crescent-shaped pieces are entirely plain, except some slightly
impressed lines on the portion connecting them with the central stem.
This central stem, throughout its entire length and to the width of
six-tenths of an inch, is raised, and cross strips are placed at various
points along the under side for the purpose of inserting a slip of bone,
a part of which yet remains in it, and is seen in the figure at the
break immediately below the point where the oblique strips meet. This
specimen presents, as I believe, indubitable evidence that the workmen
who formed it made use of metallic tools, as the cutting in this case
could not possibly have been done with anything except a metallic
implement. A single glance at it is sufficient to satisfy any one of the
truth of this assertion. Length of the stem, 9 inches; width across the
crescents, 7-1/2 inches.
5. Part of an ornament similar to No. 4. These plates, especially No. 4,
appear to be enlarged patterns of that seen behind the head of Fig. 43.
[Illustration: FIG. 45.--Copper badge, from Etowah mound, Georgia.]
6. An ornament or badge, shown in Fig. 45, which Mr. Rogan, when he
found it under the head of the skeleton in grave _a_, was inclined to
consider a crown. It is imperfect, a narrow strip across the middle and
a portion of the tip being missing. As shown in the figure, it measures
around the outer border 19 inches and across the broad end 3-1/2 inches.
The six holes at the larger end, in which the remains of strings can be
detected, indicate that when in use it was attached to some portion of
the dress or fastened on a staff.
[Illustration: FIG. 46.--Engraved shell from Etowah mound, Georgia.]
7. A fragment from the larger end of a piece similar to the preceding.
Attached to this is a piece of cloth.
In addition to the foregoing, there are a number of small fragments
probably broken from these plates, but, so far, I have been unable to
fit them to their proper places.
These plates and the ones mentioned below are very thin, and as even and
smooth (except as interrupted by the figures) as tin plate. The figures
are all stamped, the lines and indentations being very sharp and
regular.
An examination of what Mr. Rogan calls a skin shows beyond question that
it is animal matter. The matting he speaks of appears to be made of
split canes.
The shell represented in Fig. 46 is the one obtained in grave _g_. The
one shown in Fig. 47 is that found in grave _f_.
[Illustration: FIG. 47.--Engraved shell from Etowah mound, Georgia.]
I shall at present simply call attention to one or two facts which
appear to bear upon the age and distribution of these singular
specimens of art.
First. We notice the fact alluded to by Mr. Holmes,[74] which is
apparent to every one who inspects his accurately drawn figures, that in
all their leading features the designs themselves are suggestive of
Mexican or Central American work. Yet a close inspection brings to light
one or two features which are anomalies in Mexican or Central American
designs; as, for example, in Figs. 42 and 43, where the wings are
represented as _rising from the back of the shoulders_, a fact alluded
to by Mr. Holmes.[75] Although we can find numerous figures of winged
individuals in Mexican designs (they are unknown in Central American),
they always carry with them the idea that the individual is partly or
completely clothed in the skin of the bird. This is partially carried
out in our copper plate, as we see by the bird-bill over the head, the
eye being that of the bird and not of the man. But when we come to the
wings we at once see that the artist had in mind the _angel figure_,
with wings arising from the _back of the shoulders_, an idea wholly
foreign to Mexican art. It is further worthy of note in regard to these
two plates that there is a combination of Central American and Mexican
designs: the graceful limbs, and the ornaments of the arms, legs, waist,
and top of the head are Central American, and the rest, with the
exception possibly of what is carried in the right hand, are Mexican.
That these plates are not the work of the Indians found inhabiting the
southern sections of the United States, or of their direct ancestors, I
freely concede. That they were not made by an aboriginal artisan of
Central America or Mexico of ante-Columbian times, I think is evident,
if not from the designs themselves, certainly from the indisputable
evidence that the work was done with hard metallic tools.
[Illustration: FIG. 48.--Copper plate from Illinois mound.]
