ARNIM’S HAND--VISIT TO THE PRINCE IN BERLIN--I RECEIVE MY INSTRUCTIONS
FOR A PRESS CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE EMPRESS AUGUSTA--THE “FRICTION
ARTICLES” IN THE “GRENZBOTEN”--VISITS AT VARZIN, SCHOENHAUSEN AND
FRIEDRICHSRUH
During the years 1873 to 1875 I edited the _Hannoverscher Courier_.
I then returned to Leipzig, where I was chiefly engaged on the
_Grenzboten_, which was published there. At first my connection with
the Foreign Office was not very close, and I only occasionally applied
to it for information, which always reached me through Bucher, as
arranged. At the end of May or the beginning of June, 1873, the latter
wrote me that MacMahon was causing a great deal of work, so that he had
been engaged until late at night on the three holidays. A few weeks
later it seemed to me that there were signs of an approaching crisis,
and I accordingly begged him to let me know how I could best serve
the Chief in my paper. On the 27th of June I received the following
answer:--
“Honoured Friend,--I have succeeded, during the last half hour
before the departure for Varzin, in smuggling your letter of the 25th
into the Chief’s hands. Here is his answer:--
“‘The most timely topic is the friction to which I am subjected, and
which has undermined my health. We have the traditions of absolutism
existing side by side with the constitutional machine, and, since 1866,
in duplicate. The absolute King has the will, or at least imagines
that he has, to decide everything for himself. He was formerly, and
still is, however, practically restricted by the lack of indispensable
knowledge, and the consequent independence of the departments which
sometimes takes the shape of passive resistance (to the Chancellor).
The State and Imperial Diets also want to determine what is to be done.
And then there are Court influences. The members of the Reichstag are
utterly exhausted, and yet they call upon the Ministers, who are no
less exhausted than themselves, to immediately set about preparing
Bills for the next Session. In the last resort, all the friction
arising from this complicated machinery falls upon the main wheel, the
Prime Minister, the Chancellor.’
“So far the Chief. I venture to add a few ideas which I imagine will
be in accordance with his views. In order to avoid irritating the
King, it would be wise to speak of the ‘absolute _monarchy_,’ and to
add a few words in recognition of his former services, suggesting
that the old gentleman, who from the traditions of his whole life and
from his military training is thoroughly devoted to his duty and very
strict in the transaction of business, will not give his approval
until he has thoroughly mastered the subject under consideration.
As to Parliament you might say that it contains no stable majority
upon which a Government could rely or which could furnish a Ministry.
The reasons are: the immaturity of our Parliamentary life; the after
effects of a merely theoretical knowledge of politics; conflicting
elements produced by the course of events--the Guelphs, Particularism,
Ultramontanism; the influence of the University Students’ Associations;
consequently a crumbling into fractions--a Holy Roman Empire split up
into three hundred territories. Perhaps a reference to England. There
are some points in my pamphlet on Parliamentarism which deal with
Ireland. Conclusion, perhaps: That we have to make up in a few years
the leeway lost by our forefathers during centuries.
“If you like, I will look through the manuscript. Please in that case
to send it to the Wilhelmstrasse.
“With friendly greetings,
“Bucher.”
“P.S.--I have thought of another conclusion, and would suggest the
following: What is to be done? The public calls for Imperial Ministers.
They will doubtless come in time, but it is very questionable whether,
_cæteris paribus_, the friction will be less when the Chairman and the
Directors of the Imperial Chancellerie are more independent of each
other. Two or three people are under the impression that everything
would go on better if they were to succeed the Prince. It is true that
nobody believes it except themselves. Therefore, long live the Chief!
The Pretenders are Keudell and Arnim. The first bides his time; the
second is engaged in active intrigues.”
In 1874, when the differences broke out between the Prince and Arnim, I
immediately applied to Bucher, and asked for directions as to the way
in which I could make myself most useful. I received an answer without
delay, and during the month of May various communications reached me.
On the 3rd of May, for instance, I received the following sketch of an
article for the _Courier_:--
“The opposition of Count Arnim, whom many newspapers puff by heading
their articles, ‘Arnim and Bismarck,’ recalls the condition of things
which prevailed under Frederick William III. and Frederick William
IV., and which was believed to have entirely passed away to the great
benefit of the country. Although it is a popular error to think
that the title of Minister Plenipotentiary, which is borne by our
Ambassadors, puts them on an equality with the Minister of State,
yet, as a matter of fact, Prussian diplomatists have in the past not
infrequently behaved as if they were the colleagues of their Chief,
and carried on discussions with him such as take place between two
Councillors of a Government or members of the bench of Judges. Prussian
diplomacy was noted for its lack of discipline. Cases are known in
which an envoy returned to Berlin without asking leave, in order to
advocate his own views at Court, and to secure support for them in
the newspapers. It was not his love of power which led the Imperial
Chancellor to set aside a number of Excellencies of that old school,
but rather the recognition that such a method of doing business might
have suited a time when Prussia was a fifth wheel to the coach of
European politics, but was entirely incompatible with the execution
of the programme which Herr von Bismarck brought with him in 1862,
and has already carried out in a way that will immortalise him long
after the names of the malcontent Excellencies may have ceased to
figure even in an encyclopædia. It is said that Herr von Blankenburg,
a military writer, descended from a Pomeranian family with which Count
Arnim is related on the mother’s side, makes insinuations in the
_Schlesische Zeitung_ against Bismarck’s character as a colleague. Our
representatives abroad are not the colleagues of the Minister, but
rather his agents. In their reports they have sufficient opportunity
for expressing their views, but when a decision has been arrived at
they have to carry out their instructions in a willing spirit. In a
Cabinet (Collegium) any differences can be easily settled without
damage to the interests of the country by putting the question to the
vote. But when a difference arises between a Minister in authority and
a subordinate who does not follow the instructions of his departmental
chief it is difficult to find any other solution in a well-ordered
State than the retirement of one or other of them from the service.
This may possibly now be the case, and in the interests of the service
it may be regretted that it did not occur before.”
Shortly afterwards followed a translation of the final passage of an
article in the _Hour_, which it may be taken for granted was either
written by Bucher or at least inspired by him. It ran:--
“The fact that the Imperial Chancellor has so long tolerated such a
censorious and contumacious attitude on the part of a subordinate
shows with what serious internal difficulties this statesman has
had to contend during his whole career, difficulties which in their
full extent will never become known to the public. These were the
consequences of a transition from an absolute to a constitutional
system of government. Even after the Constitution had been proclaimed
under Frederick William IV. many diplomatists continued to follow
the traditions of the former absolute régime, opposing the Minister
for Foreign Affairs, and endeavouring to obtain the approval of the
King for their own policy. Such a condition of affairs, which brought
Prussian diplomacy into disrepute, so far as its discipline and
success were concerned, could not possibly be tolerated by a Minister
who entered office with such far-reaching plans as those of Prince
Bismarck. Behaviour of this description is also little calculated to
succeed with a man of such a straightforward and resolute character
as the Emperor William. The efforts made by Count Goltz, and others
whom we will not here specify, as they are still living, to play the
part of Ministers, met with no success. There is every reason to hope
that Count Arnim’s endeavours will be equally unsuccessful, even if
they be favoured by certain influences at Court, as thus only can
the Minister’s policy overcome the machinations of ambitious and
self-seeking intriguers. It is in the interest not only of Germany, but
of all Europe, that this consummation should be achieved, and we have
good reason to hope that it will be.”
On the 29th of May I received from Bucher the following short letter of
the previous day’s date:--
“Honoured Friend,--A little piece of news that will give you
pleasure. I said to the Chief to-day, ‘Busch has reported himself,
and wishes to join in the fray. I have gladly taken advantage of this
offer, and here are two extracts from his newspaper.’ Answer: ‘Ah, our
little Saxon! Leave the extracts here.’
“When I find any more material I will send it to you, of course, _salva
redactione_.
“I am not going to Varzin this time, and with such abominable weather
as we are having now, I am not at all sorry. Besides, it will do no
harm if some of the young bloods who have an ambition to go there, try
it for once.
“Yours ever.”
A few months later I received the following from Bucher: “Harry (Count
Arnim) has taken away with him from Paris a number of Foreign Office
despatches, and asserts that they are private letters. In the spring
the Berlin semi-official journals hinted that he had _become_ a rich
man.”
On the 28th of August Bucher wrote me from Varzin: “The Chief has
received diplomas of honorary membership from two Italian lodges, and
instructed me to ascertain from some trustworthy person acquainted with
the subject what sort of connection he would enter into by a tacit
acceptance (he will not send an answer), and what future obligations he
might be considered to have assumed. I mentioned you, and received his
permission to ask you. Please, therefore, to inform us. The Chief is
better than he has been for ten years.”
I gave the desired information, and on the 16th of September received
the following answer:--
“The Chief desires me to thank you for your prompt reply, which has
induced him to pigeon-hole the hocus-pocus” (from Livorno and some
little place the name of which I have forgotten). “The news about my
eyes was something more than mere newspaper gossip. It was part of
the press campaign which Delponte (Delbrück), the statesman with the
youthful knee-breeches, organised and set in motion in the spring. In
1873 I underwent treatment for the purpose of relieving the pressure
of blood to the eyes. There is nothing the matter with me now, thank
goodness! but last year’s cure is worked up again, as they would
like to get rid of me. I do not hold with the Manchester principles
that have made England so wonderfully prosperous. I do not sniff the
Court atmosphere, have no aspirations, and will not join the Camorra
of Ministers and Privy Councillors who are constantly engaged in
conspiracy against the Chief, but am on the contrary content to serve
him. But it is exactly because I have no aspirations that I can say,
‘_Je m’en fiche_.’ Auf Wiedersehen in Berlin in October.
