EDITOR’S INTRODUCTION

_Background_

The coming of the Pilgrims and their establishment of the Plymouth

Plantation is one of the great adventures in the American experience.

This book is the earliest published account of that adventure, a

day-by-day journal written in a simple forceful manner by men who took

part in it. The story is familiar[1]—deceptively familiar, in that

portions of it have undergone a complex process of transformation and

emerge as modern myths in our national folklore. Still it is a story

full of glory, and of tragedy, which deserves a wider public.

The glory, as usual, exists mostly in retrospect. The Separatists had

already shown the courage of their convictions in defying both Church

and State by worshiping in their own way in England. They had finally

been driven to take refuge in Holland, the only European nation where

they could then enjoy complete religious tolerance. After twelve years

of poverty and social isolation in Amsterdam and Leyden, the self-styled

“Saints”[2] sought the New World largely as a land of economic

opportunity where they hoped to start afresh. Similar motives

undoubtedly moved the “Strangers,”[3] the motley group of fellow

travelers who joined the party at Plymouth, England, and doubled their

numbers. The “Strangers” were loyal to the Church of England, as were

the few indentured servants and hired men, who soon comprised a

dissident faction. They cared no more for freedom of conscience than did

the “merchant adventurers,” a joint stock company of about seventy

London businessmen who sponsored the plantation only as a commercial

venture likely to yield high profits.

Some have read the “Mayflower Compact” as the glorious cornerstone of

American democracy, but it seems hardly revolutionary in context here

where it first appeared in print. The fact that the Pilgrims enjoyed

warm relations with some Indians is also much to their credit, but it

may reflect the charity of the Indians at least as much as their own

benevolence. Still one cannot belittle the achievement of these simple

people. They consistently showed resourcefulness in coping with new

problems, and courage in the face of danger. The greatest glory of the

Pilgrims may well have been the ardent faith and dogged persistence

which saw them through great tragedy.

Although there is little talk of tragedy in this volume, we know that

more than half of the original party died during the first year at

Plymouth. Considering their primitive living conditions, it is a wonder

that so many did survive the “general sickness” while wading to and from

the shallop, and working hard to develop new skills in the harsh and

alien environment of a strenuous New England winter. Another tragedy is

only presaged here, in the white man’s facile rationalization of his

usurpation of lands which had long been used by Indians. Within the span

of a single lifetime, the indigenous peoples were dispossessed, and

their way of life did not long survive after the mutually debilitating

“King Philip’s War.” The tragedy and the glory of Pilgrims and Indians

alike emerge in a careful reading of this journal.

_About the Book_

Any good book must mean many things to many readers, and this journal

offers more than just reflections of past glories and intimations of

great tragedy. It is a primary source for American history in that

critical period when a beach-head of Anglo culture was established in

the New World. In this volume are the earliest accounts of the

“Mayflower Compact,” the establishment of a community which has become

focal in our national heritage, the signing of this country’s first

mutual security pact, and the famous first Thanksgiving. There is no

question of the book’s essential authenticity, and most of it has the

flavor of having been written on the spot at the time.

This sense of immediacy also enhances the value of the journal as a well

written story of true adventure. The protagonists quietly suppressed an

impending mutiny, even before they landed. While exploring the unknown

wastes of Cape Cod, they conducted archeological excavations before they

had a roof over their heads. They were attacked by Indians, and yet

persisted, built their homes in a foreign land, and soon traveled freely

among the natives. This is high adventure indeed!

Political implications are of some importance too. The passengers on the

_Mayflower_ are famous for their founding of “a civil body politic ...

to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances,

acts, [and] offices from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and

convenient for the general good of the colony.” Within less than a week

of their first conversation with an Indian, the Pilgrims signed an

enduring peace treaty with Massasoit, a leader of the neighboring

Wampanoags. A year later, they enjoyed trading relations and military

alliance with many other Indian groups.

The journal may also be viewed as a valuable ethnographic document.

Although previous sporadic contacts by explorers and traders had yielded

some impressionistic descriptions, the Pilgrims were the first Europeans

to be in close and sustained contact with the Indians of southern New

England. At first they expected only hostility from the “savages,” but

it was not long before they found valuable helpers in Squanto and

Samoset, both of whom had learned already some English when they were

kidnapped and sold as slaves by English traders. The Pilgrims were

obliged to work out a modus vivendi with these “tall and proper men”

whose dress seemed outlandish, whose foods were strange, and whose

customs were curious enough to deserve description. We are indebted to

the authors of this journal for a wealth of information about such

patterns during the brief period before they disappeared forever. There

are many aspects of the native ways of life of which the Pilgrims were

unaware, and others which they treated with only tantalizing brevity,

but a wealth of irreplaceable ethnographic data in this volume serves to

illuminate our fragmentary understanding of coastal Algonquian cultures.

