his subordinates to explore the coast of Yucatan. One of them brought
back ornaments and vessels of gold and also information as to the
extent and importance of the great native power in the interior of the
land. An expedition was then put in charge of Hernando Cortez, who for
eight years had been an adventurer in the New World. The new leader was
a native of Medellin in Estremadura, where he had been born in 1485.
He had received a good education, graduating as bachelor of laws, but,
after leading an irregular life at home, he had sailed for the West
Indies, where he had spent eight years, first in Hispaniola, then in
Cuba. Like other adventurers, he had taken part in Indian warfare and
had been a planter. Powerful interests worked against his appointment;
accordingly, when he left Cuba he was informed that Velasquez intended
to supersede him in the command. His fleet carried 110 sailors, 553
Spanish soldiers, 200 Indians, some artillery, and a valuable asset
for the conquest, sixteen horses.
[Illustration: HERNAN CORTES.
From a Drawing Taken from Life]
On the 12th of March, Cortez’ squadron arrived at Potonchan, having
previously stopped at Cozumel to pick up Geronimo de Aguilar, who had
taken part in an earlier and unsuccessful expedition to the coast of
the continent. He had become a member of a native pueblo, had married
an Indian, and was especially useful because of his knowledge of the
Indian tongue. At Potonchan the inhabitants brought out provisions
in boats, but were not disposed to receive the newcomers in their
village; indeed, they asked them to accept the food,--bread, fruit, and
birds,--and take themselves off. Cortez arranged an ambush near the
pueblo and, according to the agreement, two hundred men under Alvarado
and Avila rushed upon the settlement when the natives came out a second
time to bring provisions. In the meantime the Spaniards on the ships
disembarked under the fire of their artillery. There was some sharp
fighting, and by the time the pueblo was taken most of the inhabitants
had fled to the highlands nearby. The dead were not counted, but there
were many wounded and a few captives. Perhaps the actual fighting men
on the native side in this first engagement were not more than four
or five thousand. Plenty of food was found in the place, but no gold.
There was soon another battle, in which eight hundred or a thousand
Indians were killed. Apparently they fell into a panic when they
confronted cavalry for the first time; “they thought the man and beast
were one thing.”
Twenty-two days the expedition now halted, as the pueblo was well
supplied with provisions, and the enemy was active outside. Finally
the Indians, who were exposed to the prevailing bad weather and were
without food, sued for peace, making a rich present to Cortez. But this
was nothing, Diaz del Castillo naïvely says, in comparison with the
twenty women, who were distributed as booty to the Spanish captains;
one in particular was a prize--the celebrated Doña Marina, who spoke
the language of the Aztecs, and also, because she had been a slave
on the coast, knew the languages of Yucatan and Tabasco. As Aguilar
understood Tabasco there was made possible, through Marina, direct
communication with the people of the country. “It was a great beginning
for our conquest,” says the worthy Diaz.
When Cortez received the natives’ peace offering, he was careful to
inquire where they had acquired the gold and jewels. They replied by
directing him to the setting sun, and mentioned the words Culchua and
Mexico. This was a sufficient indication, and on the 18th of April,
Cortez left Potonchan and in three days arrived at San Juan de Ulua.
Here the emissaries of Montezuma, who from the accounts he had received
through his messengers, was convinced that the Europeans were none
other than the famous divine being Quetzalcohuatl and his companions
returning by sea after a visit to the sun, greeted Cortez with
extraordinary honors.
There was abundance of food,--chicken, maize, bread, and
cherries,--drinks of very good cocoa, and, more welcome still,
many pieces of gold, some well worked, and a large quantity of the
feathered drapery and jewels. Cortez represented himself as the
friendly ambassador of Charles V, sent on a special mission of peaceful
curiosity. His chief interest was concentrated on the gold, however,
for he particularly inquired of the Aztec Teuhtlilli who spoke for
Montezuma whether his master had gold. When he answered in the
affirmative, Cortez bluntly said, “Send me some of it.” In return for
the generous welcome given them the Spaniards amused themselves, in the
days following their disembarkation at San Juan, by showing the natives
their arms and bloodhounds and explaining how they meant to use them in
their passage through the country.
