In studying Indians, the scientist deals with facts. The historian is a
scientist in that he records facts; the sociologists and persons
interested in political economy and government, draw conclusions from
facts. Manifestly, we should formulate our Indian policy upon scientific
principles. We should be governed solely and absolutely by facts and
past experiences. Yet, although our Government in all other branches of
its great Service profits by human experience in our own country and
elsewhere, in our handling of the Indian, it is safe to affirm that we
have not heeded the lessons of the past.
The Indian policy the past two or three years has appreciably changed
for the better. If the reforms instituted by Honorable Cato Sells can be
carried out as planned, we shall conserve much of the Indian property
that remains. The Indians still possess vast estates, and with economy
and protection, there is sufficient land to care for all of them, save
on a few reservations. In Oklahoma and Minnesota it will be necessary to
either buy farms, or permit Indians to continue as paupers, or move them
to Montana, Idaho or Nevada. The great Navaho tract, including a portion
of the Public Domain, is now crowded. There can be no further increase
of Navaho population in the present area. Either the Indians must have
more land, or suffer. Omitting all other reservations and Indian areas,
and classifying them as satisfactory (although some of them are not) the
situation confronting us today may be bluntly stated as follows:—You can
take no more land away from the Indians, unless you desire to make of
them paupers. You cannot expect them to hold their own with the white
people, unless you change their status from a paper citizenship to a
real citizenship. Making of them citizens, without the ordinary
protection enjoyed by other Americans, produces instead of citizens,
paupers. The detailed evidence of this has been presented in previous
chapters.
We all admit that we owe the Indian much. Nobody denies that we have
done the individual Indian a service, through our education and
civilizing influences. Why, then, is it that there is not more land
under cultivation today than in 1871? Because of the conflicting rulings
and laws, the breaking of treaties, the cancelling of agreements entered
into by States, and, finally, the taking of individual farms. This has
discouraged the average Indian.
Far be it from me to be disloyal to my own Government, but I express the
firm conviction that our particular form of government is such that
administration of Indian Affairs is rendered extremely difficult. Put
plainly (if not bluntly), our form of government is not conducive to
satisfactory management or supervision of a dependent people. The
reason, as every thinking man and woman knows, is because we make the
high office of Indian Affairs a political appointment. The Commissioner
no more than learns his duties, and becomes competent and efficient,
than he is removed and another installed in his place. Since 1834 there
have been thirty-one Commissioners, and the average tenure of office is
a trifle over two and one-half years. The same is true of Indian
Superintendents—formerly called Agents. I never could understand why
they changed the name, for the Superintendent is still an Agent. I am
perfectly willing to accept the shrewd Indian’s definition—“It is the
same man, only he wears a different coat.”
The frequent changes in the office of Commissioner has not worked to the
advantage of the Indians. Since 1907 we have had three Commissioners and
an acting Commissioner—F. E. Leupp, R. G. Valentine, F. H. Abbott, and
Cato Sells. All of these men have been energetic and intelligent, as
were their predecessors, but they have been removed, or they resigned
under political pressure; and as a result those who are fighting for the
Indians’ rights must go over the same old story, again and again, submit
and resubmit the same evidence as one appointee succeeds another. This
is even true of the Honorable Secretary of the Interior himself. As an
illustration, I would cite the case of French-Canadians of northern
Minnesota.
After the White Earth investigation, we begged Secretary Garfield to
strike from the White Earth rolls the French-Canadian element—headed by
one Gus H. Beaulieu. It was contended that those persons had come down
from Canada and settled themselves on the Ojibwa, and were a continual
source of trouble. Enough evidence was presented to make our position
impregnable. Secretary Garfield hesitated to act, and passed the matter
to his successor, Mr. Ballinger, who in turn transferred it to Mr.
Fisher, and it is now before Secretary Lane. If the Honorable Secretary,
Mr. Garfield, had acted in the first place heroically and promptly, he
would have placed the burden of proof on the shoulders of the
French-Canadian element (where it properly belonged), and several pages
of unpleasant American Indian history would not have been written.
Be these things as they may, they exist, and until our Congress appoints
a national and paid commission to take over the entire Indian body and
their property—so long as the Indian, and the Indian Office, remain
political footballs, just so long will the games continue played in the
old way, with no new rules, and since coaching from the side-lines is
permitted, the strongest and the most brutal teams will win.
The freest and most varied opinions regarding Indian affairs are
expressed at the Lake Mohonk Conferences. I have referred to them
elsewhere, but I desire to repeat that at the conferences, where
hundreds of missionaries, philanthropists, sociologists, Government
employees and others assemble, we obtain the facts, hear
recommendations, and debate on the policy concerning our wards.
The addresses delivered at these remarkable gatherings carry great
weight throughout the country, for the reason that those who address the
audiences have made extended observations in various parts of the field.
A summary of these many opinions delivered during the past five years,
indicates one general trend of thought. And that is that the end of the
tribal system among the Indians is not so much at hand, as already
accomplished. It requires no prophetic vision to observe the setting of
the Indians’ sun. All agree to this general proposition. The many
scientists of our research institutions, both large and small, are
energetically seeking out what little remains of tribal and aboriginal
customs and beliefs. They know that in a few years it will be too late
to make scientific researches among Indians. They employ patient search
and much discrimination to here and there discover a smouldering ember
of the ancient council fire. And, I think, it requires further energy
and patience on the part of the ethnologists to fan the feeble ember
until it bursts forth into flame!
