor calamities.
In May, preparation was made for departure, and as the English were
short-handed the two Frenchmen were forced to lend their aid. This
they did willingly, glad to exchange the open air of heaven for that
of the hold of the ship. One day, while most of the crew were aloft,
one of the Frenchmen, perceiving only two of his captors on deck,
furtively secured an axe. With this implement he silently split the
skulls of both men, and then ran to release his comrade temporarily
chained below. The pair seized fire-arms which they came upon in a
corner of the hold, and brandishing these in skilful fashion, they
suddenly changed from captives into masters. In opprobrious terms and
with violent gesticulations they dared the crew to come down from the
rigging, or indeed to lay a hand upon the fringe of a shroud; and
while one watched with two drawn pistols in hand the shivering seamen
in the shrouds and rigging, the other steered the ship towards
Rupert's River. How long this drama might have lasted it is hard to
say, for within a few hours Iberville and his ship hove in sight. He
had fitted out an expedition to rescue his men as soon as the ice
would permit, and now came and took charge of the _Churchill_ and all
on board.
[Sidenote: News of the disaster reaches England.]
The tidings of this expedition of the Chevalier Troyes, following
close upon the harrowing tale of Smithsend, the mate of the _Merchant
of Perpetuana_, excited the Adventurers to a pitch of fury. An
extraordinary general meeting was held and London was placarded with
an account of the outrages. A news-letter was issued at the Company's
expense detailing the events, and carrying them into the remotest
parts of the kingdom. Lord Churchill, who had succeeded King James in
the governorship of the Company, personally presented a petition of
the outraged Company of Adventurers to the King, wherein it was prayed
"that James would be pleased to afford them his Royal assistance and
Protection and that Your Majesty will demand and procure satisfaction
to be made them for all losses and damages they have suffered as well
formerly as by this last invasion."
It is now necessary to mention what had been happening between the two
crowns between 1685 and 1688.
In the first named year, in response to the pressure brought to bear
upon both by their subjects, James had agreed with Lewis to appoint a
joint commission to examine into the disputes between the two nations
and, if possible, effect a pacific settlement.
Their respective possessions in America were giving the two Crowns so
much trouble and expense that they were ready to welcome any
arrangement which would reduce the burden. War between England and
France in the old days had been a simple matter, confined to
contiguous territory of whose geography and physical features they
knew something. But now the mother countries could not offer each
other hostilities without a score or so of their offspring colonies
springing at each other's throats.
If war between France and England could only be confined to war
between France and England, and not be allowed to spread itself over
innumerable savage tribes and dependencies in North America, it was
felt that a great end would thereby be gained.
[Sidenote: Negotiations for Colonial neutrality.]
The point sought by both kings was to make America neutral. Such a
thing would have been excellent, had it but been possible. But the
futility of such an arrangement was instantly made manifest. Both
races in America were too eager and too anxious to reap the advantages
of war. It was not likely that the Colonial English would allow a rich
prize to pass them, only to be seized a hundred leagues farther east
by the home authorities. The Colonial French were not to be expected
in time of war to suffer tamely from competition in the fur-trade,
when the very principles of their allegiance urged them to forcible
retaliation.
Even without the episode of the _Merchant of Perpetuana_ the rivalry
between the two nations for the fur-trade was so bitter as to be a
perpetual danger to peace. For this reason, and in order to mark some
delimitation to the trade of the two countries, the joint commission
had sat and examined into the matter.
On the sixth of November, 1686, a treaty of neutrality had been
concluded between the two kings. It stipulated for a "firm peace,
union and concord, and good understanding between the subjects" of
James and Lewis. No vessels of either sovereign were thereafter to be
employed in attacking the subjects of the other in any of the
colonies. No soldiers of either king stationed in any of the colonies
were to engage in any act of hostility such as giving aid or succour
to men, or provisions to savages, at war with one another. But the
fourth article of this treaty was productive of much confusion and
misunderstanding.
"It has been agreed," it ran, "that each of the said kings shall hold
the domains, rights, pre-eminences in the seas, straits and other
waters of America which, and in the same extent, of right belongs to
them; and in the same manner which they enjoy at present."
Now, at the very moment this treaty was signed, the French, by the
victory of Troyes, were in possession of Fort Albany and the English
still held Port Nelson. As the liberty of navigation was not disturbed
by the Treaty it would appear that the French retained the right to
sail in the Bay.
Commissioners were appointed to consider the carrying out of the
treaty, the Sieurs Barillon and Bonrepas acting on behalf of France,
and Lords Sutherland, Middleton and Godolphin for James. To these
commissioners the Company presented a further memorial, which dwelt
upon their grievances "for five years past, in a time of peace and
good correspondence between the two crowns."
[Sidenote: Impracticability of the Treaty.]
These commissioners appear to have done their best to arrange matters
satisfactorily; but such a result was impossible under the conditions.
They were privately instructed by their respective masters to agree to
hold the trade of Port Nelson in common. Such a proposal was extremely
impracticable, as that well-informed subject, Denonville, made haste
to inform his royal master. The proximity of the English, he declared,
in such a remote part would be a certain source of hostility on both
sides, and a dangerous temptation for numbers of "libertines," whom
the least dissatisfaction would induce to take refuge at Port Nelson.
The "libertines" he thus alluded to were the bushrangers, who were
already giving the French great trouble and uneasiness through their
wild, undisciplined habits and their freedom from restraint.