The news of the manners of the mysterious strangers threw Montezuma
into a panic; he was more convinced than ever when he heard of the
rapacity and cruelty of the Spaniards that Cortez was nothing less than
Quetzalcohuatl, the description given being admirably suited to one
of the principal divinities of the Aztec theology. To the king’s mind
the sole remedy lay in incantations; he summoned therefore the most
experienced experts to devise powerful enchantments to keep the whites
from approaching the Aztec capital. The charms were inefficacious. At
his wits’ end, the Aztec overlord sent peaceful directions to all his
dependents.
After the disembarkation at San Juan de Ulua the adventurers did not
pass their time in idle dreams; they found abundance of occupation
in collecting gold and precious stones, giving the natives in return
objects of small value. Fresh embassies presented themselves to Cortez,
not only with the usual presents, but giving useful information. Among
them was a representative of Ixtlilxochitl, the lord of Texcoco, who
spoke of the tyranny of Montezuma, who had killed his brother. He
welcomed the Spaniards as allies who would help him to avenge the
murder. Cortez saw in this an opportunity to encourage dissension among
the natives, by taking advantage of which he could make himself master
of both factions, and so control the country. He desired to found a
settlement at the place at which they had first touched land. There was
a division among his followers on this point; some of them regarding
his purpose of making himself the captain general of the new colony as
an act of disloyalty to Velasquez, the governor of Cuba. He met the
situation by putting the most obstinate of his opponents in chains, and
finally all the members of the expedition were won over by the generous
promises he made, although there was complaint at his proposal to take
for himself one-fifth of all the gold that might be gathered from the
natives.
The colony Cortez succeeded in establishing received the name of Vera
Cruz, because they had reached the spot on Holy Saturday; the words
Villa Rica were added to mark the fertility of the surrounding country.
Visits were made to neighboring pueblos with profitable results.
At Cempoala twenty of the leading men, accompanied by their chief,
presented themselves; there were the usual valuable offerings, and
Cortez took care to promise his aid in defending and helping his new
acquaintances. The chief complained of the oppression of Montezuma,
explaining that his people had only lately been conquered and had
been deprived of much treasure. They were obliged to carry out his
orders, he said, because the Aztec was the lord of great cities, lands,
vassals, and armies of warriors. Before leaving the pueblo, Cortez
spoke of his philanthropic mission as the representative of the Emperor
Charles V, promising that after he had returned to his fleet he would
see that their grievances were remedied.
The impression made by the benevolent stranger was so great that
at Cempoala 400 natives were offered by the chief of the pueblo as
pack-carriers--men of great endurance, the chronicler says, who could
carry fifty pounds weight five leagues. This was a great relief to the
Spaniards, who had hitherto been obliged to transport the valuables
they collected from the villages through which they passed on their
own shoulders in small sacks. Other pueblos were treated to the same
successful diplomacy.
The more Cortez heard of the country, the more he was convinced that
the real objective of the expedition must be Montezuma and his capital.
The presents received by the adventurers and the tales they heard
showed that their journey must, if their hopes were to be realized,
have its termination in Mexico. When the second installment of presents
came from the Aztec capital, the astute commander remarked to some
of his men nearby, in admiration of the valuable articles so freely
placed in his hands, that the Aztec overlord must be great and rich.
“If God wills,” he said, “some day we shall have to go and see him.”
This pious aspiration fell on no unwilling ears, and the opportune
moment came sooner than even the most sanguine adventurer could have
hoped, for Cortez soon succeeded in forming an alliance with thirty
pueblos, contiguous to his own settlement, all of them ready to follow
him as their leader in an expedition which was to free them from the
burdensome yoke of Aztec despotism. The fighting force now available
must have been considerable, for we know that one pueblo, Quiahuistlan,
half a league distant from Vera Cruz, offered to supply 5000 men.