The Government employee is pushing his educational problem, persuading
most of the Indians to work, and improving the daily life of these
people. The doctors and the field matrons use their best endeavor to
establish sanitary measures, and proper home life. The great Indian
schools are discharging hundreds of competent graduates; the Congressmen
are removing restrictions, according citizenship, selling surplus lands,
and doing all that they can to hasten the end of the Indian as a
dependent body. And last of all, comes the undesirable class—the grafter
and the bootlegger—one taking away the Indian property in many sections
of our country, and the other debauching all Indians who have not the
moral stamina to resist. The good people, and the majority, are
uplifting, saving and preparing the Indian for citizenship. Working
together, they are acting in the best interests of that great and new
movement, known as “Social Service.” Fighting against them is the
undesirable element—that class responsible for the pauperizing of the
Indians of Oklahoma, Minnesota, California and elsewhere. I have pointed
out in previous chapters of this book both the good and the evil. The
real workers—whether in the Government Service, employed by missions,
members of philanthropic organizations, state officials, or private
citizens—are doing their part. We may criticize some of their rulings or
methods of procedure, for we all make mistakes, and no man or woman
engaged in the real work of the world can avoid error. Frequently we
make enemies—particularly so if we stand up for the rights of the
Indian. But while this is true, the general trend is in favor of just
treatment of the Indian, and the great object in view is his absorption
into the body politic.
[Illustration:
MISS KATE BARNARD, OF OKLAHOMA. See pages 137, 150, and 170
She is waging battle for the protection of Indian minors and orphans.
]
Whether this shall be accomplished depends entirely upon the relative
strength between those who build up, and those who destroy. The issue is
between the grafter and bootlegger, and the respectable citizen. The
great Navaho is as yet unspoiled. The Sioux, the Apache, the Crow and
others are doing very well. If we permit foolish or unwise legislation
to dominate in the region inhabited by the tribes I have named, we shall
destroy the best of that which is left, even as we have destroyed in
Oklahoma and Minnesota. I have clearly pointed out the high character of
the Ojibwa and the Five Civilized Tribes forty years ago as compared
with the present, and that the responsibility for this decline rests
with us, rather than with the Indians themselves, or the Indian Office.
Since 1834, we have gone on in a well-meaning but stupid and blundering
way. We have persuaded scores of bands to take the white man’s road, and
by foolish legislation, wars, the crowding by Whites, etc., destroyed
their original confidence in us. As if these were not sufficient, in the
great State of Oklahoma, where one-third of the entire Indian body is
located, we have had brought before us through reports of Commissions
and individuals and a cloud of witnesses, the result of our policy. In
spite of this, we have recently deliberately removed, or forced to
resign, some of the persons most competent and longest in the Service in
that State—Messrs. Mott, Gresham, Frost, Kelsey and Wright. What was the
real reason? Did the great majority of citizens of Oklahoma—the
law-abiding and upright—desire that faithful servants, who understood
their duties, should be forced out? No! Because a relatively small
number of oil, coal, land, timber and stock men wished to become rich.
Public sentiment through the newspapers has been influenced, persons who
were not interested in politics have been accused of the very thing
which dominated their accusers. Politics is at the bottom of it all.
The agitation in Oklahoma, begun by the small coterie referred to, and,
at the insistence of interested persons and newspapers, and not
prevented by Congressmen from that State, has resulted in the present
removal from office of the men best able to protect the Indians. Does
all of this indicate that the Commissioner, Mr. Sells, will not protect
the Indians? By no means. As I have said, he and his able assistant, Mr.
Meritt, and all the officials are honorable and upright men. But they
cannot stand against the wishes of Congress. The Congressmen are all
honest and upright in their intentions—although two or three of them are
on record as dealing in Indian lands—but they are compelled to act in
accordance with the desires of their constituents. Witness the statement
that the candidates for office, with very few exceptions, ran on the
platform that all restrictions were to be removed and federal safeguards
withdrawn (_pages 139 and 144_.)
The Commissioner, although he may prepare a method of procedure for the
Judges handling Indian cases in the Probate Court (as Mr. Sells has
done), is really powerless, if Congress decides to remove the few
remaining safeguards in Oklahoma, or to divide up any other reservation.
All Commissioners have said practically the same thing: that they stood
back of the Indian, protected his rights, were in favor of progress and
education, etc., etc. Statements embodying this sentiment are found in
every public address of the various Commissioners during thirty years.
The Commissioner may spend years in upbuilding industry among a certain
band of Indians. The moment the reservation is thrown open to
settlement, most of the Indians are speedily dispossessed. If he desires
to protect the water rights of the Pimas and the white people living
along the Gila River wash the water, all the Inspector’s reports, and
all the Commissioner’s speeches, and all the Agent’s protests, are in
vain. The Congressmen from any of the affected districts must agree with
their constituents, else they will be defeated at the next election.
There are many exceptions, such as Honorable W. N. Murray of Oklahoma,
Honorable Charles H. Burke of South Dakota, Honorable James M. Graham
and others, who have, in spite of popular clamor, stood for the rights
of the Indians.
The lack of true publicity in Indian Affairs, is also a factor working
powerfully against the Indian. Between 1900 and 1909 we were given the
impression that the Indian generally in the United States was in
splendid condition. This had a very evil effect, in that there was no
public agitation outside of the Indian Rights and the California Indian
Associations for protection. The very best thing that ever happened to
the Indian was the making public of dreadful conditions in California,
Minnesota, Arizona, and Oklahoma.
This aroused both the officials and Congress. Victor Locke, Chief of the
Choctaws, said regarding the Oklahoma exposé:—“The very day after
Commissioner Moorehead’s report was made public, I saw one of the county
judges in the Choctaw country going from a printing-office with 750
printed notices to guardians with respect to settlement with their
Indian wards.”
If we had such publicity applied to every reservation, while it would be
unpleasant, the taxpayers of the United States would soon realize that,
unless our policy is radically changed, they will be called upon to
support a vast number of homeless paupers. Beyond question, either the
nation, or the respective States, will soon assume this burden. I desire
to go on record as making this prophecy.
As a concrete illustration of how those high in authority have misled
the public, I desire to state that Honorable James S. Sherman,
Vice-President of the United States, and for some years Chairman of the
House Committee on Indian Affairs, in a public address before the Lake
Mohonk Conference in October, 1911, stated that the United States
Government had kept all its treaties and obligations with the Indians.
Respect for the high office he occupied, prevented anyone replying to
this amazing and preposterous utterance. The audience was composed of
400 or more persons of prominence, and Mr. Sherman’s address was
reported in many newspapers, with the result that the average reader
naturally concluded that those who were seeking to better the condition
of the Indians were sentimentalists, and that the Government had done
its full duty. If the Committee of which he was chairman took that view,
we have the explanation of many of the evils of the past fifteen years.