Denonville added that the Hudson's Bay Company, paying higher prices
for beaver than the French could do, would always have a preference,
and consequently would almost monopolize the trade. It was therefore
better, in his opinion, to effect a compromise in the Bay, restoring
the three forts Troyes had taken in exchange for Port Nelson, which,
so he stated, was worth more than the other three together for trading
purposes. Besides, on the first rupture, it would be very easy to
retake them by an overland march, as Troyes had done.
But such proposals on the part of the French were indignantly rejected
by the English Company. There was, therefore, nothing for it but a
_modus vivendi_, under which no further encroachments in the Bay were
to be made by either party.
But whatever the intent of the negotiations, there was nothing to
compel the parties directly interested to observe them. The elated
French Company was too much inclined to retain what Troyes had wrested
from the English to adhere to sophistries and weak-kneed arguments. It
engaged Iberville to return to Fort Albany, upon which establishment
it had bestowed the name of St. Anne, and repulse the English should
their ships arrive and endeavour to land. Captain Moon, returning from
Port Nelson, did make an attempt with twenty-four men to surprise the
French. He built a station some eight miles distant; but Iberville
heard of it, marched thither with great despatch, and pursued them for
twenty miles. He then made preparations for seizing Captain Moon's
ship, embarking upwards of forty men in canoes and small boats for
this purpose. But those aboard her defeated his intention in the
night, by setting her on fire and making their escape to the shore,
where they rejoined their companions and made the best of their way
overland to New Severn, a fort which had been erected in the previous
year as a means of drawing trade away from the French conquerors in
the eastern parts of the Bay.
Iberville was not long ignorant of the retreat of those who had
escaped him; nor of the prosperity which attended the new factory. He
arrived before New Severn in October, 1689, obtained its surrender
and took the Company's Governor prisoner.
Amongst the Governor's papers which he seized was a letter from the
secretary of the Company, ordering him, on behalf of the partners, to
proclaim the Prince and Princess of Orange King and Queen of England,
showing that the chief spirits of the Company were not unfriendly to
those who precipitated the Revolution.
Glorying in this new exploit, Iberville now returned to Fort St. Anne,
just in time to behold the spectacle of two strange ships standing off
in the Bay.
The presence of these vessels was explained by the Company having sent
out an expedition, comprising eighty-three men of both crews, with
instructions to land on an island close to the Chechouan River and
establish a fort, from whence they could sally forth to the
re-conquest of Fort Albany. But already the winter had overtaken them,
and the two vessels were locked in the ice. Their fort was, however,
pretty well advanced, and they had landed a number of pieces of
cannon. Iberville lay in ambush and, watching his opportunity, when
twenty-one of the English were proceeding for a supply of stores to
the ship, intercepted them. The whole party fell into the hands of the
French; and Marincourt, with fourteen men, now began to reconnoitre
the forces on the island. A brisk cannonading ensued between the two
parties. After this had lasted some days Iberville found means to
summon the Company's commander to surrender, threatening him with no
quarter if he deferred compliance.
[Sidenote: Surrender of the Company's ships to the French.]
[Sidenote: Iberville's treacherous plan.]
To this the Governor responded that he had been given to understand on
his departure from London that there was a treaty in force between the
two Crowns, and that it occasioned him much astonishment that the
French paid so little heed to it. Iberville's response was not exactly
truthful, for he declared that whether a treaty existed or not he had
not been the first to invade it; and that in any case he could waste
no time in parley. The Governor replied that his force was still a
strong one; but that he would not be averse to surrender if Iberville
would agree to reimburse the Company's officers out of the proceeds of
their store of furs; and also accord them a vessel wherewith to sail
away. This stipulation was granted; Iberville grimly remarking that it
was extraordinary what a large number of officers there were for so
small a company of men. He had already captured the captain of one of
the vessels and the surgeon; and there now remained thirteen others
who thus escaped scot-free from the clutches of the French. The amount
of wages demanded was close upon two thousand pounds. All the others
were made prisoners, including the pilots, of whom it is said there
were a number who had been despatched by the Admiralty to acquire a
knowledge of the Bay and Straits. All were carried off by Iberville to
Quebec, and Marincourt left behind with thirty-six men to guard the
two posts. The young commander did not this time proceed overland, but
having got possession of the Company's ship, the _Hampshire_, he
sailed northward for the Straits. He had scarcely reached the latitude
of Southampton Island when an English ship hove in sight, proceeding
in his direction. They came so close together as to exchange speech.
Iberville had taken the precaution to hoist the English flag, and the
presence of the prisoners caused implicit belief in his friendly
pretensions. He learned that young Chouart, Radisson's nephew, was on
board, and declares that he longed to attack openly the Company's
ship, but the insufficiency of his force to guard the prisoners
prevented him taking this course. He had, however, recourse to a
stratagem which nearly succeeded. The captain of the other ship agreed
to sail together in company through the Straits, and on the first
clear weather to pay a visit to Iberville's ship. It was, it is almost
needless to observe, the Frenchman's intention to seize the guileless
Englishman and his companions the moment they had reached his deck.
But storms intervening, this project fell through. The ships separated
and did not meet again.
The Hudson's Bay Company was not a little puzzled at the non-arrival
of the _Hampshire_, which had been spoken thus happily in Hudson's
Straits. For a long time the vessel was believed to be lost; as,
indeed, she was, but not quite in the manner apprehended by her
owners. Possession was not regained for some years; and when the
_Hampshire_ sailed again for the Bay it was to encounter there
complete destruction in battle.
As has been foreshadowed, in 1689 an event occurred which had been
brewing ever since James had relinquished the governorship of the
Company for the governorship of his subjects at large. William of
Orange landed at Plymouth, and the Revolution in England put a new
king on the English throne.