In the meantime, a ship had arrived from Cuba with seventy Europeans
and nine horses. The expedition had now been three months in Mexico,
and the demand to push on to Montezuma’s city was general. Cortez
sent home an account of his experiences, in which he drew up a formal
accusation against the Cuban governor, Velasquez, fortifying his own
claims by a rich present in excess of the value of the royal fifth, the
statutory portion. “It is the first we have sent,” the commander said
to his comrades in excusing and explaining a generosity that had to
be collected from their hoards. This act of loyalty was an additional
stimulus to the adventurers, who saw in their march to the interior an
easy method of recuperating their losses. When the commissioners were
about to leave for Spain, some of Cortez’ men proposed to accompany
them. Cortez arrested them immediately. Two were put to death; one, a
pilot, was deprived of his feet, and the common seamen received each
two hundred lashes. Father Diaz would have been punished, too, had not
Cortez respected his habit. One of the victims who was executed was
Pedro Excudero, who had made charges against Cortez in Cuba before the
expedition sailed.
To prevent the recurrence of such attempts at desertion and also to add
to his men the crews of the vessels, Cortez resolved to destroy the
fleet in the harbor, with the exception of one small boat which was
to carry the commissioners back to Spain. The proposal was arranged
not to come from the commander himself, because, if he had taken the
initiative, he might have been obliged to pay off the seamen out of his
own pocket. So, as Herrera, one of the adventurers, says, “if anyone
asked him to pay the money, he could retort that the advice was ours,
and that we were all involved in settling up the accounts.”
Cortez knew that he would meet with no mercy at Velasquez’ hands;
his only chance, therefore, was to remain in Mexico, and that the
destruction of the fleet rendered certain. The daring plan was carried
out secretly at night by the master of one of the ships, an intimate
friend of the commander. The crews had been removed beforehand, and the
explanation made by Cortez’ envoy in Spain, Montejo, was that the ships
were old and on the point of foundering before they were scuttled.
This plausible statement was not more convincing than the rest of the
envoy’s argument, and the Royal Senate of the Indies condemned Cortez’
conduct as “contrary to righteousness and justice.” He had acted also
contrary to the commands of the governor of Cuba, who, in the meantime,
as the case was being discussed by the home authorities, asked that
capital sentence be passed. Cortez’ view finally prevailed because of
the fortunate outcome of his march, and in 1522 Velasquez was directed
not to send to New Spain any people or armed forces.
After scuttling the ships Cortez returned to Cempoala to arrange for
the expedition. The chieftains of the pueblo advised that the route by
the way of Tlaxcala should be taken because the people of that place
were their friends and mortal enemies of the Aztecs. A start was made
on the 16th of August with 400 Spaniards, 15 horses, and 5 pieces of
artillery. In all the chronicles of the expedition there is a discreet
reserve as to the number of Indian allies. It seems to have been a
fixed policy to obscure this point. But the native contingent must have
been very large, for at each pueblo where the expedition sojourned one
hears of the acquisition of native warriors; at Ixtacamaxtitlan, a
small place, the chief gave 300 soldiers.
On reaching Tecoac in Tlaxcala the invaders found that the attitude
of the people was distinctly hostile; in a preliminary skirmish
thirty warriors preferred to die rather than yield. The inhabitants
of the pueblo were then cut to pieces, as they refused to retire or
surrender. This was on the last day of August; the next day there was
a hot battle, in which the Spaniards seem to have been saved by their
native allies from destruction. Diaz del Castillo says that Cortez
thanked them profusely, and adds that the Spaniards were panic-stricken
by the wild shouts of their opponents. There was soon after another
battle, where the escape of the Spaniards was due to the existence of
dissensions in the Indian camp; the people of the pueblo refused to
stand by one another. Much damage was done in the second ranks of their
warriors by the fire of the artillery, but fifty of the Spaniards
were wounded, and one was killed, together with all the horses. Cortez
estimated his enemies at 149,000, plainly an impossible figure.
Marauding expeditions were made against the defenseless pueblos, whose
fighting men were with the Tlaxcalan army. Women and children were put
to the edge of the sword without mercy, and the dwellings were burnt to
the ground. Fifty emissaries appeared on the 7th of September to ask
for peace, bringing with them presents of food and plumage ornaments.