For every agreement or promise, faithfully kept by the Government, I can
cite a score which the authorities either ignored or made no effort to
fulfill.
“The treaties with the Indians have been gathered and published in a
single volume. It may be said with confidence, that leaving out the
merely formal ratifications of existing friendly relations, there is not
one treaty that was negotiated in good faith by the United States.”
As the final proofs of this chapter were struck, the announcement came
from Washington to the effect that the Honorable Secretary of the
Interior intended to grant the Indians more freedom. In Mr. Lane’s
report, just issued, he takes the position that as many of our Indians
are intelligent, the Government should hasten the day of removal of
restrictions, or withdrawal of supervision over individual Indians.
[Illustration:
CHIEF PEO-PEO-TOLEKT. NEZ PERCE WARRIOR. CHIEF JOSEPH’S WAR, 1877
Photographed and copyrighted by L. V. McWhorter, 1911
]
A careful study of the field, indicates that somewhere between one-third
and one-half of our Indians might be immediately merged into the body
politic. As against this statement, the evidence is indisputable that
the remaining two-thirds (or one-half) if made free, in the full sense
that term implies, will be in the same condition as the Indians of
California, Minnesota, and Oklahoma. If all of our Indians were made
free, and permitted to progress as the Cherokees did, prior to their
removal west of the Mississippi, and until about the year 1900 in the
State of Oklahoma, the Secretary’s plan would succeed. But so long as
the white people discriminate against Indian citizens, and the
citizenship of the Indian is different from that enjoyed by ourselves,
the setting free of all our Indians at this time will end in certain
disaster.
TWO PLANS FOR INDIAN ADMINISTRATION REFORM
On page 26 I have referred to the great and efficient machinery of the
United States Indian Office. This tremendous institution is composed of
many and complicated parts, and they run smoothly. Frequently certain
parts are replaced. But is this great machine operated in the best
interests of the Indian and of the public? The brain responsible for the
guidance, or management of this plant, and the officers in charge of its
various Departments desire to produce a finished product of real value
to the world. How can they do so when they must needs change their
operation often, not in the real interests of a finished product, but
because of political expediency?
It seems to me there are two, and only two ways, by which we may solve
satisfactorily the Indian problem. Granted that a proper man is secured
to occupy the position of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, that man
should remain in office ten or fifteen years. England seldom makes
mistakes in her management of a dependent people. When a good man is
found, he is continued in office until he understands his people
thoroughly. With us the reverse is true. The Commissioner of Indian
Affairs has no real advisory body with whom to consult, except the
committees in Congress. Naturally, more or less politics creep into the
Office through such arrangement. Thirty years ago the United States
Board of Indian Commissioners consulted and advised with the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs. There is no reason why such a sensible
arrangement is not carried into effect today. If the Board stood between
the Commissioner and the Congressional Committees, a Commissioner would
not be forced to accept decisions which he believed were inimical to the
best interests of the Indians. Assuming that the Commissioner was
continued in office ten or fifteen years, and that the Board frequently
met with him, unwise legislative acts would not be common—as at present.
While the first suggestion has its merits, it seems to me that the plan
proposed in the Lake Mohonk platform October, 1913, presents the most
practical solution of the Indian problem. One of the speakers advocated
a paid National Commission to take the place of the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs and the Board of Indian Commissioners. In view of the
fact that the welfare of 330,000 human beings and $1,200,000,000 worth
of property are involved, he proposed the National Commission idea. This
has caused considerable discussion. Some critics contended that nine
were too many, that the Commission should be composed of seven. Others
thought that five would be sufficient. Honorable Senator Joe Robinson of
Arkansas, last winter, having heard of the Mohonk platform, introduced a
bill appointing a Commission of three. Mr. Sells and Mr. Meritt were to
be two of the Commissioners, and some one else would be selected as
third member. This would not solve the problem, since such a commission
would be political—although the members were all personally above
criticism.
The Board of Indian Commissioners, serving in honorary capacity, cannot
devote sufficient time for investigation of conditions on the
reservations, and in Indian communities. Its members are all exceedingly
busy men. They have given much time, in spite of their other callings,
to the work, as I have indicated in previous pages.
The Commissioner himself, able though he be, in my humble opinion is
beset by political considerations—which is no fault of his own.
A high Commission in charge of our Philippine affairs with the work
differentiated, and responsibilities placed upon each Commissioner, has
resulted in a development of the Islands which has attracted the
attention of the world during the brief period since the Spanish War. A
similar commission of men of recognized qualifications, is entirely
practicable in Indian affairs.
The Mohonk recommendation is absolutely sound. The seven men would
divide the work between them, one having charge of education, another of
health, a third of citizenship, a fourth irrigation, a fifth finance—and
so on through the list. Having assumed control, the office of
Commissioner and that of the honorary Board would be abolished. The
hearings of this Commission would be open, quarterly reports would be
published, and its findings made public. Its first duty would be to
compile a roll, based on ethnological lines, of the full-blood and
mixed-blood Indians. All competent educated Indians could be immediately
eliminated from Government supervision. They would thus become citizens
and cease to be included in the Indian body. The property of every
ignorant full-blood, minor child, or incompetent would be restricted for
twenty-five years, thus enabling all Indians to have reached adult age.
[Illustration: © _by Rodman Wanamaker 1913_ _The Fading Sunset_]
We owe it to the American Indian that the Commission idea be carried
into effect. Politics would not interfere with the Commission, for the
reason that its public hearings would be reported in the papers, the
good citizens, as well as the undesirable class, would either attend the
hearings or familiarize themselves with the quarterly reports. Thus a
general steal would be impossible. A single Commissioner cannot make all
of his business public, and much that he does never reaches the light of
publicity. In fact, I believe that because the Commissioner cannot take
the public into his confidence, abuses are bound to occur. Often it
remains for the Indian Rights Association, or other organizations, to
appeal to the public and do that which the Indian Office should
establish without outside influence. There would be far less incentive
to dishonesty, were covetous white men compelled to deal with a
Commission instead of an individual. The publication of the Board’s
hearings and findings would have a deterrent effect on certain men who
otherwise appeal to Senators or Congressmen.