“With best greetings, &c.”
The visit here referred to was postponed till the 3rd of November, when
I called upon Bucher at his lodgings, No. 39 Lutzowstrasse. I made
the following notes at the time of what I considered the interesting
parts of our conversation. (...) Bucher further remarked ... that the
Imperial Chancellor now appears to have also seen through Delbrück.
He now takes into his own hands much that was formerly left to him.
In the same way the Chief has for some time past taken Keudell’s
measure. In his departmental connection with press affairs, Keudell
had left a deficit not of 18,000 thalers as he had formerly told me,
but of 80,000,[12] through the payment of remuneration and pensions to
writers of all sorts, in some cases without the knowledge, and in one
instance (Bucher mentioned an Englishman named ----, as the person in
question), against the express instructions of the Prince. This deficit
is now being made good by the suspension of similar subsidies for a
period of two years. He was not much of a success in Rome either. He
had together with Lonyay, the Austro-Hungarian envoy in Rome, started
the project of a visit to be paid by the Emperor William to the Italian
Court, by announcing that Francis Joseph intended to visit Victor
Emmanuel. Bucher added: “Both gentlemen hoped in this way to obtain the
rank of Ambassador. But when inquiries were made into the matter in
Vienna it was ascertained that Francis Joseph did not dream of such a
thing, and so the plan was dropped in Berlin.” I also now obtained a
further explanation of Thile’s retirement. This was due to an intrigue
of Keudell’s. According to Bucher the facts were as follows. On the
occasion of the meeting of the three Emperors in 1872, Gortschakoff and
Andrassy gave Keudell to understand that they would like to receive the
Order of the Black Eagle. The Chief however was opposed to this, partly
on the ground that he did not wish to diminish the value of this high
Order by conferring it too frequently, and partly because he wanted
to save it up as a reward for future services on the part of those
statesmen. Notwithstanding this Keudell used his influence in favour
of its immediate bestowal; and when the Emperor had issued the patent
or decree to that effect he induced Thile to countersign it. When
Keudell afterwards reported this to the Chief, the latter fell into a
fearful rage and indulged in violent language against the unsuspecting
Secretary of State. Keudell then let Thile know what had been said,
with the remark that it was quite impossible for him to repeat some
of the worst expressions. Thile thereupon immediately tendered his
resignation to the Emperor. Bucher added: “When it was now suggested
that Thile should be summoned as an expert in the Arnim trial, I
pointed out that he bore the Prince a grudge.” The Chief replied:
“He has no reason to be angry with me, although he may well be with
Keudell. In spite of this and other instances, however, Keudell will
still be maintained by the ladies.”
On my removal from Hanover to Leipzig in October, 1875, the
correspondence between Bucher and myself gradually increased in
frequency. In reply to a request of mine for particulars respecting
the Prince’s family, which I required for an article that the editors
of the _Illustrirte Zeitung_ wished me to supply, Bucher wrote as
follows from Varzin on the 31st of October:--
“It is very possible that your pen can do welcome service. Further
particulars when you are in Berlin. Even now it would be very useful
and agreeable to Gamaliel (this was the name under which, as a measure
of precaution, we referred in our correspondence to the Chief, at whose
feet we had studied politics), if you were to show up the manœuvre
of representing Camphausen as the leader and the chief sinner, and
Delbrück as following or being influenced by him, while the contrary
is, and must be, the case, in view of the character of the two men. D.
is cunning, C. blunt. Delbrück allows his bosom friend to be sacrificed
as a scapegoat, in order to propitiate the raging waters.” And in a
letter of the 7th of November also dated from Varzin, Bucher suggested
the following: “A newspaper chorus is trying to make Herr Camphausen
responsible for the financial policy of the German Empire. We fancy,
however, that Herr Delbrück is both Minister of Finance and Minister
of Commerce for the German Empire, and that in these departments he
has been given a free hand by the Imperial Chancellor. He too has
invariably had all the laurels so long as there were any to be plucked.
Herr Camphausen has enough to bear in his responsibility for the
financial policy of Prussia.”
Shortly after I had fulfilled these instructions, the publication of
Arnim’s pamphlet, “Pro Nihilo,” afforded an opportunity for unmasking
its author in the _Grenzboten_.
My relations with the Prince assumed a still more satisfactory form
in 1877. Keil of the _Gartenlaube_ wished to publish a large portrait
of the Chancellor, and I was to supply the text. I therefore applied
direct to the Prince in a letter, in the course of which I said: “It
is not to be a biography, but only one side of your Serene Highness’s
life and character, treated in a bright sketchy style. I have asked
for time to consider the proposal, and was at first indisposed to
undertake the work. But then the following considerations occurred to
me. The _Gartenlaube_ has at present 300,000 subscribers, and therefore
at least a million and a half of readers; and if your Serene Highness
should have any idea which you might think it desirable to launch into
the world, or anything in the past which you might wish to recall to
memory, this periodical would serve as a capital hoarding for purposes
of advertisement, particularly as it is not a daily paper, but remains
for permanent reference. And then there was another point which seemed
to me worthy of consideration, namely, that if I declined the proposal,
Herr Keil would probably instruct some one else to prepare the article
who might be less devoted to your Serene Highness. Finally, to meet
the wishes of the publisher of the _Gartenlaube_ in this respect would
confirm the good sentiments which he now entertains, and enable me to
gain influence with him for future contingencies.
“If these considerations meet with your Serene Highness’s approval, I
may, perhaps, hope that you will have a hint conveyed to me as to the
treatment of the subject, and at the same time assist me with some
materials for my work.
“I did not wish to apply to your Serene Highness before, as I took it
for granted that it would be only in Varzin, if anywhere, that you
would have leisure to give any serious attention to such matters. If
your Serene Highness has no purpose in view which might be promoted
by such an undertaking, I shall let it drop, as my only desire in the
matter is to meet your wishes, and advance your interests.”
I then went on to say that Keil would probably be prepared to accept a
series of sketches of the houses and estates occupied by the Prince in
the course of the year, and one might combine various political matters
with the descriptive part.
Nothing came of the article to accompany the portrait. On the other
hand, the series last mentioned was carried out, although in a
different form to that which was at first intended. In the meantime,
however, I had something more important to occupy me.
On the 4th of April Bucher wrote: “Your request was received in a very
friendly way by the Chief, who will give the necessary instructions
and see you when you are here. _He is going._ It is not a question of
leave of absence, but a peremptory demand to be allowed to retire.
The reason: Augusta, who influences her ageing consort, and conspires
with Victoria (the Crown Princess), works up the priests through
the Radziwills and others, travels _incognito_ from Baden-Baden to
Switzerland in order to have tête-à-têtes with Mermillod and other
rabid Ultramontanes--an incident which is discussed in every tap-room
in Switzerland, and which we know from other sources to be a fact. The
successor who seems to have the best prospect, because Augusta desires
his appointment, is Schleinitz, the Minister of the Household. You can
make use of this, but with that prudence which is imposed by the Press
Laws.”
Of course I wrote to Bucher by return of post, that in these
circumstances I held myself at the Prince’s disposal to do everything
and anything which lay in my power, and that I would proceed to Berlin
within the next few days. At the same time I wrote the first of the
so-called “Friction Articles” of the _Grenzboten_. Advance copies were
sent to the principal Berlin papers, and were reproduced by them. They
caused a general sensation, and excited much discussion and comment,
favourable and otherwise, even in the foreign press. This first article
ran:--
“The Resignation of the Imperial Chancellor.
“Berlin, _April 7th_.
“The following sets forth the present position of affairs in the
Wilhelmstrasse. It is not possible to say whether it will be the same
when your next issue leaves the press a week hence, as it lies solely
with the highest authority in the land to modify it.
“The only point that is quite certain is that it is not a question of
a longer or shorter leave of absence of our Imperial Chancellor, but
rather of his actual retirement from the chief control both of Imperial
and Prussian affairs, of a resignation of all his offices which has
long been under consideration by the Prince, and has finally been
tendered in unmistakable terms. All other accounts of the affair are
mere myths and baseless conjectures. The Imperial Chancellor leaves,
not, as people say, for a longer holiday than usual, not for a year,
but for ever. The only hope, therefore, is that the cause of this
decision may yet be removed.
“That cause is not the Prince’s condition of health, which might
certainly be better than it is, but cannot at least be regarded as
worse than it has generally been during recent years. Furthermore,
it was not in consequence of the Stosch affair that he tendered his
resignation, though it can hardly have been a matter of particular
satisfaction to him. Finally--and this ought to be understood as a
matter of course--Prince Bismarck does not surrender the helm in order
to retire from politics and to devote himself to the occupations and
pleasures of a country life, although he thoroughly appreciates them,
and has during recent years sought to enjoy them as frequently as State
affairs permitted. A man of his character and his past knows that he
cannot follow his own inclinations, but belongs to his country and his
people as long as he has the strength and the untrammelled opportunity
to serve them.