Some were suspected of treachery, and all fifty, by Cortez’ orders,
had their hands cut off. The same day the Spanish camp was attacked by
10,000 men, warriors of the greatest valor, but even this danger was
repelled because the plan was known beforehand. The situation of the
Spaniards was almost desperate, for they had lost a hundred and fifty
of their number, and the survivors were worn out by anxiety and by
the constant physical fatigue. There was depression in the camp, some
proposing return to Vera Cruz, where the natives were friendly and
where help could be had from Cuba. But the commander’s spirit did not
falter. He sent three of his leading captives to Tlaxcala to ask for a
peaceful passage through their country to Mexico. After deliberation
the proposal was granted, although there was opposition, especially on
the part of the young chief Xicotencatl, who declared that in another
night attack he could take the camp and slay all the Spaniards. The
peace party carried the day, and Cortez entered the pueblo on the 23d
of September, receiving a royal welcome from the inhabitants, who gave
him valuable assistance and an enduring loyalty.
After a month’s stay Cortez set out again with 5000 of these new
allies, “men much experienced in warfare,” as he himself allows. In
the neighborhood of Cholula he sent the inhabitants word, on receiving
their envoys, that they must become vassals of the Spanish crown,
saying if no reply were received within three days, he would attack
and destroy them. This menace had its effect, and great hospitality
was shown to the Spaniards and their allies. The streets and roofs
were crowded with people as the army entered the town, and they were
lodged in several large halls. The drain on the stores of the natives
was so great that on the third day they brought only water, rushes, and
wood. The scantiness of these offerings was to Cortez a demonstration
that the townspeople were disaffected and were plotting against their
guests. He issued an order therefore that all the chief men of the
place should assemble in the court of the temple of Quetzalcohuatl.
Suspecting no harm, they obeyed. To strike terror into the natives,
Cortez planned to murder the principal men and the priests; but there
were a great many other warriors of the pueblo in the inclosure so
crowded together they could not move. At the entrance were stationed
the Spaniards, who, at a given signal, rushed on the unarmed mass.
Some were mowed down; some burnt themselves alive, while others cast
themselves down from the temple pyramid, the raised platform on which
the altar was placed. In two hours, according to Cortez, 3000 met their
death. The massacre was continued in the streets for five hours; none
were spared until the pueblo was deserted. The carnage continued the
next day, gladly shared in by the Tlaxcalans, who had come in to take
their part of the pillage. It was the commander’s intention to demolish
the place altogether, and the cruel work took two days more.
A fresh start was made on November 1st. The pueblos subsequently
visited by the expedition were terrorized by the massacre at Cholula,
and there was no stint of offerings. Cortez, too, being now in a
better temper because of the jewels, gold, and precious stones so
easily collected, did not forget to explain that he had come to save
the new vassals of the Spanish Crown from robbery and oppression. In
each pueblo he won the inhabitants over by his dexterous diplomacy and
pleasing manners, and they readily became his allies. No opposition
was encountered during the rest of the journey to Mexico. Meanwhile
the news of the massacre at Cholula had completely unnerved Montezuma;
“he humbled himself like a reed”; there was no thought of resistance.
He sent one of his chief men to impersonate him, as he was afraid to
meet Cortez himself. The deceit was soon discovered by the Indian
allies, and the substitute for royalty returned in confusion, leaving
rich presents behind. Montezuma consulted his magical experts again,
but the auspices and enchantments were no more favorable than before.
He now saw only death for all his people and for himself; with a fixed
fatalism he was convinced there was no escape. Tradition told him that
the people from the land of the rising sun were invincible.