I have often contrasted the work of Dr. W. T. Grenfell in Labrador with
that of organizations laboring among our Indians. We are not responsible
for the condition of the fishermen in Labrador, and they are numerically
but a fraction as compared with our total Indian population. Yet Dr.
Grenfell, through his lectures and publications has aroused such an
interest in this country that he can collect for his Labrador work a sum
far greater than that expended in support of six Indian missions. People
are interested in him and his work because of the appeal he makes. The
Labrador fishermen suffer no wrongs compared with our Indians, and their
condition is far better than that of the average aborigine. Similar
publicity given to Indian affairs through the reports and hearings of a
National Commission, would arouse the American people, and a brighter
day for the Indian would certainly dawn.
No matter what is said, the Commissioner must fight alone and
single-handed with the members of Congress. His is a great
responsibility. Both Mr. Leupp and Mr. Valentine, in conversations with
me, have admitted that the chief difficulty in handling the Indian
problem is found in the word “politics”. The Commissioner is dependent
on Congress for his appropriations. He may be sustained or opposed by
members of Congress, and the public will remain in ignorance. He may not
appeal save to the Secretary of the Interior. He must keep in mind the
wishes of his political party. He will not admit political pressure when
in office, but after leaving the Service, he may tell his story of
trouble with politicians, as Mr. Leupp has in his book. Mr. Valentine
could enlighten us further on “The Indian Office in Politics”, did he
care to speak. A paid National Commission would be dominated by _no_
political party. Ten years’ service would enable it to become entirely
familiar with the needs of the Indians, whereas the average
Commissioner, serving less than three years, barely becomes acquainted
with the problem when he is succeeded by a new appointee.
I recommend to the earnest consideration of the American people the
Commission idea, as the only means of salvation of the American Indian.
It will be said by critics that many of the tribes are making
satisfactory progress and need no Commission; that the present
organization of the Indian Office is sufficient. This is partly true,
but a study of the table of statistics, and reference to the testimony
submitted in this book, establishes the sad fact, that the majority of
the Indians must lose unless we make a radical change in our policy. It
is useless to blind our eyes to hard facts; and these are that we
develop a certain area after painstaking labor, and then through unwise
acts (or legislation) we destroy the very tracts we have improved.
The Indian must ultimately be merged into the body politic, as has been
affirmed. But in bringing about this desideratum, it is not necessary to
crush all happiness out of his life. For fifty years the Indian has
followed a devious and uncertain trail, in the fond hope that he might
reach his journey’s end. If men and women, who through unintentional
ignorance have given no heed to the welfare of our red Americans, will
interest their Representatives in Congress, and also help to crystallize
public opinion against further harmful legislation, it is quite possible
that the National Commission plan may be carried into effect. After many
years of study of the subject, I firmly believe that the welfare of the
Indian depends upon the creation of such a Commission as has been
indicated—one composed not of those interested in political parties, but
on the contrary of competent men who understand Indians and their needs,
of men who are willing to devote the best years of their lives to
transforming the rough, uncertain trail along which the Indian has
toiled, into a broad highway, upon which the Red Man may safely travel
to his ultimate destination—the civilized community. And having reached
the end of his journey, the Indian will live henceforth peacefully, and
enjoy to the full the blessings of liberty, equality and justice.
INDEX
Abbott, F.H., 13, 242, 247, 248, 291, 359, 384, 424.
Affidavits, 71, 74, 75, 77, 81, 82, 83, 84, 90, 91.
Agricultural lands cultivated, 24, 27, 29, 66.
Ah-bow-we-ge-shig, 93, 94.
Ali-yah-baince, 81.
Alabama, 33.
Alaska Indians, 283.
Allen, Edgar A., 13, 204.
Allen, C. W., 174.
Allen, J. Weston, 13, 74, 95, 149, 157, 247, 249, 251, 252.
Allotting, 27, 28, 33, 59, 62, 70, 71, 73, 76, 133, 248, 333, 337, 338,
389.
American Horse, 125, 128, 184.
Andrus, Miss Caroline W., 13, 209.
Anundensen, Mr., 77.
Apache, 26, 43, 44, 219, 222, 223, 233, 237, 238, 311, 314, 373, 404,
427.
Appropriations, 26, 27, 63, 64, 363.
Arapaho, 31, 102, 311, 314, 317.
Arizona, 219, 221, 222, 223, 225, 233, 235, 237, 241, 242, 250, 265,
282, 291, 373.
Arkansas, 43.
Armstrong, Gen. C. S., 205.
Art and industries, 10, 28, 29, 35, 37, 227, 229, 232, 241, 244, 256,
359–366.
Ayer, E. E., 13, 31, 36, 40, 41.
Ay-nah-me-ay-gah-bow, 56.
Bad River Reservation, 41, 42.
Bannock Indians, 253.
Ballinger, Secretary, 424.
Barbour, Hon. Geo. W., 329.
Barnard, Kate, 11, 13, 137, 150, 151, 154, 160, 163, 167, 168, 170,
426, 427.
Bartlett, George E., 101, 102, 112, 118, 132.
Barrett, S. M., 233, 238.
Bassett, Jim, 58.
Bay-bah-dwun-gay-aush, 66, 81, 95, 399.
Beaulieu, Clement, 55, 91.
Beaulieu, Gus, 65, 67, 71, 79, 91, 93, 424.
Bear, John T., 418.
Beum, Lawyer, 80.
Bibliography, 14, 98, 171, 172, 217, 277, 340.
Big Foot, 127, 128.
Big Head, 152.
Blackfeet, 253.
Blackmore, Hon. Wm., 179.
Blue Whirlwind, 127.
Board of Indian Commissioners, 36, 68, 69, 149, 224, 240, 288, 291,
326, 327, 332, 336, 340, 417, 431, 432.
Boston Indian Citizenship Committee, 74, 149, 247, 249.
Brennan, Major John R., 13, 100, 105, 342, 418.
Bright Eyes (Susette LaFlesche), 402.
Bristow (Senator), 246.
Brooke, Major John R., 122, 125.