“These last words give a clue to the true and only cause which induced
the Chancellor to ask for his release from office. It consists in the
‘friction’--emphasised by him on several occasions, both in public
and in private--which has arisen out of the efforts of certain Court
circles to use their influence in supporting the Ultramontanes and
others, to the grave embarrassment of the Chancellor’s policy and
action. This friction, exhausting as it is, could and would have been
borne, were it not that it threatens from year to year to become
a greater hindrance, and that it has already on several occasions
prevented the Chancellor from using, as he considers essential,
the authority vested in him for the welfare of the country, and
in particular for the necessary measures of defence against the
pretensions and intrigues of Rome. If the Prince retires, it is the
Ultramontanes who will triumph most. Their success will be for us a
national misfortune. I shall certainly be in agreement with all true
and enlightened patriots in describing as I have the resignation of
the statesman who has called New Germany into existence, and who alone
appears fitted to complete the edifice he has founded. It will also
be due in the main to the influence of a certain exalted lady and of
certain circles with which she has so willingly allied herself for
years past.
“The Press Law stays my pen. Perhaps you would at some future time
accept an article on Petticoat Politics, a subject which, I am sorry to
say, is no laughing matter, but deals, on the contrary, with influences
more or less successfully active in every Court. Before 1870 people
spoke of certain Rhenish influences; during the war there were rumours
of communications with a French Monsignor; and meetings with a Prince
of the Roman Church, who is one of the leaders of the Ultramontanes in
West Switzerland, are discussed by people who must have received their
information on the subject from sources other than Swiss tap-rooms.
Finally, every one knows the influence exercised, even in the highest
circles in the capital, by a distinguished Polish family in Berlin,
whose palace is the rallying point for all the aspirations of the
Church Militant.
“But enough for the present. Perhaps even too much. God grant that
there may be an improvement! Prince Bismarck goes, if, during this
week, things do not take a turn for the better,--a change that does not
lie in his hands, and which is hardly to be expected. Prince Bismarck
retires to Varzin because he cannot prevent, and does not wish to
witness, the preparations that are being slowly made for a pilgrimage
to Canossa. What has public opinion, what have the parliamentary
representatives of the nation, to say on this subject?”
On Wednesday, the 11th April, I left Leipzig for Berlin by the first
train in the morning. I put up at Toepfer’s Hotel in the Karl Strasse,
and proceeded to Bucher’s at 9.30 A.M. At the corner of Dorotheen
Strasse, while on my way thither, some one tapped me on the shoulder.
Turning round I saw it was Wollmann, who was greatly surprised at
meeting me there.... I ascertained from him that the crisis on the
first floor of No. 76 Wilhelmstrasse was at an end, and that the Chief
would remain and only take a long holiday.
We then took a glance in passing at the now-completed Column of
Victory, whereupon I took leave of Wollmann, saying that I had to
visit a friend, and went on to Bucher’s. He was as usual friendly
and communicative. His view of the situation differed from that of
Wollmann, however. According to him the crisis was only postponed. The
Prince had for the present yielded to the desire of the Emperor that he
should continue to hold the offices of Chancellor and Minister, and had
only requested leave of absence for an indefinite period. He had been
quite serious in wishing to resign all his offices, and it was doubtful
whether he would return. Count Stolberg had been selected by him as his
successor, as he is a distinguished and independent man, who enjoys a
certain authority at Court. Bülow, the Mecklenburger, and Hoffmann have
been selected as the representatives of the Chief during his absence.
Bucher further related that the condition of affairs at the Baden
Court was also “rotten.” The Grand Duke, well-meaning, but of somewhat
limited intelligence, had, during his Italian journey, “fallen under
the influence of some of the shrewdest of the Cardinals, and had
allowed himself almost to be persuaded into perpetrating a huge blunder
by visiting Pio Nono.” The Grand Duchess held with the priests in
Alsace, and with orthodox place-hunters like Geffcken and Max Müller,
and was disposed to conclude peace with the Ultramontanes. This was one
of the causes of Jolly’s retirement. Bucher went on to say: “The Grand
Duchess has also written a letter to papa (the Emperor William), in
which she begged that the alleged oppression of the Catholics in Alsace
should be stopped. This suggestion was, however, declined.”
He confirmed what he had said in this letter respecting the Empress,
and added: “In the spring of 1871 our troops should have returned
much sooner, but Augusta wished to be present at their entry and
yet to complete her course of baths before she came back. So there
was a postponement of four or five weeks, which cost the Treasury
nine millions in hard cash. The losses suffered by agriculture in
consequence of this delay are incalculable. The promotion of Gruner
as Wirklicher Geheimrath (‘Real’ Privy Councillor), which was given
by the old Emperor in a note written in his own hand, without
counter-signature, was also her work. Gruner is quite incapable, but
is a member of the _Bonbonnière Fronde_.[13] It is just the same with
Schleinitz, who is also quite devoid of talent and smartness, and of
whom she was thinking as successor to the Chief.”
According to Bucher, the Prince’s health was again anything but
satisfactory. When Bucher told the Chief that if he retired he himself
would not remain, the Prince replied that that was a matter he should
first consider well, but if he nevertheless decided to resign he should
come to him at Varzin. With regard to my visit to the Chief, he feared
nothing would come of it at present, as to-day was his wife’s birthday,
and he would perhaps leave to-morrow evening. At the same time he
wanted to report my arrival, even if he were not summoned to the Chief.
I returned to my hotel at 3 o’clock. Leverstroem and his black horse
were standing at the door. He handed me a card from Bucher, with
the words: “The Prince expects you at 4 o’clock.” I hastily donned
evening dress and white gloves, and, jumping into a cab, drove to 76
Wilhelmstrasse. Then upstairs and through the old familiar rooms. I had
to wait about five minutes in the billiard-room, where the billiard
table was quite covered with huge bouquets of flowers. Then into his
chamber. He came forward a few paces to meet me with a most friendly
smile, shook hands, and said he was glad to see his “old war comrade”
once more. I had then to take a seat opposite him, while he sat with
his back to the first window. Our conversation lasted till 5.30, that
is to say, nearly an hour and a half.
He first thanked me for the _Grenzboten_ article, and then said: “It
would be well, however, if such communications were repeated, and the
origin of the crisis discussed at length.”
I replied: “That is my chief reason for coming here--to get materials
and information for such articles. The more I get the better. The
_Grenzboten_ is absolutely and unconditionally at the disposal of your
Serene Highness.”
He then gave me various particulars concerning the Court clique and
its aristocratic followers in the _Kreuzzeitung_, and among the high
officials who had been shelved as well as others who were still in
office, and their manifold machinations, intrigues and cabals against
him, at the same time giving me an account of his own measures. He drew
a detailed picture of the Empress, who opposed him not only in his
struggle with the Clericals, but also in purely political questions.
“She has always desired to play a part,” he said, “first with the
Liberals and the friends of enlightenment, now with the Ultramontanes
and the orthodox Court preachers. She has become pious now that she is
growing old, and has in consequence taken up with the Clerical circles
on the Rhine. If she is not already a Catholic, she will be so very
soon. We know that she has negotiated with Mermillod in person, and
formerly--during the war--with Dupanloup by letter. She has written
to Catholic associations that she disapproves of the ecclesiastical
laws, and these letters have been published. And then the defence of
the Ursulines. Like Eugen, _i.e._, in 1870, she has, as I subsequently
ascertained, issued direct instructions to officials. The Emperor is
old, and allows himself to be influenced by her more and more. He has
never had that strength of character with which many people credit him.
I remember in the period of conflict when things were at the worst
that he returned once from a summer resort, where his wife had been
frightening him about the Opposition. I went to meet him at Jueterbogk,
joining him there in his carriage. He was very depressed, was thinking
of the scaffold, and wanted to abdicate. I told him I did not believe
things were so bad. Prussians were not Frenchmen, and instead of
thinking of Louis XVI. he should remember Charles I., who died for his
honour and his rights. If he were to be beheaded, he would also die
for his honour and his rights. So far as I was concerned I too would
willingly suffer death in case it were necessary. There I had caught
him by the sword-knot and appealed to him as to a King and an officer.
He became more cheerful, and by the time we reached Berlin he was again
quite reasonable. In the evening he joined a large company, and was in
excellent spirits. This time when I asked to resign he did not wish
me to do so But in acting in this way he only pities himself--what
should he do then?--and has no pity for me. I have yielded--for the
present--but before I come back I will put my conditions.”
I said: “And they must agree to them. They cannot get on without you.
That would only lead to follies and blunders and misfortunes, and they
would have to crawl to you on their knees to beg you to return.”
He then came back to the subject of the Empress, and said: “She also
interferes in foreign politics, having taken it into her head that
it is her vocation to plead everywhere in favour of peace--to be an
Angel of Peace. She therefore writes letters to foreign Sovereigns,
to the Queen of England for instance, which she afterwards mentions
to her consort, who, however, says nothing about them to me. Part of
this correspondence is carried on through one of the minor officials
of the household. Schleinitz, the Minister of the Household, after
having proved his utter incapacity in foreign affairs, has obtained his
present post through her Majesty’s favour. But there, also, his success
leaves much to be desired. As he knows nothing of the administration
of property he only manages to secure very insignificant revenues from
the Royal estates. But as he has always been a member of the Court
opposition, of the _Bonbonnière_, he is in high favour with Augusta. In
1866 his salon was the gathering place of the Austrians, and in 1870
the French were constantly at his house, and made it their rendezvous.