Second. Plates like those of this collection have only been found, so
far as I can ascertain, in northern Georgia and northern and southern
Illinois. The bird figure represented in Fig. 48 was obtained by Major
Powell, the director of the United States Geological Survey, from a
mound near Peoria, Illinois. Another was obtained in Jackson County,
Illinois, by Mr. Thing, from an ordinary stone grave. From another
similar grave, at the same place, he also obtained the plate represented
in Fig. 49. Fragments of a similar plate were obtained by Mr. Earle from
a stone grave in a mound in Alexander County, Illinois. All these
specimens were received by the Bureau of Ethnology and deposited in the
National Museum.
[Illustration: FIG. 49.--Copper plate from Indian grave, Illinois.]
The box-form stone cists and the figures on the copper plates and
engraved shells differ so widely from the stone vaults and vestiges of
art found in the North Carolina and East Tennessee mounds as to forbid
the belief that the works of the two regions were constructed by one and
the same people. The stone cists and to some extent the construction of
the mound appear to connect the authors with the mound-builders and
authors of the stone graves of the Cumberland Valley and Southern
Illinois, and several other facts, which we cannot now stop to present,
seem to strengthen this suggestion.
The presence of these stone cists in this mound of northern Georgia,
when coupled with the fact that similar stone graves are found in
Habersham County, indicate a Shawnee or closely allied element where we
should expect to find only Creeks or some branch of the Chahta-Muscogee
family. This is a puzzle by no means easy of solution, but one which the
scope of our paper does not require us to discuss. Still, we may add,
that if our conclusions in regard to this group be correct, we must
believe that the large mound was built before De Soto reached that
region while the one explored was built afterwards. Some facts brought
to light by the recent discovery of a cemetery within the area inclosed
by the ditch, which I have for some years believed would be found, and
for which I caused search to be made, appear to sustain these
conclusions, and to indicate that two different peoples have occupied
this site and have had a hand in constructing or adding to these works.
Whatever may be our conclusion in reference to these questions, I think
it will be conceded that the builders of these Etowah mounds belonged to
different tribes from those who erected the East Tennessee and North
Carolina works, and hence, if we are right in regard to the latter, the
Etowah mounds were not built by the Cherokees. The important bearing
which this conclusion has upon the question under discussion, as the
reader will see, is that the mounds immediately outside of the territory
occupied by the Cherokees were built by a different people from those
who erected the works in that territory. Thus we see that, judging by
the mounds alone, immediately upon passing outside the Cherokee country
we encounter a different type of works. This fact, therefore, when taken
in connection with the other evidence adduced, becomes strongly
corroborative of the view that the Cherokees were the authors of the
works in their territory.
CONCLUDING REMARKS.
The results of our examination of the burial mounds of the northern
districts may be briefly summed up as follows:
First. That different sections were occupied by different mound-building
tribes, which, though belonging to much the same stage in the scale of
civilization, differed in most instances in habits and customs to a
sufficient extent to mark, by their modes of burial, construction of
their mounds, and their works of art, the boundaries of the respective
areas occupied.
Second. That each tribe adopted several different modes of burial
depending, in all probability, to some extent upon the social condition,
position, and occupation of the deceased.
Third. That the custom of removing the flesh before the final burial
prevailed very extensively among the mound-builders of the northern
sections. The bones of the common people being often gathered together
and cast in promiscuous heaps, over which mounds were built.
Fourth. That usually some kind of religious or superstitious ceremony
was performed at the burial, in which fire played a prominent part.
That, notwithstanding the very common belief to the contrary, there is
no evidence whatever that human sacrifice was practiced.
Fifth. That there is nothing found in the mode of constructing these
mounds, nor in the vestiges of art they contain, to indicate that their
builders had reached a higher culture-status than that attained by some
of the Indian tribes found occupying the country at the time of the
first arrival of Europeans.