Brown, Capt. Frederick H., 177.
Brown, John B., 133, 379.
Browning, D. W., 384.
Brulé, 99, 401.
Budrow, Ephraim, 84.
Buffalo, 299–310.
Bull Head, 123, 124.
Burch, Judge Marsden C., 57, 59, 66, 68, 90.
Bureau of Catholic Missions, 93, 282.
Bureau of Ethnology, 15, 20, 100, 184, 229, 271.
Bureau of Indian Affairs, 25, 76, 264, 329.
Burke, Hon. Charles H., 137, 155, 428.
California, 28, 33, 70, 174, 213, 219, 241, 253, 267, 270, 274, 282,
283, 291, 297, 325–340.
California Indian Association, 282, 327, 335, 336, 337.
California Indians, 325–340, 372, 375.
Canada, 18, 33, 54, 179, 191, 192, 197, 198, 199, 310, 321, 371, 418.
Carl, John, 91.
Carlisle Indian School, 29, 38, 39, 79, 203, 204, 210, 212, 215, 267,
268, 366, 412, 416.
Carter Code Bill, 285.
Carrington, Col. H. B., 177, 178, 192.
Carrier Pigeon (Journal), 31.
Century of Dishonor, 94, 183.
Chapin, A. R., 125.
Cass Lake, 45, 47, 51, 57.
Cattle, 24, 29, 44, 237, 271, 359, 361.
Catch-the-Bear, 124.
Cherokees, 33, 133, 135, 140, 143, 153, 159, 274, 372, 431.
Cheyenne, 31, 102, 178, 185, 253, 254, 286, 308, 311, 314, 317, 318,
372, 380, 400.
Chickasaws, 133, 140, 143, 159, 164.
Chief Joseph, 253, 402.
Chilocco Indian School, 37, 204, 208.
Chilocco School Journal, 29.
Chippewa (see Ojibwa)
Chippewa Music, 20, 86.
Choctaws, 133, 140, 143, 152, 153, 159, 164, 165, 167, 276.
Choctaw Investment Company, 167.
Citizenship, Indian, 33.
Civil Service Commission, 359.
Clapp Amendment, 59, 60, 67.
Clapp, Senator Moses E., 67, 68, 93.
Cleveland, President, 133.
Cliff-Dwellers, 291.
Cochise, 220, 237.
Cody, Col. Wm. F., 199, 301, 303.
Colorado, 43.
Comanches, 43, 44, 235, 236, 291, 304, 311, 314.
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 41, 50, 68, 93, 96,
136, 183, 260, 265, 337, 341, 367, 384, 428, 431, 433.
Commissioner of the Five Civilized Tribes, 11, 28, 139, 157.
Communistic Life, 399, 400.
Congressional Committees, 49, 185, 193, 194.
Coolidge, Rev. Sherman, 201, 278, 284.
Coronado, 233.
Correspondents (data), 213, 214, 216, 260–264, 274–277, 387–397.
Court of Claims, 286.
Crazy Horse, 184, 402.
Creek Council, 143.
Creeks, 133, 137, 140, 143, 148, 155, 162, 214, 276, 414.
Crops, 24, 29.
Crow, 26, 174, 190, 191, 253, 254, 294, 308, 380, 427.
Crow Dog, 120, 121.
Crow Foot, 123, 124.
Crook, Gen. G. H., 222, 223, 238, 239, 308.
Curtis, Miss Nathalie, 15.
Cushing, Frank Hamilton, 229.
Custer, General, 103, 184, 185, 190, 303, 308, 316.
Dagenett, Charles E., 13, 201.
Dances, 111, 305, 400, 404, 405.
Darr, John, 112.
Dartmouth College, 200, 207.
Dawes Commission, 133, 135.
Day-cah-me-ge-shig, 81.
Dennis, C. E., 85.
Densmore, Miss Frances, 20, 66, 86, 280.
Denver Conference, 285.
Department of Agriculture, 28, 359.
Department of Charities and Corrections, 137, 150, 170.
Department of Justice, 12, 57, 60, 70, 90, 95, 96, 139, 394, 413.
Department of the Interior, 25, 70, 141, 147, 168, 185, 200, 212, 225.
Diagram Indian Service, 32.
Dickenson, Judge J. T., 166.
Dixon, Dr. Joseph K., 12, 248.
Dodge City, Kas., 182, 299, 300, 304, 311, 319.
Dodge, Gen. (Col.), 174, 175, 177, 179, 236, 281, 300, 376.
Doubleday Page Co., 12.
Drunkenness, 31, 53, 54, 61, 62, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 276, 363, 422.
Dull Knife, 319.
Eastman, Dr. Charles A., 13, 15, 102, 185, 199, 201, 202, 279, 284,
402, 403.
Education, 27, 30, 37, 40, 50, 200–217, 231, 251, 282, 335, 338.
Eldridge, Mrs. Mary L., 250.
Eliot, Rev. Samuel A., 224, 229, 242, 248.
Ellis, Mrs. Rose, 78, 407.
Espinosa Pedro, 236.
Fairs, 256, 361, 363.
Fairbanks, Albert, 55.
Fairbanks, Ben, 55, 91.
Farms, 359–366.
Farrell, F. E., 31.
Fasler, Addie B., 165, 166.
Federal Government, 331.
Fetterman, Col. Wm. J., 177, 315.
Few Tails, 129, 130.
Fewkes, Dr. J. Walter, 229.
Fisher, Secretary W. L., 424.
Five Civilized Tribes, 11, 28, 29, 133–172, 204, 209, 276, 277, 379,
415, 417, 427.
Flammand, Joe, 80.
Flat Hip, 185.
Fletcher, Miss Alice C., 307.
Florida, 35, 240, 265.
Foreman, Grant, 13, 137, 139, 160, 168.
Forrest, E. R., 13, 231, 246, 259.
Forsythe, Col., 125.
Fort Belknap Reservation, 34.
Fort Fetterman, 310.
Fort Laramie, 177.
Fort Phil. Kearney, 177, 286.
Fort Robinson, 180.
Foster, Charles, 103.
Fourteen Confederated Tribes, 257.