Whenever an intrigue against me was on foot he was certain to be in
it. Gruner is another member of the clique, a man who is not only
incapable but passionate. She obtained his promotion on the Emperor’s
birthday by a mere written note without the counter-signature of a
Minister as a reward for his hostility to me. Then we have Stillfried,
Count Goltz and Nesselrode, who all belong to the _Bonbonnière_, and
intrigue with Augusta against me and my policy, and seek to turn our
Most Gracious against me. Goltz, a general of cavalry, is a brother
of the former Prussian Minister in Paris, whose legacy of hatred he
has entered upon without any _beneficium inventarii_. Nesselrode, the
Master of the Household, is a well-known Ultramontane, whose relations
with Gehlsen’s _Reichsglocke_ came to light on the prosecution of the
latter, and who had a seat and a vote at the editorial conferences
held at Olbrich’s.[14] Immediately after that miserable scandal he
received one of the highest Orders, thus confirming the fact that that
disreputable sheet was favoured by the palace. Stillfried, the great
authority on heraldic and ceremonial matters, also a Catholic, was at
first moderate, but later--probably in consequence of the Empress’s
lectures--went over to the fanatics. And finally, you should not
forget the two Radziwills, the former secretary to Ledochowski, and
the chaplain. Both belong to the Centre party, and both are welcome
guests at the _Bonbonnière_. The newspaper in which they now deposit
their poison--I mean the Evangelical section of the clique--is the
_Kreuzzeitung_. Nathusius, the editor, who for a long time past has
tried to turn his readers against the Government and the Emperor,
has at length been condemned for libel against Ministers.[15] He has
been pardoned by his Majesty on the intervention of the offended
parties--certainly in consequence of the Empress’s intercession. You
can say that in view of these facts it may be taken for granted that I
actually made the statement attributed to me, namely, that my greatest
difficulties have arisen from having to undertake a diplomatic mission
to our own Court. And you may add that Prince Charles is not well
disposed towards me, and exercises an unfavourable influence upon his
brother. When you speak of the Evangelical section of the _Bonbonnière_
you may use the expression: ‘The dregs of the _Kreuzzeitung_ faction
and of the irreconcilable Opposition in the Upper House.’” We went on
to discuss his opponents, and in particular the Privy Councillors and
diplomatists who had been retired. In the course of conversation he
dealt fully with Arnim, his opinion of him being very similar to that
expressed by Bucher.
At this moment his wife entered the room, and handed him some medicine
in a cup which she held in her hand. He introduced me as a “fellow
campaigner at Versailles.”
When she had gone he continued his explanation: “Then in addition to
the Court there are other causes, of friction that hamper and worry
me. The Ministers will not modify their views in harmony with my
plans--in matters affecting customs and taxation, and in the railway
question--particularly Camphausen and Delbrück. They will not take
up my ideas, but twist and turn and procrastinate. I must, forsooth,
draw up Bills for them and the Reichstag to criticise. Let them do it;
in the first place it is their business, and they have the necessary
technical knowledge, so they should show what they are capable of.
There is in this respect a great deal to be altered, which has been
postponed up to now, as other matters took precedence.”
Finally he mentioned the Reichstag as a source of friction. The
National Liberals, he said, meant well, and in this connection he
mentioned Wehrenpfenig, but they could never forego criticism.
I said everything he had told me would be carefully stored in my
retentive memory, and gradually made public in an explicit, vigorous
and prudent way. I then put forward my plan for a sketch of his houses
and estates for the _Gartenlaube_, begging permission to inspect
Varzin, Schoenhausen and Friedrichsruh, and requesting introductions
to the Prince’s officials at those places. He consented to everything,
and said, “You must come to Varzin when I am there myself. I will there
give you letters for Schoenhausen, and Friedrichsruh, and also for
Kniephof, to my cousin who now owns the place, as you should see it
too.”
I remarked that he looked in better health than I had expected.
“Yes,” he replied, “others think so, too. People misjudge me in three
respects: they consider me healthier, wealthier, and more powerful
than I really am,--particularly more powerful; but you know how much
truth, or rather how little truth, there is in that.” He seemed to
have exhausted all the necessary topics, so I rose to take leave,
when he accompanied me through the two salons to the room occupied by
the attendants, who must have been surprised at seeing this. At least
that was the effect made upon good old Theiss, who was on duty there,
and who whispered as he helped me on with my overcoat: “Good Heavens,
Doctor, an hour and a half with his Serene Highness, who then sees you
as far as the door of the antechamber!”
Next morning I paid a visit to the Central Bureau, where my
acquaintances were exceptionally friendly--of course I again enjoyed
the Prince’s favour. Holstein begged me to come to him, and had a long
conversation with me. He said I had been quite different to Aegidi;
every one had read about me; and yet I had never pushed myself forward.
Little influence was exercised over the press now. In the long run,
however, that would not do, and it had already occurred to him whether
I might not return. But Bucher was of opinion that I should not be
willing to do so. I replied that, as a matter of fact, I did not wish
to; but if the Prince desired it I would regard that as a command.
Finally, he was good enough to give me a “partout” card of admission
to the Reichstag. I went there, heard Hänel and Bennigsen speak on the
crisis, and then strolled off to Ritter Schulze’s, where I took lunch.
On returning to my hotel the porter handed me a note from the Prince,
inviting me to dine with him at 6 P.M. Went there in a frock
coat, as requested in the note but wearing a smart white tie and white
gloves, while etiquette prescribed a black tie and coloured gloves with
a frock coat. I was soon to be reminded of this breach of propriety.
The table was laid in the first of the two back rooms. When I entered
only the Princess, Countess Marie, Count Bill, and a lady with a
Polish name were present. The Russian General Erkert came afterwards.
The Princess, noticing my white necktie, exclaimed, “Herr Doctor, how
smart you have made yourself!” I do not remember what I said in reply,
as I suddenly became conscious of my sin and felt somewhat out of
countenance. Luckily the Prince soon appeared, and we went to table,
the general taking in the lady of the house, while I had the honour to
give my arm to the daughter. A beautiful silver vase set with old and
new silver coins stood in the centre of the round table. I sat between
the Princess and the Countess, the Russian being on the other side of
the Princess, while the Prince sat opposite me. Then came the dainty
little Polish lady and Count Bill, next his sister. We drank Bordeaux,
Burgundy, Rhine wine, champagne, beer, and finally chartreuse, which
the Prince praised as being very wholesome. The conversation was lively
and unconstrained. The general related some pretty stories of the
simplicity of the Russian soldiers. The subject of the last war then
came up, and I reminded the Chancellor of Herny, where he was quartered
in the garret of a farmhouse; of Clermont, where in the absence of
a bedstead he was obliged to sleep on the floor; of Madame Jesse’s
house, the goblin clock and the historical table. He related a number
of anecdotes on the same subject, among other things his interview
with madame, and the way in which Hatzfeldt had “rescued” the table,
replacing it by one exactly similar.
The Prince then turned the conversation upon Kings and Princes, and the
way in which they regarded the world.
“They live above the clouds,” I said.
“How do you mean?” he asked.
“Above the cloud of courtiers and other menials,” I replied, “separated
by them from the ideas and feelings of other mortals, whose wishes and
opinions only reach them in a mutilated or adapted form, and sometimes
not at all.”
“The comparison is a good one,” said the Prince. “Gods, and yet very
human. They ought to be better educated, so that they should know
how things look here below, how they really are. Not appearances,
but truth. The great Kings have always clung to truth, and yet have
suffered no loss of dignity.”
Education in general was then discussed, and the Prince observed,
_inter alia_: “I was not properly educated. My mother was fond of
society, and did not trouble much about me. Afterwards I was sent to
an educational establishment, where too severe a system prevailed,
insufficient and poor food, plenty of hardening, thin jackets in the
winter, too much compulsion and routine, and unnatural training.” I
said that too much severity in schools was not good, as after the
restraint was removed young people were apt to abuse their liberty,
and even while the restraint lasted nature sought relief in underhand
ways. The Saxon Fuerstenschulen were an example of this, their pupils
turning out the wildest of all University students. He replied that was
so; it had been the case with him too, when he went to the University
at the age of seventeen. “It was different,” he continued, “with my
sons. They, on the contrary, have had too good a time. They were too
well fed, as is customary in the houses of diplomatists, Herbert also
afterwards, as he spent his apprenticeship in such houses.” Herbert
had, in the meantime, joined the party, when his father introduced me
to him; he remembered very well having met me at Pont-à-Mousson and
Versailles.
Between 8 and 9 o’clock the Princess, the Countess and Count Herbert
retired, returning after a while, the ladies in evening toilette and
the Count in a dragoon uniform, as they were going to a Court soirée.
The Polish lady disappeared with them. At the desire of the Prince the
rest of us remained and continued the conversation, smoking the while,
the Chancellor using a long pipe, while another waited ready filled
alongside his chair.
At 10 o’clock the general rose, and I followed his example. When we had
reached the door, however, the Chief said: “Please wait for a minute,
doctor, there is something more I would like to tell you.” He then
added a few particulars to what he had said on the previous afternoon
respecting the Empress and her _Bonbonnière_. I asked, “How has Thile
acted in this affair? I have always considered him a decent sort of
man.” He replied: “That is not quite the case. He did not behave very
well in the Diest-Daber matter;” which he then proceeded to explain.
