CHAPTER XXXIX. GENERAL COMMENTS AND SUGGESTIONS

There are some general observations which I desire to make prior to my

conclusions. Any one of these might be expanded into an entire chapter,

but since that is impracticable, it is necessary in the following pages

to refer to a number of subjects both related and unrelated.

An illuminating comment as to affairs on the Great Plains between 1850

and 1880 is found in the Mormon records of their great migration from

the East to Salt Lake City. There is no authentic narrative indicating a

serious clash between these Mormons and the thousands of Indians whom

they encountered. After their location in Salt Lake City and vicinity

they preserved friendly relations with the Indians. Brigham Young made a

statement, embodying the above facts, to Honorable J. V. Farwell, one of

the original members of the Board of Indian Commissioners, in 1869.

People interested in Indians would do well to consult the early reports

of the Board of Indian Commissioners. The first one was written in 1869

and published in 1870. Contrary to general belief, the Five Civilized

Tribes, living in what was then Indian Territory, were working, building

houses, fencing lands, and progressing. In other sections of the country

as well there was progress to be noted. We do not need to confine our

observations to the Apache country, Oklahoma or California in order to

prove that the disinclination of many Indians to work, was entirely due

to the fact that the Indian was suddenly removed from savagery and

placed in civilization. Practically all Indians were self-supporting,

prior to white domination. Otherwise, they would have soon died of

starvation. The deterioration of the Indian was caused not entirely by

removal of the means of livelihood (lands, game, irrigation, etc.,) but

because of unwise, not to say foolish and incompetent, handling of

Indian affairs. Washington is not so much to blame as is the entire

country. Let us consider a specific instance at some length. Mr. John H.

Seger went among the Cheyenne Indians in 1872. From Darlington,

Oklahoma, he ran a stage to Fort Elliot, Texas, 160 miles. In 1884 the

cattle men leased all the Cheyenne and Arapaho reservation west of the

South Canadian River. They paid $100,000 per year, cash rent. As these

Indians were drawing blankets, rations and clothing from the Government,

so large a sum of money nearly ruined them. Captain J. M. Lee was

appointed Agent, and after two years the Government cancelled the

leasing privilege. These Indians, who formerly raised corn and hauled

freight (thus earning money in addition to their free sustenance)

complained, and desired to continue the leasing privilege in order that

they might loaf. Captain Lee concluded that Mr. Seger was the only man

able to persuade the Indians to return to their former mode of life.

Seger was given to understand that if he learned the language, and gave

up his life to the care of this band of Indians, he would be continued

in the Service. He moved the Indians sixty miles to the Washita River

and founded what is known as Seger’s Colony. The story of his work among

these Indians and the many difficulties he overcame makes very

interesting reading. Seger established a school and later the place was

known as Seger township. Indians soon constructed twenty-eight houses.

He labored for more than twelve years, persuaded a missionary

organization to establish a mission and the last year he was in charge

the net profits of the industries carried on at his school amounted to

$6,993. The story of his removal and the subsequent purchase of much of

the Indians’ land would be a repetition of what has occurred elsewhere

in this country. I never could understand why competent men are not

retained. Frequent removals, or changes in Washington, are of less

moment, but in Indian communities much is lost and very little gained

when a faithful employee, who has perfected himself in a study of his

people, is removed from office and some stranger placed in his stead.

Several thousand Indians owning farms protect themselves and hold their

own against white people. They do this notwithstanding changes of men or

of laws. Such need no protection, and I have said little concerning them

in this book. I would that all Indians were so satisfactorily placed in

our body politic. As an illustration of this class of Indians, I present

the following incident.

When travelling with Major Brennan across Pine Ridge reservation, I

observed on the cabin of an educated Indian, who wished to protect his

allotment, a large board sign which read as follows:

NOTICE

NO TRESPASSING WILL BE ALLOWED

ON MY ALLOTMENT UNDER PENALTY

OF THE LAW

JOHN T. BEAR

There have been a number of references in this book to Canada. Mr.