Four Important Books, 367–377.
Franciscan Fathers, 225, 241, 274.
French Mission, 36.
Friedman, Moses, 201.
Frost, A. N., 13, 139, 163, 413, 427.
Full-blood Indians, 57, 68, 71, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80, 84, 140, 161, 168,
271, 274, 277, 352–358, 432.
Galagher, H. G., 107, 108.
Garfield, James, 143, 254, 424.
Gay-me-wah-nah-na-quoit, 81.
George, Jr., Henry, 419.
Georgia, 33.
Geronimo, 198, 220, 221, 233, 234, 235–240, 373.
Ghost Dance, (See Messiah Craze).
Ghost Dance Music, 115.
“Ghost Dance Religion”, 100.
Gilfillan, Rev. Joseph A., 48, 49, 50, 54, 66, 420.
Graham, Hon. James M., 49, 98, 419, 428.
Graham Investigating Committee, 66, 88, 93.
Grayson, Capt. G. W., 135, 148, 162, 163.
Greeley, Horace, 300.
Grenfell, Dr. W. T., 403, 433.
Gresham, J. E., 139, 163, 427.
Hall, Darwin S., 67, 93.
Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute, 205, 209, 211, 212.
Handbook of American Indians, 15, 45, 173, 190, 217, 219, 233, 245,
291, 307, 325, 401.
Harjo Fixico, 135.
Haskell Institute, 13, 29.
Hauke, C. F., 25.
Hawk Man, 124.
Health of the Indians, 54, 61, 66, 227, 230, 266–277, 345–351.
Heckewelder, Rev., 421.
Henderson, D. B., 65.
Henry, Robert, 71.
Hermanutz, Rev. Aloysius, 66, 68.
Hinton, John H., 90.
Hodge, Dr. F. W., 219, 291.
Hole-in-the-Day, 54, 55, 56, 63, 407, 408.
Holmes, E. G., 77.
Homar, Father Roman, 13, 85.
Hospitals, 27, 85, 250, 266, 275, 277.
Hornaday, Prof. Wm. T., 301, 303.
Horses, 24, 29, 359.
Horse Indians, 99, 174, 311.
House Committee on Indian Affairs, 142, 258.
Howard, Major John R., 13, 47, 70, 95.
Hrdlicka, Dr. Ales, 265, 268, 271.
Humphrey, Seth K., 13, 224, 367, 368, 372, 373, 376, 421.
Hunter, Henry (See Weasel).
Hurley, P. J., 164.
Huson, H., 13, 151, 170.
Indian Domination, 18.
Indian Industries League, 283.
Indian Labor, 24, 27, 29, 32, 33, 34, 37, 47, 66, 261.
Indian Office (See Indian Service).
Indian Population, 20, 21, 22, 23, 33, 40, 43, 45, 232.
Indian Publications, 29, 30, 31, 203.
Indian Rights Association, 12, 68, 240, 241, 254, 282, 291, 385, 433.
Indian Service, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 42, 66, 68, 69, 70, 87, 90, 97,
150, 151, 167, 226, 230, 252, 255, 291, 327, 331, 340, 360, 363,
366, 424, 428, 431, 433, 434.
Indian Territory, 134, 301, 417.
Inspection Service, 25, 97.
Iroquois, 33, 35.
Irrigation, 27, 219, 226, 230, 257, 291–298, 337, 374.
Jackson, Helen Hunt, 94, 183, 224, 237, 326, 334, 367, 372, 373.
James, George Wharton, 12, 15, 241, 290.
Jesus Christ, 102.
Johnson, Governor John A., 68.
Johnson, Rev. W. R., 242, 247, 343.
Jones Bill, 257.
Jones, Col. W. A., 303.
Jones, Hon. William, 50, 384.
Keeps-the-Battle, 107.
Kelsey, C. E., 13, 282, 327, 336, 337.
Kelsey, Dana H., 13, 133, 139, 149, 150, 159, 160, 161, 168, 427.
Keshena, 36, 37.
Ketcham, Rev. Wm. H., 224, 229, 242, 248.
Ke-way-din, 72.
Kicking Bear, 125.
Kiowa, 311, 314, 315.
Kolb, M. J., 82.
Kraft, Father, 128.
Kroeber, Dr. A. L., 325, 329.
Lacy, Georgia, 81.
Lake Superior, 18.
Lane, Franklin K., 13, 163, 424, 429.
Leasing, 28.
Leecy, John, 81.
Leech Lake, 45, 47, 51, 55, 57, 59.
Leupp, Francis E., 12, 35, 206, 207, 245, 267, 287, 288, 359, 367, 369,
371, 384, 402, 424, 433.
Lewis and Clark, 402.
Lincoln, President, 211.
Linnen, E. B., 13, 25, 47, 64, 69, 70, 81, 87, 89, 90, 93, 95, 96, 97,
385.
Lipps, Oscar H., 13, 201, 209, 241, 243, 379.
Little Crow, 175, 401.
Little Horse, 116.
Little Wound, 113, 125.
Livestock, 24, 29, 365.
Locke, Victor, 428.
Logan, Gen., 197.
Louisiana, 43.
Lufkins, William, 80, 83.
Lufkins, John, 94, 407.
Lusk, Charles S., 93.
Lummis, Chas. F., 14, 210, 267, 327, 336.
Mah-een-gonce, 66, 94.
Mah-een-gonce’s Story, 409.
Maine, 31, 32, 33.
Malecite Indians, 33.
Mangus-Colorado, 233, 238.
Maps, 20, 21, 22, 25, 35.
Maricopa, 291.
Marriages, Indian, 26, 243.
Marsh, Prof., 176, 180.
May-dway-we-mind, 56.
McGillicuddy, Dr., 128.
McCumber, Senator, 141.
McKee, Hon. Redick, 329.
McLaughlin, Supt. (Maj., Hon.), J., 102, 121, 122, 123, 191, 279, 367,
368.
McMurray Contracts, 164.
McWhorter, L. V., 13, 255, 257, 258, 262.
Medal of Red Cloud, 419.
Menominee, 35, 36, 40, 41, 43, 268.
