section from the time of De Soto's expedition until it was settled by
the whites, it follows that if the mound was built subsequent to that
date it must have been by the Cherokees. The nearest neighbors of this
tribe on the east, at the time the whites came in contact with them,
were the Tuscaroras. We learn from John Lederer, who visited them in
1670, on his return from the Cherokee country, that they were in the
habit of "decking themselves very fine with pieces of bright copper in
their hair and ears and about their neck, which, upon festival
occasions, they use as an extraordinary bravery."[59] While it is well
known that these two tribes were brought into contact with each other
through being constantly at war, until the latter removed to the north
and joined the Five Nations, it is more likely that these articles of
European workmanship were obtained chiefly from the Spaniards, who, as
is now known, worked the gold mines in northern Georgia at an early
date. We learn from Barcia's "Ensayo Cronologico"[60] that Tristan de
Luna, who, in 1559, went in search of the mines of "Coza" (the name by
which the region of northern Georgia was then known), succeeded in
reaching the region sought, and even heard, while there, of the negro
Robles, who was left behind by De Soto. When John Lederer reached the
borders of Georgia the Spaniards were then at work at these mines, which
fact, as he informs us, checked his further advance, as he feared he
might be made a captive by them. As further and conclusive evidence of
this, we have only to state that the remains of their cabins in the
vicinity of the mines were found in 1834 with trees from 2 to 3 feet in
diameter growing over them. The old shafts were discovered in which they
worked, as also some of the machinery they used.[61] Be this supposition
correct or not, if the articles we have mentioned were of European
workmanship, or if the material was obtained of civilized people, we
must take for granted, until evidence to the contrary is produced, that
the mound in which they were found was built after the commencement of
the sixteenth century, hence by Indians, and in all probability by the
Cherokees.
Our next argument is the discovery in the ancient works of this region
of evidences that the habits and customs of the builders were similar to
those of the Cherokees and some of the immediately surrounding tribes.
I have already alluded to the evidence found in the mound opened by
Professor Carr, that it had once supported a building similar to the
council house observed by Bartram on a mound at the old Cherokee town,
Cowe. Both were on mounds, both were circular, both were built on posts
set in the ground at equal distances from each other, and each had a
central pillar.
As confirming this statement of Bartram, we are informed in Ramsey's
Annals of Tennessee[62] that when Colonel Christian marched against the
Cherokee towns, in 1776, he found in the center of each "a circular
tower rudely built and covered with dirt, 30 feet in diameter, and about
20 feet high. This tower was used as a council house and as a place for
celebrating the green-corn dance and other national ceremonials."
Lawson, who traveled through North Carolina in 1700, says:[63] "They
[the Indians] oftentimes make of this shell [alluding to a certain large
sea shell] a sort of gorge, which they wear about their neck in a
string, so it hangs on their collar, whereon is sometimes engraven a
cross or some odd sort of figure which comes next in their fancy."
Beverly, speaking of the Indians of Virginia, says:[64] "Of this shell
they also make round tablets of about 4 inches in diameter, which they
polish as smooth as the other, and sometimes they etch or grave thereon
circles, stars, a half-moon, or any other figure, suitable to their
fancy."
Now it so happens that, in the same mound in which the iron specimens
before alluded to were found, and in other mounds in the same section,
the Bureau assistants discovered shell ornaments precisely of the
character described by these old writers. Some of them were smooth and
without any devices engraved on them, but with holes for inserting the
strings by which they were to be held in position; others were engraved
with figures which would readily be taken for stars and half-moons, and
one among the number had a cross engraved on it. The testimony in this
case that these relics were the work of the Indians found in possession
of the country at the time of the discovery is, therefore, too strong to
be put aside by mere conjectures or inferences. If the work of the
Indians, then they must have been used by the Cherokees and buried with
their dead. The engraved figures are strangely uniform, indicating some
common origin, but the attempt to trace this is foreign to our present
purpose. In these mounds were found a large number of nicely carved
soapstone pipes, usually with the stem made in connection with the bowl,
though some were without this addition, consisting only of the bowl,
with a hole for the insertion of a cane or wooden stem.