Sixth. That the custom of erecting mounds over the dead continued to be
practiced in several localities in post-Columbian times.
Seventh. That the character and condition of the ancient monuments, and
the relative uniformity in the culture status of the different tribes
shown by the works and the remains of art found in them, indicate that
the mound-building age could not have continued in this part of the
continent longer than a thousand years, and hence that its commencement
probably does not antedate the fifth or sixth century.
Nothing has been found connected with them to sustain or justify the
opinion, so frequently advanced, of their great antiquity. The
calculations based upon the supposed age of trees found growing on some
of them is fast giving way before recent investigations made in regard
to the growth of forests, as it has been ascertained that the rings of
trees are not a sure indication of age.
Quatrefages may not be correct in fixing the date of the appearance of
the "Red skins" in the "basin of the Missouri" in the eighth or ninth
century,[76] but nothing has been found in connection with the
ancient works of this country, supposing the Indians to have been their
authors, to prove that he has greatly erred in his calculation. Other
races or peoples may have preceded the mound-builders in this region,
but better proof of this is required than that based on the differences
between the supposed palæolithic and neolithic implements of New Jersey
and other sections, as every type discovered can be duplicated a hundred
times in the surface finds from different parts of the country.
Eighth. That all the mounds which have been examined and carefully
studied are to be attributed to the indigenous tribes found inhabiting
this region and their ancestors.
SUPPLEMENTAL NOTE.[77]
BURIAL CEREMONIES OF THE HURONS.[78]
Our savages are not savages as regards the duties which nature herself
requires us to render to the dead. They do not yield in this respect to
several nations much more civilized. You would say that all their labor
and efforts were for scarcely anything but to amass means of honoring
the dead. They have nothing too valuable for this purpose; they devote
to this use the robes, the hatchets, and the shell beads in such
quantities, that you would think to see them, on these occasions, that
they were considered of no great value, and yet they are all the riches
of the country; you may often see them in midwinter almost entirely
naked, while they have good and fine robes in their chests, which they
are keeping in reserve for the dead; this is, indeed, their point of
honor. It is on this occasion especially that they wish to appear
magnificent. But I speak here only of their peculiar funerals.
These good people are not like many Christians, who cannot suffer death
to be spoken of, and who, in a mortal sickness, hesitate to break the
news to the sick one for fear of hastening his death. Here, when the
recovery of any one is despaired of, not only do they not hesitate to
tell him that his end is near, but they even prepare in his presence all
that is necessary for the burial; they often show him the shroud, the
hose, the shoes, and the girdle which he is to wear; frequently they are
enshrouded, after their custom, before they have expired, and they hold
a feast of farewell to their friends, during which they sing, sometimes
without showing any apprehension of death, which they regard very
indifferently, considering it only as a change to a life very little
different from this. As soon as the dying man has drawn his last breath,
they arrange the body in the same position that is to be preserved in
the tomb; they do not lay it out horizontally, as is our custom, but
crouched, like a ball (en peloton), "quasi en la mesme posture que les
enfants sont an ventre de la mere." Until this time they restrain their
mourning. After having performed these duties, all in the cabin begin to
utter sighs, groans, and lamentations; the children cry _Aistan_, if it
is their father, and the mother _Aien, Aien_, "My son, my son." No one
seeing them thus weeping and mourning would think that they were only
ceremonial lamentations; they blend their voices all in one accord and
in a lugubrious tone, until some one in authority calls for peace; at
once they cease and the captain hastens to announce through all the
cabins that such a one is dead. Upon the arrival of the friends they
resume their mourning. Frequently some one of more importance will begin
to speak and will console the mother and the children, now extolling the
deceased, praising his patience, his kindness, his liberality, his
magnificence, and, if he was a warrior, his great courage; now saying,
"What do you wish? there is no longer any remedy; it was necessary for
him to die; we are all subject to death;" and then, "He lingered a very
long time," &c. It is true that on this occasion they do not lack for
conversation; I am sometimes surprised to see them discourse a long time
on this subject, and bring up, with much discretion, all considerations
that may afford any consolation to the friends of the deceased.