Mercer, Maj. Wm. A., 201.
Meritt, Edgar B., 12, 25, 360, 384, 432.
Merriam, C. Hart, 327, 328, 332.
Messiah Craze, 99, 100–107, 121, 185, 199, 283.
Mexico, 220, 221, 223, 235, 237, 239, 325, 326, 373.
Me-zhuck-ke-ge-shig, 55, 66, 68, 81.
Me-zhuck-ke-gway-abe, 77.
Michelet, Simon, 59, 64, 68, 70, 71, 97.
Michigan, 35.
Miles, Gen., 128, 130, 180, 191, 192, 240, 308.
Miller, Okoskee, 135.
Mille Lac Indians, 63, 65, 93.
Mission Indians, 297.
Missionary Denominations, 33, 93, 281, 225.
Missionaries, 33, 49, 85.
Minnesota, 33, 265, 366.
Minnesota Historical Collections, 175.
Mixed-blood Indians, 21, 26, 47, 48, 53, 57, 66, 68, 71, 74, 75, 77,
79, 80, 84, 140, 168, 352–358, 432.
Modocs, 253, 254.
Moffett, Rev. Thomas C., 282.
Mohonk Conference, 50, 97, 151, 284, 326, 368, 384, 385, 413, 418, 425.
Money belonging to Indians, 26, 40, 42, 47, 62.
Montana, 34, 260, 261, 264.
Montezuma, Dr. Carlos, 203, 403.
Monument at Wounded Knee, 130, 131.
Mooney, James, 100, 101, 102, 127, 128, 129, 191.
Moorehead, W. K., 64, 81, 83, 87, 90, 96, 149, 428.
Morality, 53, 61, 62, 66, 73, 74, 352–358, 380, 381, 404–405.
Morgan, T. J., 12, 384.
Morrison, Robert, 77.
Mormons, 243, 261, 417.
Moty Tiger, Chief, 162.
Mott, Hon. M. L., 11, 13, 137, 140, 141, 143, 150, 155, 160, 162, 167,
170, 414, 427.
Murphy, Dr. Joseph A., 14, 273.
Murray, W. N., 428.
Murrow, Rev. J. S., 137.
National Commission (new), 431–434.
National Indian Association, 250, 281, 327, 335.
Navaho, 21, 24, 26, 31, 44, 47, 219, 241–252, 279, 280, 342, 343, 420,
423, 427.
Negro, 23, 132, 205, 401.
Nelles, Rev. Felix, 68, 85.
Nelson Act, 59, 64.
Nelson, Senator Knute, 68.
New Brunswick, 31, 33.
New Mexico, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 241, 249, 265, 267, 268, 283, 291.
Newton, Mrs. Elsie E., 97, 216, 379, 404.
New York, 21, 33, 35, 265, 415.
Nez Perce, 253, 372, 430.
Nez Perce War, 253.
Nichols-Chisolm Lumber Co., 61, 71.
No Neck, 120, 121.
North Carolina, 33.
No Water, 109, 110, 111, 114.
O’Brien, E. C., 14, 56, 90.
Official Views of Indian Conditions, 378–385.
Oglala, 99, 100, 113, 173, 270, 271.
Ojibwa, 35, 36, 41, 43, 45–56, 57–65, 66–76, 77–88, 89–98, 99, 204,
308, 342, 361, 373, 399, 427.
Ojibwa Music, 86.
Ojibwa’s Story, 407.
Oklahoma, 133–172, 205, 214, 265, 273, 277, 281, 283, 284, 318, 342,
413–415, 425, 427, 428, 431.
Oklahoma Delegation, 145.
O-mo-du-yea-quay, 80.
O-nah-yah-wah-be-tung, 80.
One Feather, 129, 130.
Oneida, 35.
Onondaga Reservation, 21.
Oregon, 260.
Ottawa, 43.
Out West (Land of Sunshine), 327.
Owen, Hon. Sen. Robert L., 203, 413, 414.
Pagan Whites, 289
Paiutes, 253.
Papago, 31, 219, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 291.
Parker, Arthur C., 14, 19, 201.
Parker, Gabe E., 11, 46.
Park Rapids Lumber Co., 61.
Parquette, Peter, 252.
Passamaquoddy, 31, 33.
Pawnees, 204, 400.
Peabody, Dr. Charles, 14.
Peace Commissions, 175, 179, 253.
Peairs, H. B., 14, 378.
Peirce, Chas. F., 14, 381.
Penobscot, 31, 32, 33.
Pepper, Dr. George W., 241.
Pereault, Joe, 89.
Philanthropic Organizations, 281–289.
Phillips Academy, Andover, 211, 245.
Pillagers, 63, 81, 97, 399.
Pimas, 219, 222, 223, 224, 291, 374, 382, 383.
Pine Ridge, 99–109, 111, 117, 122, 125, 128, 132, 174, 270, 309, 418,
420.
Plains Indians, 99, 174, 177, 187, 304, 308, 309, 311–324.
Politicians, 26, 50, 376, 395.
Politics and Indians, 139, 144, 376.
Poncas, 204, 372, 373, 402.
Potawatomie, 35, 43.
Powell, Maj. James, 99, 178, 179.
Pratt, Capt. R. H., 200, 201.
Prominent Indian Men and Women, 201, 203, 401, 402.
Property (Lands, Timber, Minerals), 21, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 37, 40, 41,
42, 47, 50, 51, 57, 59, 61, 62, 73, 103, 157, 159, 229, 250, 343.
Property valuation, 26, 27.
Public Domain, 31.
Public Health and Marine Hospital Service, 265.
Pueblo, 219, 229, 230–232, 267, 268, 291.
Recommendations, 40, 387–397.
Red Cloud, 99, 121, 173–189, 281, 318, 402.
Red Cloud, Jack, 186, 419.
Red Lake, 45, 47, 51, 57, 59, 62.
Red Man, The (Journal), 29.
Red Tomahawk, 123, 124.
Religion, 279–289.
Report of cases, 155, 156.
Riggs Missions, 409.
Robinson, Senator Joe, 432.
Rock, Grace, 77.
Rock, Mrs. John, 77.