By turning to Adair's "History of the North American Indians,"[65] we
find the following statement:
They [the Indians] make beautiful stone pipes, and the
Cherokees the best of any of the Indians, for their mountainous
country contains many different sorts and colors of soils
proper for such uses. They easily form them with their
tomahawks, and afterwards finish them in any desired form with
their knives, the pipes being of a very soft quality till they
are smoked with and used with the fire, when they become quite
hard. They are often a full span long, and the bowls are about
half as long again as those of our English pipes. The fore part
of each commonly runs out, with a sharp peak two or three
fingers broad and a quarter of an inch thick.
Not only were pipes made of soapstone found in these mounds, but two or
three were obtained precisely of the form mentioned by Adair, with the
fore part running out in front of the bowl; and another of the same form
has been found in a mound on the Kanawha, which is at least suggestive.
Jones says:[66]
It has been more than hinted by at least one person whose
statement is entitled to every belief, that among the Cherokees
dwelling in the mountains there existed certain artists whose
professed occupation was the manufacture of stone pipes, which
were by them transported to the coast and there bartered away
for articles of use and ornament foreign to and highly esteemed
among the members of their own tribe.
This not only strengthens our conclusion, drawn from the presence of
such pipes in the mounds alluded to, but may also assist in explaining
the presence of the copper ornaments in them. The writer last quoted
says:[67]
Copper implements are rarely found in Georgia. The present [a
copper ax] is the finest specimen which, after no mean search,
has rewarded our investigations. Native copper exists in
portions of Cherokee Georgia, Tennessee, North Carolina, and
Alabama, but it is generally found in combination with sulphur
and not in malleable form. We are not aware of any locality
among those enumerated whence the Indians could have secured
that metal either in quantity or purity sufficient to have
enabled them to manufacture this implement.
Adair says:[68]
From the time we supplied them with our European ornaments they
have used brass and silver ear-rings and finger-rings; the
young warriors now frequently fasten bell-buttons or pieces of
tinkling brass to their moccasins.
From these facts I am inclined to believe that most of the copper used
by them was obtained directly or indirectly from the whites, and hence
subsequent to the discovery of America. But should this supposition be
erroneous, the fact still remains that the Cherokees were in the habit
of using just such ornaments as we find in these mounds.
As showing that the Europeans began to trade copper to the Indians at a
very early day, I call attention to a statement made by Beverly in his
"History of Virginia."[69] Speaking of a settlement made at Powhatan,
six miles below the falls of James River, in 1609, he says it was
"bought of Powhatan for a certain quantity of copper."
By reference to Smith's History and the narratives of the early
explorers we find that the amount of sheet copper traded to the Indians
and taken by them from wrecks was quite large.
But we are not yet through with the items under this class of
testimony.
Haywood, in his "Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee,"[70] says:
Mr. Brown, a Scotchman, came into the Cherokee Nation, in the
year 1761 and settled on the Hiawassee River or near it. He saw
on the Hiawassee and Tennessee the remains of old forts, about
which were axes, guns, hoes, and other metallic utensils. The
Indians at that time told him that the French had formerly been
there and built these forts.
I am fully aware that this author indulges in some extravagant
speculations; still, so far as I have tested his original statements I
have generally found them correct. During the year 1883 one of the
assistants of the Bureau was sent to this particular region, which is
too limited to allow the question of locality to be raised. An overflow
and a change in the channel of the river brought to light the remains of
old habitations and numerous relics of the people who formerly dwelt
there. Moreover, this was in the precise locality where tradition
located a Cherokee town. Digging was resorted to in order to complete
what the water had begun.
Now let me mention some of the things obtained here:
Ten discoidal stones, precisely like those from the mounds of Caldwell
County, North Carolina.
Nine strings of glass beads.
A large number of shell beads exactly like those from the mounds.
A number of flint arrow-points.
One soapstone pipe.
Some pieces of smooth sheet-copper.
Three conical copper ear-pendants.
Three buttons of modern type.
One small brass gouge.
Fragments of iron articles belonging to a bridle.
One bronze sleigh-bell.
One stone awl or drill.
Fragment of a soapstone pot.
One soapstone gorget.
Several polished stone celts of the same pattern as those found in the
North Carolina mounds.