Duncan C. Scott, who holds that office in Canada corresponding to our

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, attended the Lake Mohonk Conference this

year. He showed us a few thin pamphlets—all the regulations, laws,

statements, methods of procedure, etc., necessary in the management of

Canadian Indian affairs. With us we employ skilled lawyers to fathom the

intent of our legislators. They must needs delve into thousands of pages

of conflicting laws, rules and statutes. And after one set of attorneys

have presented their views, the mass of legal rulings is so enormous and

complicated that other attorneys assigned the same task usually arrive

at exactly opposite conclusions from those presented by the first corps!

Mr. Scott also informed us that when a white man marries an Indian woman

in Canada, he has no part in tribal or individual property. The

Government issues no deeds to the Indians, but they live on their farms

as do ours. All incentive to graft is removed. The simple, effective

Canadian management of Indian affairs, compared with our ponderous,

complicated and ignorant handling of the same class of people in this

country, points a very strong moral.

[Illustration:

MEDAL PRESENTED BY PRESIDENT GRANT TO CHIEF RED CLOUD IN 1871

Secured from Mrs. Red Cloud and Jack Red Cloud for the Trustees of

Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass., in 1909, by W. K. Moorehead. Solid

silver. Full size.

]

Of those who have done much on behalf of the Indian, I neglected to

emphasize the work of Honorable James M. Graham, Congressman from

Illinois, and Honorable Henry George, Jr., of New York.

These two gentlemen served on the Congressional Committee referred to in

Chapters IV-VIII. There were other members on this same Committee, who

did good work, but I believe Messrs. Graham and George were the only two

who attended all of the sessions. Omitting the members of Congress

already mentioned in the book, those who have been especially active in

protecting Indians are Honorable Senators LaFollette, Townsend, Ashurst,

Lane, Page and Gronna; and Honorable Congressmen Konop, Church,

Campbell, McGuire, Miller, Lenroot, Murdock and Stevens (Nebraska).

I have tried to indicate in a number of places in this book why so many

of our Indian tribes are practically at a standstill, so far as progress

along lines of civilization is concerned. Put into one concrete

statement, the reason for the unsatisfactory condition of many of our

Indians is due to the following:—First, we have hurried them into

citizenship before they were qualified to assume full responsibility.

Second, many of the farms and tracts improved by Indians, after much

labor, have been taken away.

Certain of the missions were very successful, and numbers of them are so

at the present day. The famous Riggs family of missionaries among the

Sioux, succeeded in building up communities of Christian Indians and

promoting thrift and industry. Rev. Gilfillan’s missions in Minnesota,

and the Catholic mission near Pine Ridge are illustrations of what can

be done with Indians when one has secured their confidence. So long as

there is no change in management, and the Indians are not hurried, much

progress on their part is sure to result. But, unfortunately, as has

been indicated, we have no more than persuaded a band of Indians to

become progressive than we destroy all incentive to further progress.

This was done in the case of the Pima and Papago, in addition to other

tribes frequently mentioned. Indians develop farms and become

self-supporting only to see the result of their labor swept away. Beyond

question, we have hurried the Indian, and forced allotments and

citizenship upon him far too rapidly. We should have moved slowly, as

they do in Canada, and avoid the dreadful scandals and the increase of

disease and pauperism. The Indians are more or less confused by our

numerous rulings, changes of officials, etc. An Indian said to me in

Minnesota: “We used to live in the open air and were healthy. You told

us to live in houses. We became sick. Now you tell us to again live in

the open air. The white man has many minds.”

The old method of gradual extension of civilizing influences was

generally successful. And, in all sections of the country where such a

plan is followed, the Indians are doing quite well. Indians can be led,

or persuaded, far more satisfactorily than driven. The Navaho have never

been driven, but were permitted to slowly, yet satisfactorily, progress

along certain lines. An educated Indian once summed up to me our general

policy with reference to the average Indian in Oklahoma:—“You put a few

words of English in his mouth, a coat on his back, thrust a deed to

valuable property in his hands, and send him out among shrewder white

men, expecting him to hold his own.”