Notice is also given of this death to the friends who live in other
villages, and as each family employs another who has the care of their
dead, they come as soon as possible to give orders about everything and
to fix the day of the funeral. They usually inter the dead on the third
day; in the morning the captain gives an order that kettles shall be
boiled for the deceased throughout the village. No one spares his best
efforts. They do this, in my opinion, for three reasons: First, to
console each other, for they exchange dishes among themselves, and
scarcely any one eats out of the kettle that he has prepared; secondly,
on account of the arrival of those of other villages, who often come in
large numbers, lastly and principally, to gratify the soul of the
deceased, who, they think, takes pleasure in eating his share. All the
kettles being emptied, or at least distributed, the captain informs all
the village that the body is to be carried to the cemetery. All the
people assemble in the cabin; the mourning is renewed, and those who
have charge of the funeral prepare a litter upon which the body is
placed, laid upon a mat and wrapped in a robe of beaver skin; they then
raise it and carry it by the four corners. All the people follow in
silence to the cemetery.
There is in the cemetery a tomb made of bark and raised on four stakes
of from 8 to 10 feet in height. While the body is placed in this, and
the bark is trimmed, the captain makes known the presents that have been
given by the friends. In this country, as well as in others, the most
agreeable consolations for the loss of relations are always accompanied
by presents, which consist of kettles, hatchets, beaver skins, and
necklaces of shell beads. If the deceased was of some importance in the
country, not only the friends and neighbors but even the captains of
other villages will come in person to bring their presents. Now, all
these presents do not follow the body into the tomb; a necklace of beads
is sometimes placed on its neck and near it a comb, a gourd-full of oil,
and two or three small loaves of bread; that is all. A large part of
them goes to the relatives to dry their tears; the rest is given to
those who have had charge of the funeral, to pay them for their trouble.
They also keep in reserve some robes or hatchets to make presents
(largesse) to the young men. The captain places in the hand of one of
them a stick about a foot long, offering a prize to any one who will
take it from him. They throw themselves headlong upon him and remain
engaged in the contest sometimes for an hour. After this each one
returns peaceably to his cabin.
I forgot to say that generally throughout the ceremony the mother or
wife stands at the foot of the sepulcher, calling the deceased, singing,
or rather lamenting, in mournful tones.
These ceremonies are not always all observed; those who die in war they
place in the ground, and the relatives make presents to their patrons,
if they have any, which is generally the case in this country, to
encourage them to raise soldiers and avenge the death of the warrior.
Those who are drowned are also buried, after the most fleshy parts of
the body have been taken away in pieces, as I have explained more
particularly in speaking of their superstitions. The presents are
doubled on this occasion, and all the people of the country are often
there, contributing from their store; all this, they say, is to appease
the Heaven or the Lake.
There are even special ceremonies for small children deceased under one
or two months; they are not placed as others, in sepulchers of bark
raised on stakes, but buried in the road, in order, they say, "que
quelque femme passant par là, ils entrent secrètement en son ventre, et
que derechef elle leur donne la vie et les enfante." I doubt that the
good Nicodemus would have found much difficulty there, although he
doubted only for old men, "_Quomodo potest homo nasci cum sit senex._"
This beautiful ceremony took place this winter in the person of one of
our little Christians, who had been named Joseph in baptism. I learned
it on this occasion from the lips of the father of the child himself.
When the funeral is over the mourning does not cease: the wife continues
it all the year for her husband, the husband for the wife; but the grand
mourning itself lasts only ten days. During this time they remain lying
on their mats wrapped in their robes, with their faces against the
earth, without speaking or replying to anything, save _C[uo]ay_, to
those who come to visit them. They do not warm themselves in winter or
eat warm things; they do not go to the feasts nor go out, save at night,
for what they need; they cut a lock of hair from the back of the head
and declare that it is not without deep sorrow, especially when the
husband performs this ceremony on the death of his wife, or the wife on
the death of her husband. Such is the great mourning.