Grooved stone axes.
A piece of sheet lead.
This admixture of articles of civilized and savage life confirms the
statement made by Haywood, at least so far as regards the early presence
of white people in this section. It follows from what has been presented
that the Indians must have been Cherokees, and the fact that the
implements and ornaments of aboriginal manufacture found here are
throughout precisely like those found in the mounds before mentioned
affords a very strong proof that they were built by the Cherokees.
It is worthy of notice that close by the side of this washout stands a
mound. Permission to open it has not yet been obtained.
Returning to our mounds, we note that a large number of stones,
evidently used for cracking nuts, were found in and about them; some
charred acorns, or nuts of some kind, were also found in them. We have
only to refer to Adair and other early writers to see how well the
indications agree with the customs of the Cherokees.
According to the Cherokee tradition, they found a settlement of Creeks
on the Lower Hiawassee, when they reached that region, and drove them
away. Ramsay expresses the opinion in his Annals of Tennessee, on what
authority is not known, that this was a Uchee settlement. Hence the
southern boundary of their possessions, at this early date, which must
have been before the time of De Soto's expedition, was about the present
northern boundary of Georgia. That their borders, at the time of De
Soto's march, extended into northeastern Georgia is proved by the
chroniclers of his expedition, but that they did not reach as far south
as Bartow County can be shown from one somewhat singular circumstance,
which, at the same time, will furnish strong reasons for believing that
the authors of the works immediately south of this boundary could not
have built the mounds we have been considering.
It will be admitted, I presume, by every one, that the people over whom
the famous cacique of Cutifachiqui reigned could not have been
Cherokees; yet her territory included Xuala, probably in Nacoochee
valley, and extended westward well toward Guaxule on the headwaters of
the Coosa, but that the latter was not within the territory of her tribe
is expressly stated by Garcilasso de la Vega. I think it may be safely
assumed that her people were Creeks; and, if so, that the people of
Guaxule, who, as we judge from the chroniclers of De Soto's expedition,
were mound-builders, belonged to another distinct tribe.
Garcilasso, who is our authority in reference to the first point now to
be considered, says:
La casa estava en un cerro alto, como de otras semejantes hemos
dicho. Tenia toda ella al derredor un paseadero que podian
pasearse por el seis hombres juntos.[71] The house was on a
high hill (mound) similar to others we have already mentioned.
It had all round about it a roadway on which six men could walk
abreast.
This language is peculiar, and, so far as I am aware, can apply to no
other mound in Georgia than the large one near Cartersville. The words
"similar to others we have mentioned," are evidently intended to signify
that it was artificial, and this is conceded by all who have noted the
passage. The word "alto" (high), in the mouth of the explorers,
indicates something more elevated than the ordinary mounds. The roadway
or passageway (paseadero) "round about it" is peculiar, and is the only
mention of the kind by either of the three chroniclers. How is it to be
explained?
As Garcilasso wrote from information and not from personal observation
he often failed to catch from his informants a correct notion of the
things described to him; this is frequently apparent in his work where
there is no reason to attribute it to his vivid imagination. In this
case it is clear he understood there was a terrace running entirely
around the mound, or possibly a roadway around the top outside of a
rampart or stockade.
But as neither conclusion could have been correct, as no such terrace
has been found in any part of this region, and a walk around the summit
would have thwarted the very design they had in view in building the
mound, what was it Garcilasso's informants saw? C. C. Jones says "a
terrace," but it is scarcely possible that any terrace at the end or
side of a southern mound, forming an apron-like extension (which is the
only form found there), could have been so described as to convey the
idea of a roadway, as the mode of estimating the width shows clearly was
intended.
[Illustration: FIG. 39.--Large mound of Etowah group, Bartow County,
Georgia.]
The broad way winding around and up the side of the Etowah mound (Fig.
39) appears to answer the description better than any other in Georgia.