Roe Cloud, Henry, 201, 207, 403.
Roosevelt, President, 140, 143, 144, 233.
Rosebud, 104, 107.
Royer, Doctor D. F., 105, 108.
Sacagawea, 402.
St. Luke, John, 71.
San Carlos, 222.
Santa Fe Trail, 174.
Sauk and Fox, 36.
Saunders, Fred, 77.
Schools, 27, 37, 38, 39, 48, 87, 106, 138, 146, 213–217, 227, 266.
Scott, Duncan C., 418, 419.
Secretary of the Interior, 54, 55, 91, 96, 136, 143, 149, 162, 163,
258, 433.
Seger, John H., 14, 417, 418.
Sells, Commissioner, 12, 16, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 151, 167, 267, 283,
341, 359, 360, 363, 378, 384, 423, 424, 432.
Seminoles, 35, 133, 140, 143, 276.
Sequoya, 402.
Seventh Cavalry, 125, 128.
Shangraux, Louis, 118, 119, 120, 121.
Shave Head, 123, 124, 125.
Shearman, James T., 54, 55, 56.
Sherman, Jas. S., 429.
Sheep, 24, 29, 44, 250, 364, 395.
Shelton, Maj. W. T., 247, 252, 343.
Short Bull, 119, 120, 121, 125.
Sioux, 26, 47, 63, 99–117, 131, 132, 173, 177, 178, 181, 268, 270, 304,
308, 322, 372, 400, 407.
Sioux Music, 189.
Sitting Bull, 99, 102, 121, 122, 123–132, 173, 179, 180, 184, 190–199,
402.
Smiley Commission. 334.
Smiley, Hon. Albert K., 284, 326.
Smiley, Hon. Daniel, 284.
Smith, Rev. Wilkins, 85.
Smithsonian Institution, 12, 15, 219, 265.
Sniffen, M. K., 13, 25, 247, 255, 283.
Society of American Indians, 284, 285, 286, 404.
Spotted Tail, 120, 178, 181, 183, 281, 402.
Stahlberg, Dr. Isaac, 69.
Standing Rock, 104, 107.
Statistics, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 32, 42, 43, 45, 59, 133, 142,
155, 156, 168, 257, 295.
Statistics of Indian conditions, 341, 345–358.
Steenerson, Hon. Halvor, 59, 68.
Steenerson Act, 59.
Stephens Bill, 286.
Stephens, Hon. J. H., 149, 150, 258.
Stevenson, Mrs. Matilda, 229.
Strikes-the-Kettle, 124.
Stone Calf, 317.
Sturdevant, W. L., 141, 144.
Sully, Gen., 316.
Swindling of Indians, 71, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84, 87, 98, 136,
150, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 160, 163, 166, 254.
Taft, President, W. H., 151, 422.
Talequah, 135, 138, 146
Tennessee, 33.
Texas, 43.
Thumb Prints, 81.
Tiger, Moty, 162, 163.
Trachoma, 27, 32, 52, 54, 85, 208, 209, 211, 250, 265, 267, 269, 276,
277, 345, 351, 382.
Treaties, 41, 62, 195, 329, 330, 371.
Tribal Property, 21, 40.
Tribal Customs, 20.
Tribal Funds, 27, 40.
Tuberculosis, 27, 32, 35, 54, 85, 92, 208, 209, 210, 211, 250, 265,
267, 268, 269, 270, 272, 273, 274, 275, 277, 345–351, 382, 416.
Tucson Farms Company, 225, 226, 227.
Twin Lakes, 49.
Two Strike, 120, 121.
Union Pacific Railway, 301.
Utah, 263.
Utes, 107, 253, 258, 259.
U. S. Reclamation Service, 257.
Valentine, Robert G., 11, 12, 69, 207, 242, 254, 267, 359, 384, 399,
424, 433.
Valuation, Stock, 24.
Vanoss, Andrew, 82.
Vaux, Hon. George, Jr., 14, 149, 167, 224.
Victorio, 220, 221.
Van Metre, J. T., 71, 83.
Wakaya, Simon, 153.
Wallace, Dr. W. W., 14, 247.
Waller, Mr., 82.
Wanamaker Expedition, 248.
Wanamaker, Rodman, 12.
War Dance Music, 189.
War Department, 25, 132, 173, 200, 223, 233.
Warren, William W., 45, 98.
Washington, Booker T., 402.
Weasel, The, 102, 112, 117.
Weber, Rev. Anselm, 14, 241, 242, 246, 247.
Whipple, Bishop, 371.
White Bird, 108.
White Earth, 41, 43, 45, 49, 51, 53, 55, 57, 59, 66, 70, 77, 89–98,
254, 409, 411, 424.
Whitside, Major, 125.
Wigglesworth, Dr., 250.
Wild Rice Lumber Co., 61.
Wilson, Horace, 381.
Winnebago, 35, 372.
Winnemucca, Sarah, 264, 402.
Wisconsin, 35, 36, 40, 41, 42, 43, 213, 265, 273, 274.
Wisconsin University Conference, 285.
Wood, Brig.-Gen. P. G., 125.
Wovoka, 101, 102.
Wounded Knee Massacre, 123–132, 186.
Wounded Knee Creek, 117, 119.
Wozencraft, Hon. O. M., 329, 332.
Wright, Rev. Charles, 68, 69.
Wright, J. George, 14, 28, 133, 139, 157, 159, 161, 427.
Wright, Robert M., 14, 182, 286, 299, 311.
Wyoming, 43, 295.
Yakima, 26, 253, 255, 257, 295, 385.
Yellow Bird, 127.
Yuma, 219, 223, 291.
Zeisberger, Rev., 421.
Zuni, 229, 232.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. Fixed the issues mentioned in Corrections.
2. Added anchor for the footnote on p. 264.
3. Changed “own Poor Lo” to “own Poor Lot” on p. 376.
4. Changed “the Gila River w sh” to “the Gila River wash” on p. 428.
5. Silently corrected typographical errors.
6. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.
7. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
8. Superscripts are denoted by a caret before a single superscript
character or a series of superscripted characters enclosed in
curly braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}.