I again promised to make diligent use of what he had communicated to
me on the previous day. It would be necessary to keep on constantly
repeating it, and not to let it drop too soon--it should have young
ones, as he had said formerly to me respecting one of my articles. “I
shall be very grateful to you for doing so,” he added. I then thanked
him once more for his confidence, and said I would let myself be cut
to pieces for his sake, as for me he was like one of God’s prophets
upon earth. He pressed my hand, and dismissed me with the words, “Auf
Wiedersehen in Varzin!” Blessings on his head!
Immediately on my return to Leipzig I wrote the second “friction
article,” based on the information I had received in Berlin.
“The Imperial Chancellor on Leave.
“Berlin, _April 19th_.
“The Imperial Chancellor has taken leave of absence. His resignation
has not been accepted, and he has not insisted upon it. The crisis
is, therefore, at an end. The Prince will return, although probably
somewhat later than usual. Restored by his course of baths, country
air, and release from current affairs, he will again take the helm, and
all will be as it was before. Let us be thankful that it is so!
“The foregoing is roughly the view of the situation which finds
expression in the press. Permit me to submit another view. The crisis
is not at an end, but only postponed. The question whether Prince
Bismarck is to retire from the service of Prussia and the Empire has,
to the relief of all who wished well to both, been answered in the
negative, but that answer is only for the time being. Those who are
acquainted with the situation still regard the future with anxiety. It
is by no means certain that the Imperial Chancellor will return in that
capacity, and if he does it may be taken as certain that things will
not remain as they were before. In other words, the Prince will lay
down his conditions before he resumes his official duties, with their
aims and burdens, and these conditions must be agreed to if we are to
see him again at work as of old.
“Public opinion can render some assistance here. It will do well not
to rest content with the present situation, but, on the contrary, to
show a clearer perception than it has hitherto done of the grave causes
which have mainly produced this lingering and protracted crisis; and
to give it unremitting and persistent expression in the press, at the
same time urging the removal of those strangely abnormal conditions
under which even a Bismarck cannot work effectively; much less any such
successor as has been suggested within the past few weeks, however
distinguished, independent and tactful he may be. The press may do good
service if it will pay attention to the following hints, and give them
the widest possible publicity.
“Erroneous views are held of the Chancellor’s position in many
respects. Just as he is considered from his appearance to be more
healthy, and from his extensive estates to be more wealthy than he is
in reality, so there is a widespread misconception as to the influence
which he exercises, inasmuch as it is usually thought to be unlimited.
That is not at all the case. The Prince has to reckon with the
Ministers, over whom he has not the authority which he ought to enjoy
as their Chief, and whose opposition has already on several occasions
hampered his schemes. It has also happened that high officials in
his own department have entertained entirely conflicting views, and
have both openly and secretly opposed him, and indeed even tried to
undermine his authority. Count Arnim, who, after having shunned his
earthly judge, seems to have suddenly fallen under the judgment of God
(he was already suffering severely from diabetes, of which he died
in 1881), was the worst of this melancholy species of diplomatists,
but was by no means the only specimen of his class. A whole series
of Excellencies and others who had been shelved owing to incapacity
or some other failing, or for reactionary or ultramontane leanings,
&c., made opposition, conspired and intrigued, always zealously,
often with the foulest weapons, and sometimes in combination with the
lowest associates, against the greatness which overshadowed them. They
attempted to cross the Chancellor’s plans and to blacken his character,
or, at least, to irritate him, and thus to injure his health. A section
of the party in the Reichstag upon which the Prince relies to support
his measures, made difficulties and curtailed his influence inasmuch
as--certainly with the best intentions--they regarded criticism as
the pride and first duty of a popular representative. But the main
obstacle is that which I pointed out a fortnight ago, and it will
perhaps remain the Prince’s chief difficulty, unless public opinion
opens its eyes and takes more vigorous and persistent action. That
obstacle is the anomalous condition of affairs at Court, where, in a
certain exalted quarter, the dregs of the _Kreuzzeitung_ clique, and
the irreconcilable opposition in the Upper House have combined with
ultramontane poison out of the sewers of Rome. There fresh troubles are
constantly being prepared for the Chancellor, fresh difficulties are
being placed in his path, now at one point and then at another, and the
constant encouragement given to his opponents retards the victory which
otherwise would doubtless have been his before now.
“We must forego for the present a more minute description of this
_Bonbonnière_ full of _Kreuzzeitung_ comfits and Jesuit sweetmeats.
Nevertheless attentive newspaper readers may be reminded by a few
instances (which shall be indicated with as much indulgence as
possible) of the manner in which the forces, aims, and intrigues of
this Court faction have made themselves felt during the last few
months. It should be mentioned, by the way, that its mines have been
laid for a considerable time past. The chief editor of an important
reactionary paper, which has endeavoured for many years to alienate
public opinion from the Government and the Emperor, was at length
prosecuted and condemned for libel against Ministers. (Incorrect.
See last note.) This man has been pardoned on the petition of the
offended Ministers, owing to the intercession--well, let us say--of
an exalted lady. (According to another version, at least released.)
The same exalted lady wrote letters to Catholic associations, which
were afterwards published, in disapproval of the ecclesiastical laws.
Two members of the distinguished Polish family recently mentioned,
both belonging to the Centre fraction, one a former secretary to
Ledochowski, and the other a priest who was engaged in the notorious
Marping farce, are welcome guests in the circles that gather around
this lady. According to all appearances direct instructions were
issued by her to the authorities in the affair of the Ursulines.
This may perhaps recall to many of your readers Eugénie’s action
during the war. A Count and Master of the Household who is known as
a zealous Ultramontane, whose relations to the _Reichsglocke_[16]
were disclosed during the prosecution of that paper, and who took
part in the conferences of the editorial staff at Olbrich’s, received
immediately after that scandal one of the highest Prussian Orders--a
recognition which few can explain, and which, of course, no loyal
reader can account for, except by supposing that the achievements of
the _Reichsglocke_ were regarded with extreme favour in certain circles.
“How does the reader like these incidents, to which many others equally
striking might be added? That they were distasteful to the Imperial
Chancellor must, of course, be obvious. It is, indeed, quite possible
that he may have made use of the expression attributed to him, namely,
‘that his greatest difficulties arise out of his having to undertake a
diplomatic mission to our own Court.’”
On the 21st of April Bucher, to whom I had communicated an outline of
this article, wrote as follows respecting the former article:--
“In the opinion of the prescribing physician all the ingredients
should not be administered in one dose. I fear the elixir may be too
potent, and would suggest, if it is still possible, that two doses
should be made of it, and that a different medicine should be given
in the interval. The latter could be prepared from the article in the
_Kölnische Zeitung_ of the 15th (‘Plans of Reform’) which was written
by Camphausen, and the answer in the _Post_, which I wrote from
instructions received upstairs. Camphausen, it may be mentioned, is
a very many-sided man. He not only belongs to the Manchester School,
but has relations with the Castle at Coblenz, and is at the same time
in high favour with a Liberal and enlightened circle, (that of the
Crown Princess Victoria,) where he is regarded as a corner-stone of
Constitutionalism and a sound Protestant. You will shortly receive the
flaying (of Schleinitz) and the paragraphs on the branch (of the Berlin
_Bonbonnière_) at Karlsruhe. P.S.--Speaking in the Reichstag two years
ago Camphausen said: ‘The word _impossible_ is printed in very small
characters in my dictionary.’”
I based the third article of our series upon this and another letter
from Bucher of the 26th of April. This article, which appeared in No.
19 of the _Grenzboten_, ran as follows:--
“Further Friction.
“Berlin, _April 26th_.
“In the article ‘The Imperial Chancellor on Leave’ attention was called
to the fact that besides the opposition of the Court there were other
sources of friction that worried and wearied the Prince, exhausting
his powers, hampering his work, and thus stimulating his anxiety to
be released from office. We select for consideration to-day those
that lie in the attitude of certain authorities working immediately
under him, or more correctly associated with his work, in respect of
various important reforms which the Prince has greatly at heart, but
which are making no progress towards fulfilment. In other words the
Imperial Chancellor when he sought to resign had been disappointed of
the co-operation and support which he had expected from one of his
colleagues (Camphausen was meant) in connection with some measures
affecting the Customs and commercial policy and taxation--measures
which he regards as indispensable, but which have hitherto not been
dealt with.