It is a large mound, high, and one that would doubtless attract the
attention of the Spanish soldiers; its dimensions indicate that the
tribe by which it was built was strong in numbers and might easily send
forth five hundred warriors to greet the Spaniards. The locality is also
within the limits of De Soto's route as given by the best authorities;
and lastly, there is no other mound within the possible limits of his
route which will in any respect answer the description. As Garcillasso
must have learned of this mound from his informants, and has described
it according to the impression conveyed to his mind, we are justified in
accepting it as a statement of fact. I am, therefore, satisfied that the
work alluded to is none other than the Etowah mound near Cartersville,
Georgia, and that here we can point to the spot where the unfortunate
Adelantado rested his weary limbs and where the embassadors of the noted
cacique of Cutifachiqui delivered their final message.
[Illustration: FIG. 40.--Vertical section, small mound, same group.]
Recently the smallest of the three large mounds of this group was opened
and carefully explored by Mr. Rogan, one of the Bureau assistants. As
the result will be of much interest to archæologists aside from the
question now under discussion, although belonging to the southern type
of burial mounds not discussed in this paper, I will venture to give a
description of its construction and contents as a means of comparison
and as also bearing somewhat on the immediate question under discussion.
This mound is the one marked _c_ in Jones's plate;[72] also _c_ in
Colonel Whittlesey's figure 2.[73] A vertical section of it is given
in Fig. 40. The measurements, as ascertained by Mr. Rogan, are as
follows: Average diameter at the base, 120 feet; diameter of the level
top, 60 feet; height above the original surface of the ground, 16 feet.
The form is more nearly that of a truncated cone than represented in the
figures alluded to.
The construction was found, by very thorough excavation, to be as
follows: the entire surrounding slope (No. 4, Fig. 40) was of hard,
tough red clay, which could not have been obtained nearer than half a
mile; the cylindrical core, 60 feet in diameter and extending down to
the original surface of the ground, was composed of three horizontal
layers; the bottom layer (No. 1) 10 feet thick, of rich, dark, and
rather loose loam; the next (No. 2) 4 feet thick, of hard, beaten (or
tramped) clay, so tough and hard that it was difficult to penetrate it
even with a pick; and the uppermost (No. 3) of sand and surface soil
between 1 and 2 feet thick. A trench was dug from opposite sides to the
central core; and when the arrangement was ascertained, this central
portion was carefully explored to the original surface of the ground.
Nothing was found in the layer of clay (No. 2) except a rude clay pipe,
some small shell beads, a piece of mica, and a chunkee stone. The
burials were all in the lower layer (No. 1), of dark rich loam, and
chiefly in stone cists or coffins of the usual box-shape, formed of
stone slabs, and distributed horizontally, as shown in Fig. 41, which is
a plan of this lower bed.
[Illustration: FIG. 41.--Plan of burials in small mound.]
According to Mr. Rogan's field-notes, the form and contents of these
graves and the mode of burial in them were as follows:
Grave _a_, Fig. 41.--A stone sepulcher, 2-1/2 feet wide, 8 feet long,
and 2 feet deep, formed by placing steatite slabs on edge at the sides
and ends, and others across the top. The bottom consisted simply of
earth hardened by fire. It contained the remains of a single skeleton,
lying on its back, with the head east. The frame was heavy and about 7
feet long. The head was resting on a thin copper plate, ornamented with
stamped figures; but the skull was crushed and the plate injured by
fallen slabs. Under the copper were the remains of a skin of some kind;
and under this, coarse matting, probably of split cane. The skin and
matting were both so rotten that they could be secured only in
fragments. At the left of the feet were two clay vessels, one a
water-bottle, and the other a very small vase. On the right of the feet
were some mussel and sea shells; and immediately under the feet two
conch-shells (_Busycon perversum_), partially filled with small shell
beads. Around each ankle was a strand of similar beads. The bones and
most of the shells were so far decomposed that they could not be saved.
Grave _b_.--A stone sepulcher, 4-1/4 feet long, 2 feet wide, and 1-1/2
feet deep, differing from _a_ only in size and the fact that the bottom
was covered with stone slabs. The skeleton was extended on the back,
head east. On the forehead was a thin plate of copper, the only article
found.