Even the wildest Indians might have been led along the path to

civilization had we approached the subject in the proper manner. Setting

aside temporarily my rule not to refer to affairs prior to 1850, permit

me to indicate what Rev. Zeisberger and Rev. Heckewelder accomplished in

the Ohio wilderness before the American Revolution. They established

missions on the Muskingum River and conducted these successfully, in

spite of the fact that all the Ohio and Indiana Indians were at war with

the settlers of Kentucky, Virginia and Pennsylvania. These men dealt

with, and worked among, a class of Indians as hostile as many of those

in the West. At the time the missions were destroyed by one Williamson

and other white murderers, the chapels, houses, fenced fields, and other

evidences of civilization were in advance of that exhibited in any white

community lying between central Pennsylvania and the Spanish missions.

The reason for the success of the Moravian mission lay in this fact:

that the missionaries were permitted to labor unhampered in a remote

section of the country, there were no white people near, no demoralizing

influences. They did not force industry upon the natives suddenly, but

by a slow and persistent policy of training and education, brought about

the desired result. With us, in these modern days, in far too many

places, we have not only exhibited undue haste in preparing our Indians

for citizenship, but we have shown a general incompetence in managing

their affairs.

There is yet another and equally important reason so many of our Indians

are discouraged, or backward, or indolent. Most nations, or tribes of

men, learn the lessons of life in the hard school of adversity. The

Indian had his school of adversity, but the curriculum was totally

different from that observed in any other institution of similar

character. He had, on the one hand what Mr. Humphrey has called “the

great Unselfishness” (_page 375_), and on the other the exact opposite

of “the great Unselfishness.” The “great Selfishness” destroyed the

Indian—nothing else. The Indian found it exceedingly difficult to adapt

himself to the new conditions. Through education, he was able to fathom

the inconsistencies of the white man’s teachings and practices. Being

human, he refused to develop his property, if by so doing he merely

fattened the pocketbook of some covetous white man. His vast tribal

estates furnished him with moneys at stated occasions, and, relying too

much upon these, he drifted into indolent habits. The unlettered

aborigine, as well as the educated Indian, observed that we were

continually concerned with the Indian rather than with white people

responsible for the Indians’ condition. This to them was inexplicable.

The illustration presented me on this score by a certain educated Indian

presents the thought quite forcibly. “Suppose a ranchman owned a large

tract of land on which grazed some thousands of sheep. Around his ranch

ranged hundreds of coyotes. The wolves frequently destroy the sheep. The

ranchman is continually changing the sheep from one pasture to another,

in order to avoid the wolves. He devotes all his energies to the sheep,

instead of destroying the wolves.”

Consider the whiskey problem, about which so much has been printed.

There are laws and regulations sufficient to control this evil. Yet

everyone seems concerned in preventing Indians from drinking whiskey, or

arresting drunken Indians. So long as the State authorities do not

enforce the laws against white men who introduce whiskey, it will be

impossible to prevent Indians from drinking. Equally applicable are the

laws against theft from Indians. In spite of all our investigations, few

white men are ever sent to the penitentiary for swindling Indians. As in

the case of whiskey, there are ample laws for the protection of Indian

property and the punishment of grafters, yet they are seldom enforced.

Honorable William H. Taft, ex-President of the United States, has in his

public addresses frequently called attention to our lax enforcement of

laws and our apparent disrespect of the courts, as compared with the

high regard in which the English hold their legal machinery, and the

impartial manner in which they administer justice.

All these things, in their ensemble, discourage the average Indian, just

as they would affect the average white man. Prison sentences, instead of

small fines, would put an end to graft and drunkenness, and would have a

far-reaching effect in raising the Indian to a real citizenship. We have

tried moral suasion and it has failed absolutely. Let us now employ

force against the guilty.

The American Indian in the United States, Period 1850-1914 ... The Present Condition of the American Indian; His Political History and Other Topics; A Plea for Justice · 第 31 / 32 章