“‘When a sportsman becomes faint and weary,’ said the Prince a few
months ago, in conversation with a party of friends, ‘and is about
to go home, he will not alter his mind because he is told there is a
covey of partridges near at hand. It would perhaps be different if he
were told that there was some pig in the next glen. The chance of a
boar hunt would revive his strength and courage.’ So goes the story
(not quite accurately, by the way), according to an article in the
_Kölnische Zeitung_, written apparently by a member of the Minister’s
immediate _entourage_, and certainly emphasised by the sarcastic tone
in which it frequently deals with the difficulties in the way of
reform. The simile is so far to the point, that the wild boar referred
to represented certain reforms in the Customs, and in the fiscal and
railway system. But the correspondent omitted the real moral of the
story. When he says, ‘As soon as Prince Bismarck is in a position
to submit complete and well-founded schemes calculated to withstand
criticism, there will be no longer in our opinion any difficulty in
finding in the Reichstag a large and resolute party, in favour of
such reforms of our commercial policy;’ and when he makes a similar
assertion respecting the taxation laws, and the railway system, he
transposes the actual relations of things and circumstances. There is
no question of the Imperial Chancellor submitting measures which would
have to run the gauntlet, first, of the Minister to whose department
they properly belong, and then, of the Reichstag. The Prince has no
intention of preparing such measures himself. He is anxious for these
reforms, but he has no idea of embodying them himself in Parliamentary
measures to be submitted to the Legislature. He expects his colleagues
to undertake that work, and has informed them so. That he has failed to
induce them to take any such initiative is, as the _Post_ of the 19th
assures us--we believe on the best authority--one of the reasons that
have led the Chancellor to send in his resignation.
“According to the _Post_, the true moral of the above story is to
be found in the words which the Prince added on that occasion: ‘He
could only remain in office if his colleagues took up the reforms in
question of their own motion, and independently.’ Otherwise, he wished
to retire, as he did not feel strong enough to bear the strain of
Ministerial crises, together with a breach with his old colleagues,
and the necessity of accustoming himself to new men. It was unfair
to ask him to do all the work, and submit it to the criticism of a
departmental chief bent on another course. (The ‘other course’ referred
to was doubtless that of the Manchester School.) He had laid his
own course in the railway question, and had ostensibly received the
approval of all his colleagues. When it came, however, to the carrying
out of his proposals he met with the customary passive resistance, and
the usual refusal--just like the Progressive party, whose invariable
reply was, ‘No, not in that way, but in another way’--that is to say,
in some way that would never work. On that occasion the Chancellor
said: ‘What I have to do is to ascertain whether my present colleagues
will, of their own initiative and free conviction, carry out those
reforms which I regard as indispensable, in such a manner that they
will take the responsibility for me, and not I for them. If they would
only do so I would willingly continue my credit and my name to the
firm, in order to carry through these reforms.’
“The writer in the _Kölnische Zeitung_ has expressed himself so
confident with regard to the reforms desired by the Prince, that one
may perhaps inquire why the same success which he promises if the
Chancellor submits them to the criticism of Ministers and of the
parties in the Reichstag should not attend them if the colleagues,
whose business it is, were to draft these measures and recommend them
to the acceptance of the Legislature. The particular colleague who,
as already observed, had no small share in preparing the article
in question, is as self-confident as he is many-sided. He seems to
possess power and influence. Two years ago he said in the Reichstag:
‘The word _impossible_ is printed in very small characters in my
dictionary.’ He has connections with the Castle at Coblenz, and is at
the same time highly appreciated in certain exalted circles in Berlin,
where people are most liberal and enlightened, as a corner-stone of
Constitutionalism and a pillar of Protestantism. Why does a man of
so much importance and ability decline to take the initiative of the
reforms which the Chancellor has at heart? Is it, perhaps, that he
fears to jeopardise one side of his many-sidedness, or to renounce
thereby his past, his principles, and his connections as a member of
the Manchester School?
“And now to another point, which requires refutation, viz., the
rumour mentioned in a leading Berlin paper of friction with another
department. The _National Zeitung_ of yesterday, in an article on
Moltke’s speech, says it doubtless referred to a conflict between
considerations of military and political necessity. It might be
inferred from this insinuation that the Imperial Chancellor was opposed
to the strengthening of the German garrisons in the neighbourhood of
Metz. Such a supposition would, however, be erroneous. On the contrary
the Prince has, in this respect, not only been in complete agreement
with the highest military authorities, but has done everything in
his power to support and promote their views. For years past they
have asked for better railway communications with Lorraine and more
troops in that part of the Empire. It was impossible to do anything
in the former direction until the Chancellor had exercised sufficient
pressure to overcome the obstruction of the Ministry of Commerce,
and compelled the Minister to proceed with the construction of the
line between St. Ingbert and Saarbrücken, a connection which the
_spiritus rector_ of the Prussian railway system had postponed for
years out of consideration for petty trading interests. The Prince
has also done all he could to secure an increase of the garrison in
Lorraine. This increase is, however, understood to have remained in
abeyance, as it still does, because in a non-official, but exalted and
influential quarter, it is feared that the French might feel hurt or
offended--_i.e._ the gentlemen who speak that language so fluently,
who for the most part have beautiful black whiskers and profess the
Catholic religion, which, of course, is much more distinguished than
the Evangelical!
“P.S.--A member of the Reichstag, who is at the same time an intimate
friend of the Imperial Chancellor, has felt constrained to issue
a warning in the _Magdeburger Zeitung_ against our articles. He
would be surprised if he knew with what composure we have read his
communication. Of course, ignoring all further contradictions of this
kind, we shall continue to say what we _know_, and _we shall obtain
credence for it_.”
I may add that the member of the Reichstag and friend of the Prince
here referred to was Amtsrath Dietze (Barby), and that he certainly
issued his warning against the “friction articles” without previous
communication with the Chief. Of course he acted in good faith.
A few days after the publication of the _Grenzboten_ article Bucher
wrote me:--
“Exception has been taken in a quarter upon whose approval everything
depends to the closing words of the ‘P.S.’ It is thought that they
sound as if the Chancellor had spoken through the writer of the
article. It would be well to avoid such an authoritative tone. Thus far
the message I have to deliver. I fancy such an impression would not
have been made if the _Magdeburger Zeitung_ could have been read at the
same time, but I could not lay my hands upon it. Of course it would not
be desirable to state expressly that such an impression is incorrect.
Perhaps it may be possible to efface it indirectly by saying something
to the following effect.” He then gave me a recipe, in accordance with
which I prepared as follows the fourth article of our series, which
appeared in the next number of the _Grenzboten_.
“In Explanation.
“Berlin, _May 6th_.
“We observe that the second of our articles on the Chancellor crisis
has been judged in very different ways by the press. The _Germania_
has discovered amongst other things that it is directed against the
Empress Eugénie. Other papers were astounded at information which
they received from us for the first time. Others, again, considered
themselves so fully acquainted with the truth, which is generally
known to lie at the bottom of a deep well, that they declare the
contents of the article to be untrue, or--as some with discourteous
indignation chose to express themselves--invented. Finally, another
section of the press, including the chief organ of public opinion in
a small German capital (this referred to the _Weimar Zeitung_), found
that the bulk of what we had stated was long since known. In spite of
its unfriendly tone towards us, we must do that organ the justice of
acknowledging that its statement is correct. In other words, we do not
enjoy the power of slipping through keyholes, we cannot make ourselves
invisible in order to spy out what happens in otherwise inaccessible
spheres, and finally we have no devil upon two sticks at our disposal
to remove for us the roofs of palaces and clubs. We have nothing more
than a tolerably good memory and the habit of collecting material. In
dealing with what we have read in the press and heard in conversation,
we act pretty much as the botanist does when collecting specimens
in upland meadows and lowland marshes--we place carefully side by
side the specimens we have found scattered in various directions and
examine their affinities, noting how they complement each other. To our
great surprise we now find that the result of this surely very simple
process has produced here and there the impression that we possess
magical powers, and that we had brought profound secrets to light.
It is certainly quite true, however, that we have said nothing that
attentive readers with a certain capacity for comparative analysis and
sound deductions have not been long ago aware of. Why, then, all this
excitement?
“In conclusion, if we trusted too much to our memory in some details
of minor importance, and misunderstood insult for libel or Ministers
for members of a High Consistory, we must in future be more careful to
label correctly the various specimens in our collection.”
During this week I received from Bucher nearly a dozen letters with
suggestions, warnings, explanations and supplementary matter, but
principally with raw material for further articles connected with the
three subjects treated above. On the 27th of April he sent me over two
sheets of material for the article, “A Branch of the _Bonbonnière_,
or the Causes of the Change at Baden.” He added: “I can only give you
the ideas without any indication of the style in which they should
be expressed. I feel that it will be difficult to put it into proper
shape.” On the 30th I received from him the warning: “Do not on any
account take up with the _Post_. It is intimately connected with R.
D. Z. (Radowitz), one of the _Bonbonnière_ circle.” On the 3rd of May
he presented me in the person of the widowed Queen of Bavaria with
“still another flower to be added to your garland of ladies.” On the
6th he wrote: “I would strongly advise you not to publish the article
(‘The Angel of Peace’) in the next number, 1. Gamaliel (the Chief) will
be here on the 10th, and will stay for some days, and he would thus
find himself right in the heart of the excitement which it is sure to
cause, and that would certainly be unpleasant for him. From here he
will proceed to his watering place, where he will be quite out of touch
with the world. 2. In a few days an incident will become known which
seems as if it were specially made to account for the publication of
such an article, and which will surprise many who might otherwise feel
disposed to criticise it. Perhaps in the meantime as a stopgap you can
use the suggestions in my last letter and some older materials. Or it
might be better still to have a pause. One should not spoil the public,
or it may easily grow too exacting and look for the same spicy fare
every week, which you would not be able to provide.” On the 13th he
reported: “The patient (he meant the Chief) proposes to go direct to
the watering place without touching at B. (Berlin). This I consider to
be certain. He thinks of starting on Thursday, but that is uncertain.
If I ascertain any change by Tuesday I will telegraph to your wife:
‘Fritz better, is to go out on such and such a day for the first time.