It was the eighth day of November when the Spaniards reached the
capital of the Aztecs. The army must have been imposing in its size,
and perhaps Montezuma’s religious scruples may have been reinforced by
others of a different character when he saw the number of his enemies
and revolted subjects who followed Cortez. Father Sahagun, a most
reliable authority, who visited Mexico in 1529, says that “hardly had
the rear guard moved from Ixtapalapan when the vanguard was already
entering Mexico.” The welcome was in harmony with the respect caused by
the size of the expedition and by the superstitious fears of the Aztec
overlord. A thousand of the principal men came out to greet Cortez
a half-league from the town. A quarter of a league from the palace
Montezuma presented himself with ceremonious pomp, accompanied by the
lords of the greater pueblos. He was supported by Cacomer, king of
Texcoco, and Cuitlahuatzin, king of Ixtapalapan, each holding him by an
arm on either side. All three were dressed alike, except that Montezuma
was shod. When Cortez dismounted to embrace him the two accompanying
lords forcibly prevented him from touching their master. Flowers were
offered according to the Aztec custom; likewise gold and precious
stones.
After reassuring the Aztec ruler of his amicable intentions, Cortez
went with his suite to lodgings assigned in the treasury of one of the
temples, a residence selected because of their character as divine
beings. Montezuma spoke to Cortez of the prophecy of the return of
Quetzalcohuatl, expressed his willingness to become the vassal of the
great lord of the land of the rising sun; and repelled the charges made
against him by the people of Tlaxcala and Cempoala. He made, too, a
special point of denying the stories of having houses with golden walls
and of being served with gold furnishings and vessels. “The houses,”
he said, “which you see are stone and chalk and earth; it is true
that I have some things of gold left me by my ancestors; all that I
have do you take whenever you want it.” The offer was made effective
immediately. Cortez had received already many different jewels, much
gold and silver and feathers, and five or six thousand pieces of cotton
goods, very rich and in divers manners woven and worked. After the
interview rich presents of gold were made to the commander, as well as
to the captains and to each of the soldiers.
The Spaniards kept watchful guard in spite of the sumptuous welcome;
the soldiers were restless and desired to sack the town. Their attitude
did not escape the attention of the natives, who began to suspect their
motives in remaining in the city. Food commenced to give out, and the
horses suffered and also the dogs. In a short time the men did not
scruple to sack some of the dwellings near Montezuma’s palace; they
showed also little respect for the native women, many of whom had shut
themselves up in terror at threatened maltreatment.
It was a well-known and settled policy on the part of the Spaniards in
their conquests in the Antilles to seize the native chiefs in order to
reduce the members of the tribe to submission. This is made clear in a
letter from several Dominican friars, written home as early as 1516,
when the practice is noticed. In mentioning it, they explain that the
Indians are a people who love their lords much and are very loyal to
them. This strategy was now employed with complete success by Cortez.
He determined to force Montezuma to take up his residence in the
Spanish quarters by use of fair words, then to threaten him immediately
with death if he tried to escape from captivity. As an excuse for
putting this daring program into execution, Cortez, who entered the
palace accompanied by his captains, after the usual friendly welcome,
charged Montezuma with responsibility for the death of two Spaniards
at Nautlan. Cuauhpopoca, the local chief, it seems, had caused them to
be executed because of their offenses and excesses. Some time passed
in discussing the charge which the Aztec monarch, of course, denied.
Cortez’ comrades wished to hasten proceedings by killing the Aztec at
once. Finally Montezuma, completely terrorized, agreed to accompany
Cortez, and also followed his direction that he should tell his people
that the step was taken voluntarily at the advice of his priests.
The chief of Nautlan, his son, and fifteen of the principal men of the
pueblo were summoned to the capital by Montezuma. Cortez ordered them
to be burnt; at the same time directions were given that all the arms
in the city should be collected. Fifteen cartloads in all were to be
burnt with the prisoners. Before the execution they confessed that they
had acted by order of Montezuma. Cortez put his prisoner in chains, and
this outrage was allowed to pass unavenged, for the Aztec lords feared
that their ruler would be slain. The timorous monarch told his subjects
that what he was enduring in the Spanish quarters had divine sanction.
Having the king in his possession, Cortez made detailed inquiry as to
the location of gold and silver mines. Much gold was collected, and,
whenever there was resistance to the orders from the capital, the
chiefs who refused to give up their possessions were treated as rebels
to their overlord, and either killed on the spot or imprisoned after
being summoned to the capital by orders issued through Montezuma.