Grave _c_.--A stone sepulcher, 3-1/2 feet long, 1-1/2 feet wide, and
1-1/2 deep; the bottom being formed of burnt earth. Although extending
east and west, as shown in the figure, the bones had probably been
interred without regard to order and disconnected, the head being found
in the northeast corner with face to the wall and the remaining portion
of the skeleton in a promiscuous heap. Yet there was no indication of
disturbance after burial as the coffin was intact. Between some of the
bones was found a thin plate of copper that had been formed by uniting
and riveting together smaller sections. Some of the bones found in this
grave were saved.
Grave _d_.--A small sepulcher, 1-1/2 feet square by 1 foot deep,
contained the remains of an infant, also a few small shell beads. The
slabs forming the sides and bottom of this grave bore very distinct
marks of fire.
Grave _e_.--Simply a headstone and footstone, with the skeleton of a
very small child between them; head east. On the wrists were some very
small shell beads. The earth on the north and south sides had been
hardened in order to form the walls.
Grave _f_.--Stone sepulcher, 6 feet long, 3 feet wide, and 1-1/2 feet
deep, with stone in the bottom; skeleton with the head north. There was
a lot of copper about the head, which, together with the skeleton, was
wrapped in a skin. The head rested on a large conch-shell (_Busycon
perversum_), and this on the remains of a coarse mat. Shell beads were
found around the neck, each wrist, and ankle. On the right was a small
cup, and on the breast an engraved shell. The copper had preserved a
portion of the hair, which was saved; portions of the skin and matting
were also secured.
Immediately under _b_ was another stone grave or coffin, 3 feet long,
1-1/2 feet wide, and as deep, extending north and south. The head of the
skeleton was toward the north, but the feet were doubled back under the
frame in order to get it in the allotted space. The only things found
with this skeleton were some beads around the neck.
At _g_ the remains of a child were found without any stones about them.
Some shell beads were around the neck and wrists and an engraved shell
on the breast.
Grave _h_.--A stone sepulcher, 1-1/2 feet square and 1 foot deep, stone
slabs on the four sides and top; the bottom consisted simply of earth
hardened by fire. This contained only a trace of bones and presented
indications of at least partial cremation, as all around the slabs,
outside and inside, was a solid mass of charcoal and the earth was
burned to the depth of a foot.
[Illustration: FIG. 42.--Copper plate from Etowah mound, Georgia.]
Grave _i_.--A stone sepulcher, 4-1/2 feet long, 1-1/2 feet wide, and as
deep, the bottom earth; contained the remains of a skeleton resting on
the back, head north, and feet doubled back so as to come within the
coffin. On the breast was a thin plate of copper, five inches square,
with a hole through the center. Around the wrists were beads, and about
the neck rather more than a quart of the same.
At _j_ were the remains of a small child, without stone surroundings;
under the head was a piece of copper, and about the neck and wrists were
shell beads.
These graves were not all on the same level; the top of some being but
two feet below the clay bed (No. 2), while others were from two to three
feet lower.
[Illustration: FIG. 43.--Copper plate from Etowah mound, Georgia.]
All the articles obtained in this mound were forwarded at once to the
Bureau of Ethnology and are now in the National Museum. Examining them
somewhat carefully since their reception, I find there are really more
copper plates among them than Mr. Rogan supposed, the number and
description being as follows:
1. A human figure with wings, represented in Fig. 42. This is 13 inches
long and 9 inches wide. A portion of the lower part, as shown by the
figure, is wanting, probably some 3 or 4 inches. There is a break
across the middle, but not sufficient to interfere with tracing out the
design. A crown piece to the head ornament is also wanting.
2. Also a human figure, shown in Fig. 43. Length, 16 inches; width,
7-1/2 inches.
3. Figure of a bird; this is imperfect, as part of the head and the
outer margin of the wings are wanting. Length, 13-1/2 inches; width
7-1/2 inches. This plate shows indubitable evidence of having been
formed of smaller pieces welded together, as the overlapping portions
can be easily traced. It has also undergone repairs: a fracture
commencing on the left margin and running irregularly half-way across
the body has been mended by placing a strip of copper along it on the
under side and riveting it to the main plate; a small piece has also
been riveted to the head and the head to the body; several other pieces
are attached in the same way. The rivets are small and the work is
neatly done.
[Illustration: FIG. 44.--Copper badge, from Etowah mound, Georgia.]