Anna’--or, ‘Fritz must remain here during his holidays.’”
The _Grenzboten_ now published the fifth “friction article,” which ran
as follows:--
“The Angel of Peace.
“We learn for the first time through an Austrian journal that the
_Czas_ (which is known to be the organ of the Polish aristocratic
ultramontane party, and which occasionally, through its patrons the
Radziwills, the Czartoryskis, &c., receives very good information
indeed respecting sentiments, intentions and occurrences in Court
circles and in the upper regions of society) has published the
following comparatively colourless statement respecting the Chancellor
crisis in Berlin. Some time ago Queen Victoria wrote direct to Prince
Bismarck, urging upon him to prevent the war between Russia and the
Porte. The answer was evasive. Then followed a second letter from her
Britannic Majesty to the Imperial Chancellor, repeating her request
more urgently. This time the reply was somewhat more positive in form,
but was still not to the taste of the Queen, who then turned to the
Emperor, and made him and Germany responsible for the outbreak of war.
“We do not know what truth there is in this report, but we do not
consider it incredible. Moreover, this remarkable suggestion that it
is our duty to compel our faithful neighbour Russia to maintain peace,
not because we have any special cause or reason to do so, but solely
to oblige the English by relieving them from all anxiety as to their
interests on the Bosphorus, and by enabling them to continue their
huckstering in all tranquillity of mind, has, we believe, reached the
Emperor through another channel (which the readers of these articles
will be able to guess), and has received warm support here. It must
be borne in mind that his Majesty is thoroughly devoted to peace, and
sincerely desires that he himself, the German people, and the whole
world, may be saved from fresh wars. These being his sentiments, he
is disposed to consider the wishes and counsels which, in the opinion
of those who submitted them to him, are calculated to serve the cause
of peace. But such counsels, if they do not emanate from a great and
far-seeing mind, which takes all the circumstances and possibilities
into account, may lead to the exact contrary of what is desired,
that is to say to war. In January _The Times_ implored the Imperial
Chancellor to give orders for the maintenance of peace. Somewhat later
it addressed a similar affecting appeal to the Emperor, and we may take
it for certain that Queen Victoria was induced by her cunning Semitic
adviser to use her influence in the same direction through the channel
indicated above.
“Let us suppose that Germany had allowed herself to be
‘nobbled’--indeed, it is hardly possible to use any other
expression--had struck an attitude, and shouted ‘Peace in Europe!’ and
that Russia had not halted at the word of command, but let her troops
advance--what would have happened then? Why, we should then, for the
maintenance of peace, have been obliged to wage war against Russia,
which at the best would serve to pull the chestnuts out of the fire
for magnanimous Albion, or our word of command would have proved to be
impotent, and we should have made ourselves ridiculous--and ridiculous
merely in the service of England, a Power that has never honestly
wished us well, and has only accepted our position in Europe in the
hope that it may some day be utilised for the furtherance of its own
mercenary policy.
“The case of the Paris Exhibition is quite similar. This affair also
excited warm sympathy in the quarter which we have in view, where it
has become a second nature to ‘work for peace.’ When the Government, in
spite of all such representations and appeals, declined to take part in
the Exhibition, MacMahon sent the Marquis d’Abzac, an amiable gentleman
upon whom exalted eyes had rested with special favour on a former
occasion, to Berlin in order to make a last attempt. The marquis sung a
hymn to peace in the most melting accents. We can hear him whisper with
a winning smile that in this invitation France reached out her hand to
Germany in reconciliation, that the Exhibition would be at the same
time a peace congress. Why rudely reject the proffered hand of a former
opponent who had now become a friend? How wonderfully an olive wreath
would adorn the brow of a certain august lady! And other graceful
speeches calculated to flatter and to touch the feelings. Then another
appeal in the highest quarter on behalf of France, so unsuspicious,
so well-meaning, so prettily persuasive, warmer and more urgent than
before, and, at last, offensively persistent. It was all to no purpose.
M. le Marquis did not, after all, succeed in securing anything more
than one of the highest Orders for himself.
“But let us again in this instance suppose that the affair had been
decided differently, and that, in spite of wiser counsels and a truer
insight into the nature of the circumstances, the messenger sent
by the President of the French Republic had returned to Paris with
the acceptance of the invitation to the would-be festival of peace,
what would the probable consequences have been? Germany would have
co-operated in the Exhibition, and her exhibitors would have found
themselves, to say the least, in an exceedingly uncomfortable position.
They would have been exposed to dangers of all kinds--we have had ample
experience of what the vindictiveness of French Chauvinism means, even
in more harmless circumstances--and incidents might and probably would
have occurred, resulting at least in irritation, perhaps in an exchange
of hostile notes, and conceivably even in something worse.
“The same idea of a special mission to maintain and promote peace--our
readers will, of course, read between the lines--governs similar
relations with the Ultramontanes, and has, together with other motives,
led to advances which would be otherwise inexplicable. After having
opposed the Government during the elections with almost unexampled
violence, and indulged in the vilest slanders and the most malignant
intrigues against all loyal candidates, these worthy people hide the
cloven hoof in patent leather shoes, and join the circles to which we
have referred with an air of innocent cheerfulness as if butter would
not melt in their mouth, and sun themselves in the radiance of the most
exalted graciousness and favour. Indeed it is even said that in the
council which is usually held to consider the lists of invitations, the
faithful adherents of Rome who condescend to come--this is not done by
all of them--are never omitted, but those who are loyal to the King are
generally struck out.
“It may be permitted, perhaps, to draw the moral of these
communications as follows:--
“In itself a love of peace is always a becoming feature, and
particularly in a woman. But in our humble opinion such love of peace
should not lead to a desire to play the part of ‘Angel of Peace,’
to take pleasure in hearing one’s self so styled, and to act up to
it by thwarting the Chancellor’s plans, opposing wise counsels, and
persistently promoting a course calculated to bring on war, and to
perpetuate existing feuds, inasmuch as it encourages the enemy to
regard the ‘Angel of Peace’ as an ally and to construe her efforts as a
fresh stimulus to resistance.
“Heaven is the true home of such angels of peace, and there doubtless
their sentimental politics will afford them a plentiful supply of
beautiful emotions. We, however, live upon the earth, and the hard
necessities of this life can only be properly estimated and dealt with
by the understanding.”
On the 21st of May Bucher wrote respecting this article:--“The doctor
considers that the medicine prescribed is too strong and has been
administered too rapidly. The patient will now require a _longer_ rest.
I should like to see the next prescription before it is sent to the
apothecary’s.”
In my reply, I asked what the Foreign Office thought of the new Cabinet
in Paris, and whether anything should be said on the subject. Bucher
answered on the 23rd:--“I have nothing to say with regard to the new
French Ministry except what the entire press says: that we view it
with mistrust. It might be mentioned in rectification, that though
the statement that Jules Simon’s fall has been promoted from Berlin
is quite incorrect, this does not exclude the co-operation of G. B.
(Gontaut-Biron) in the matter, which is indeed very probable.”
On the 25th of May Bucher sent various supplementary items for the
article dealing with Baden which I had forwarded to him for inspection
previous to sending it to the press. On the 11th of June he sent me a
sketch of another prominent member of the _Bonbonnière_, in an article
in which I found little to alter, and which therefore appeared in the
_Grenzboten_ in all important particulars, both of form and substance,
as it left his hands. It ran as follows:--
“A Minister _in partibus_.
“Berlin, _June 9th_.
“A few weeks ago a Berlin local newspaper (he was thinking of the
_Tribune_) published a statement that Baron von Schleinitz, the
Minister of the Royal Household, has felt it his duty to submit the
notorious _Grenzboten_ articles--it is not said where or to whom--and
to propose that an inquiry should be instituted with the object
of ascertaining whether they issued from the Press Bureau--which
Press Bureau is not specified. The business of the Minister in
question, apart from Court functions with which we are not very
well acquainted, consists in the administration of the property of
the Royal House. According to Rönne members of the Ministry of the
Household are not State officials, and questions affecting the press
and the administration of the laws do not in any way fall within their
jurisdiction. Perhaps this piece of news is only meant as a humorous
reminder to us that one portrait was missing from the little gallery we
recently presented of persons whom the achievements of the Chancellor
have had the misfortune to displease. We certainly passed over the
gentleman in question, but had by no means forgotten him,--any more
than many others; but we thought that to each day sufficed the evil
thereof. Herr von Schleinitz when he held the seals of the Foreign
Office, certainly pursued quite a different policy to that of Prince
Bismarck, and, therefore, it is after all small blame to him that he
does not approve of the Bismarckian policy. We refrain from an analysis
and discussion of the nature and success of the Schleinitz method,
which was known in its time as the policy of _moral_ conquests. We
leave that task to history, where we are inclined to believe the name
of Schleinitz will hardly figure except in a parenthesis descriptive of
Court life. We take the liberty, however, of asserting openly that he
has had no luck as a diplomatist.
“We hear it said that the property of the Royal House would yield a
considerably larger income if it were differently administered. That
may be the case, and yet we should not blame Herr von Schleinitz. A
diplomat is not called upon to understand the administration of great
estates and forests, and if he has no knowledge of the subject he may
regard it as a misfortune that he should have been appointed to such
duties.