The lesser mourning lasts all the year. When they wish to visit any one,
they do not salute them nor say _C[uo]ay_, neither do they grease their
hair. The women do this, however, when commanded to do so by their
mothers, who have at their disposal their hair, and even their persons.
It is also their privilege to send their daughters to the feasts,
without which several will not go. What I think strange is that during
the whole year neither the wife nor the husband marries again, else they
would cause themselves to be talked about in the country.
The sepulchers are not perpetual, as their villages are only permanent
for some years, as long as the wood lasts. The bodies remain in the
cemeteries only until the feast of the dead, which usually takes place
every twelve years. During this time they do not neglect to honor the
dead often. From time to time kettles are boiled for their souls
throughout the village, as on the day of the funeral, and their names
are revived as often as possible. For this purpose presents are given to
the captains to be given to him who will consent to take the name of the
deceased; and if the latter was of consideration and had been esteemed
in the country during his life, he who represents him, after giving a
grand feast to all the people of the country, to introduce himself under
this name, raises a body of free young men and goes to war to accomplish
some brave feat which will show to the nation that he has not only
inherited the name but also the bravery and courage of the deceased.
THE SOLEMN FEAST OF THE DEAD.
The feast of the dead is the most celebrated ceremony that takes place
among the Hurons. They give it the name of festival for the reason, as I
should say now, that when the bodies are taken from the cemeteries each
captain makes a "feast to the souls" in his village. The most important
and magnificent is that of the master of the feast, who is for this
reason called, par excellence, the "Maistre du Festin."
This feast is full of ceremonies, but the chief one is evidently that of
"boiling the kettle." This outdoes all the others, and the festival of
the dead is spoken of, even in the most serious councils, only under the
name Chaudiere (the kettle). They appropriate to it all the terms of
cookery, so that when they speak of hastening or retarding the feast
they say "rake out" or "stir up the fire under the kettle;" and when any
one says "the kettle is overturned," that means there will be no feast.
There is generally only one festival in each nation. All the bodies are
placed in the same grave. I say generally, for this year when the fête
des Morts took place the kettle-boiling was divided and five villages at
this point where we are stationed made a separate band and placed their
dead in a separate grave. He who had been captain of the preceding
feast, and who is like the chief at this point, made the excuse that his
kettle and his feast had been spoiled and that he was obliged to make
another. But, in fact, this was only a pretext. The real reason of this
separation is that the great heads of the village have complained for a
long time that the others took everything to themselves, that they did
not share as they wished the knowledge of the affairs of the country,
and that they were not called to the most secret and important councils
and to the division of the presents.
This separation has been followed by distrust on both sides. God grant
that it cause no hindrance to the spreading of the sacred Gospel. But I
must touch briefly upon the order and the events of the feast.
The twelve years or more having expired, the old people and great men of
the nation assemble to decide upon the time when the feast shall be
held, so as to satisfy all the people of the country and the outside
nations who are to be invited.
When the decision is made, as all the bodies are to be transported to
the village where the common grave is made, each family takes charge of
its dead with a care and affection that cannot be described. If they
have relatives buried in any part of the country whatever they spare no
trouble to go and bring them. They take them from the cemeteries, carry
them on their own shoulders, and cover them with the finest robes they
have in their possession. In each village a good day is chosen, and they
repair to the cemetery, where those called _Aiheonde_, who have had the
care of the sepulcher, take the bodies from the tomb in the presence of
the relatives, who renew their tears and repeat the mourning of the day
of the funeral.
I was present at this ceremony, and willingly invited all our servants,
for I do not think that there can be seen in this world a livelier image
or more perfect representation of the condition of man.