“That is not the only misfortune which has befallen Herr von
Schleinitz. Diest-Daber heard, and related at the trial, that the
_Reichsglocke_ had been sent to the Emperor by a lady named Schleinitz.
Herr von Schleinitz has denied this statement in the _Reichsanzeiger_,
but malicious journalists are now asking whether the evidence of a
husband in favour of his wife is conclusive. A contributor to another
paper (the _Tribune_) comes to his rescue with another supposition.
The gossip might have originated in the circumstance that a former
subordinate of the Minister of the Household, who is still frequently
to be seen at his residence, the Geheimer Rechnungsrath Bernhardt
(who had been mentioned by the Chief as the channel through which the
Empress corresponded with certain foreign Sovereigns) took in ten
copies of the _Reichsglocke_. Certainly Herr von Schleinitz has good
reason to exclaim, ‘Heaven defend me from my friends!’
“He has reasons for this prayer in other respects also. When the war
between ourselves and Austria was at hand the Austrians selected
his residence as their rendezvous, as did the French at a later
period, after they had waged against us a war which they have not yet
forgotten. And in that quarter--our readers know the place--where every
form of hostility to Prince Bismarck centres, Herr von Schleinitz has
always been regarded as the future Chancellor or Minister for Foreign
Affairs, or, to express it more suitably in a phrase borrowed from the
Curia, as Minister _in partibus_. We credit his Excellency with too
much self-knowledge to believe that he personally entertained the hope
of being Prince Bismarck’s successor. And now he is understood to have
actually received no other than Herr von Gruner as coadjutor designate!
Surely the man may bewail his misfortunes!”
The information contained in the seventh and last “friction” article
was supplied exclusively by Bucher, who also wrote the greater part of
it. It was as follows, published on the 28th of June in No. 27 of the
_Grenzboten_.
“Causes of the Change at Baden.
“Strassburg, _June 24th_.
“A Baden correspondent of your journal has repeatedly expressed his
anxiety at the attitude towards the struggle between the State and the
Ultramontanes which the ruling circles at Karlsruhe have for some time
past shown a disposition to adopt, and indeed which they have actually
begun to adopt, since the change of Ministry last September. This
attitude, although for the present it is manifested rather in desire
than in deed, means a retreat before Rome and her allies. The last time
such indications became evident was some two months ago. I immediately
made inquiries as to what truth was in them. It is only now however
that I have received trustworthy explanations. It requires a closer
knowledge of those circles than can be obtained here to say exactly in
what way the change of sentiment referred to has come about, whether
through influences that have gradually insinuated themselves there,
or in consequence of tendencies which already existed and which those
influences divined and afterwards developed. It is regarded as certain,
however, by persons who are in a position to know, that the change of
weather in the upper regions is associated with certain influences
proceeding from Strassburg.
“Frequent visits are paid to Karlsruhe, among others by a gentleman
of this city who has lately received an appointment at our
University--experts assert less for his scientific attainments than
through the recommendations of a coterie whose ramifications extend
across the Channel. The following may serve to identify him. M. (I
mention no name) formerly had charge of the interests of certain small
Republics as Minister Resident in Berlin. There was not much work for
him to do there, and as he was of an enterprising turn of mind and
felt the necessity of playing a part in the world, he was impelled to
dabble in politics more or less openly on his own account. He acted
chiefly as letter carrier and newsmonger to the diplomacy of the
smaller States (this refers to Professor Geffcken, who was associated
with the Coburger, Samwer and Freytag), and endeavoured to promote the
ends of the clique which he had joined by means of articles in the
newspapers. As a matter of course, he was a zealous free-trader, and
equally of course he was strongly in favour of the Augustenburger, at
the time when the Schleswig-Holstein question was approaching its final
solution. If things had followed the course he desired, Hamburg would
have taken the field against Prussia in 1866, and would to-day be a
Prussian city. People ought, therefore, to have been thankful to him
in Berlin, but were not, and on the contrary refused to have anything
to do with him. The Senate then sent him as Minister Resident to
London, where many doors were opened for him by his enthusiasm for the
House of Augustenburg. (It will be remembered that Queen Victoria is
the mother-in-law of a brother of the Hereditary Prince of that day,
now Duke of Augustenburg.) He therefore always had news to send, but
the Senate ultimately found that it cost them too dear, and abolished
the post. M. thereupon took a position in the administration of his
native State, but seems to have himself soon realised that his work
was not quite up to his pretensions. It was, therefore, necessary to
devise ways and means in some other direction, and this was done.
His Manchester principles recommended him to the official then at
the head of the Imperial Chancellerie (Delbrück), who appointed him
his assistant, (miracles, you see, still happen!) and his friends
converted the unsuccessful diplomatist into a Professor in Ordinary at
the High School of the Reichsland. In 1875 he launched a book entitled
‘State and Church,’ which is almost as thick as the Bible. The bulky
proportions so essential to a professorial production were attained by
a superficial historical compilation of some six hundred pages. The
last chapter contained an unfavourable criticism of the Falk laws,
written--to put it politely--in a very popular style, somewhat as if
it were intended to be read by ladies. The real significance of the
work,--of course not expressed in so many words, but clearly to be read
between the lines,--is: ‘I am a model Minister of Public Worship!’ It
is said that the author received further recommendations from Baden,
which, however, failed to produce the intended effect in official
circles, owing to a knowledge of his past, and to the accurate estimate
formed of the same. Since then, M. has been delivering public lectures
on all sorts of subjects, some with a political flavour, so much to
the taste of the Francophil Philistines that they flock to hear the
professor.
“Another professor found his way across the Kehl Bridge, and to the
district which may be described as the handle of the Karlsruhe Fan.[17]
I also forbear to give his name. (Max Müller is the professor here
alluded to.) For the moment I will merely mention that he belongs to
the Bunsen Club, and that--as far as I know--he is one of those German
savants who are most indebted to an energetic and persistent system
of advertisement. He is a member of the Berlin Academy of Science,
and also of the French Institute, and is understood to be a capable
Sanscrit scholar, which I do not question, although I certainly
question the good taste of his friends in the _Augsburger Zeitung_,
who seldom mention his name without describing him as ‘our celebrated
countryman.’ The publication of Indian texts, which he is bringing out
under the patronage of one of the Orleans Princes, has brought him
into communication with that interesting family. In addition to his
lectures at Oxford he occasionally delivers others in London, where
he holds forth before a fashionable and feminine audience upon the
growth of language, the origin of religion, and similar subjects. His
numerous admirers in Germany announced a few years ago that he had been
induced to deliver lectures here in Strassburg also. It is true that
his friends in England put a different complexion on the affair. They
say that British soil is no longer so congenial to him as it used to
be, or, as they express it, England has become too hot for him. Be that
as it may, he put in occasional appearances here, and read lectures. It
is asserted that he was at the same time occupied with other matters
also, great expectations and desires, which I will now merely indicate.
Notwithstanding the skill which he displayed in his lectures on the
origin of religion, in harmonising the demands of science with the
devout respectability which is indispensable in England, he did not
consider himself qualified for the post of Prussian Minister of Public
Worship. But, after all, it is no new idea that Falk’s inheritance
might be divided between two individuals, and he would probably not
consider it beneath his dignity to accept the Department of Education
(first, perhaps, at Karlsruhe, and then in Berlin). But for this
purpose, of course, Falk must first be got rid of. _Hereditas viventis
non datur._
“A reaction from the East upon the West, from the right bank of the
Rhine upon the left, is understood to have taken place since the winter
of 1874-75. This is said to be manifested in the lively interest
taken in the rights of the French language, which are alleged to be
infringed in the teaching of French and in the teaching of religious
and theological instruction at the girls’ schools in Alsace-Lorraine.
It is related in official circles that in this matter there has been
developed a sort of voluntary system reaching up to the most exalted
authority in the State, and down again to the lowest. It is true that
all these endeavours have, fortunately, been fruitless so far as my
information goes.
“Finally, a journey was made to Rome. Between this incident and the
commencement of the change at Karlsruhe, there must have been a number
of connecting links which I cannot specify. Possibly, although it may
not seem quite credible, one may be allowed to associate with this
change a certain exalted lady, a widow of ripe years, who allowed
herself to be converted to the only True Church by a fascinating
priest, and who now, with the customary zeal of converts, considers
it her duty to promote the restoration of peace with Rome, ignorant
of the fact that Rome will never hear of peace, but only of complete
subjection or of a truce. It may be taken as tolerably certain that
bodily and mental conditions, a feeling of discontent, and numerous
other more interesting visits than those of the two professors,
have helped to place a noble nature in the service of schemes the
significance of which such a nature is less able to appreciate than
others. Those who are acquainted with the circumstances and persons
concerned can easily imagine that in this instance Rome has exercised
its influence, not as in the case of Luther, but rather as in that of
Mortimer, although not with such striking effect, and that its acute
Monsignors knew how to take advantage of their opportunity, even had no
Vienna newspaper given a hint of a similar occurrence in that capital.
It is perhaps fortunate that the peaceful assurances of ‘persons of
high position at the Vatican’ were illustrated on the 12th of March by
the allocution of the Holy Father in favour of a crusade.
“All this is very sad for men of patriotic sentiment, but it will be
all the more welcome in another quarter where similar views have been
entertained and a like influence has been exerted for years past, and
where such assistance ‘in the cause of peace’ will be utilised to the
utmost.”