Just as we can learn much about the Indians from this book, we can also

gain rich insights into the character of the Pilgrims themselves.

Mention of the threat of mutiny explodes the hoary myth of dedicated

unity of purpose among all members of the party. The bravery of the

Pilgrims emerges in bold relief, as does their readiness to rob the

graves of Indians. In light of this text, their industriousness cannot

be doubted. Flashes of humor occur, and their strong sense of being a

“chosen people” is clearly manifest in recurrent references to a

felicitous “divine providence.”

“Human interest” is not lacking either. We can imagine the chagrin of

William Bradford unwittingly caught up in a deer snare, just as we can

sympathize with the consternation created when a prankish boy fired his

father’s musket in a ship’s cabin where open kegs of gunpowder lay

about. It is easy to feel for the “old [Indian] woman whom we judged to

be no less than a hundred years old” who wept because “she was deprived

of the comfort of her children in her old age” when Capt. Hunt kidnapped

her three sons. And how his playmates must have envied the boy who was

lost on Cape Cod, and was returned by the Nauset Indians, “behung with

beads”!

Within this brief but diverse book there is also a pervasive mystery,

for no one knows who wrote it. The book has become known as _Mourt’s

Relation_, but it is not the unitary effort of a single man. Five of the

ten “chapters” have bylines, and Mourt’s contribution is almost the

briefest of the ten. The mystery deepens when we confess not knowing

much about the man named Mourt. Perhaps the most fruitful way to

approach the problem is through a discussion of the several components

of the book.

It opens with a dedicatory letter of transmittal “To his much respected

friend....” This is a form of profuse and discursive acknowledgment

typical of the time. It seems to have been appended by an associate of

the settlers, whose concern was “... but the recommendation of the

relation itself,” to a distinguished member of the “merchant

adventurers” who had sponsored the _Mayflower_ voyage. The dedication is

signed _R.G._, which I assume to be a misprint for the initials of

Robert Cushman. The only member of the party at Plymouth with initials

R.G. was Richard Gardiner, an undistinguished “Stranger” who stayed only

briefly and took little part in the venture. The fact that misprints are

frequent throughout the rest of the book suggests the possibility of

reference to Cushman, who is a person most likely to have drafted such a

letter. As a deacon of the Leyden congregation who also served as their

business agent, he was instrumental in securing English permission for

removal to the New World, and, after having had to turn back on the

unseaworthy _Speedwell_, he continued negotiations with the “merchant

adventurers” while the _Mayflower_ sailed on to Plymouth. Visiting the

plantation on the second ship, _Fortune_, he delivered the patent which

confirmed their legal right to settle there, together with a stringent

contract from the sponsors, which he finally induced the Pilgrims to

sign, after preaching a pointed sermon on “The Dangers of Self-Love.”

The manuscript of the relations must have been carried back to England

with him on the _Fortune_ in December of 1621.

Appended at the end of the volume is another chapter which I attribute

to Cushman. A long exposition of “Reasons and considerations touching

the lawfulness of removing out of England into the parts of America,”

signed _R.C._, is a thinly veiled promotional tract organized like a

sermon, which cites Scripture to justify the plantation and to persuade

others to follow.

Among the prefatory letters is one containing “Certain useful

advertisements ...” and signed _I.R._. We are told that this letter of

advice concerning man’s proper relation with God and with his fellow men

was “... written by a discreet friend unto the planters in New England,

at their first setting sail from Southampton.”[4] This “unfeigned

well-willer” is most likely John Robinson, pastor of the expatriate

Separatist congregation in Leyden, and hence understandably solicitous

for the welfare of the Pilgrims, and also in a position to proffer such

counsel. The letter may have been appended to this book especially to

serve as a model of morality for those “Strangers” who might hopefully

be induced to emigrate and join the party at Plymouth.

Five “relations” constitute the major portion of the book, and none of

these is signed. The first and longest, on “The proceedings of the

plantation ...,” begins with the departure from Plymouth, England, and

recounts events of the next six months, including the voyage, the

signing of the “compact,” the several “discoveries,” the choice of a

site and the building there, as well as early contacts with the Indians,

culminating in the signing of a peace treaty with Massasoit. A second

deals with “A journey to Pokanoket ...” and describes further friendly

dealings with the Wampanoag Indians. The next treats “A voyage ... to

the Kingdom of Nauset, to seek a boy that had lost himself in the

woods....” An account of “A journey to Nemasket ...” shows how the

Pilgrims sought to defend their Indian allies against the hostile

Narragansets, and “A relation of our voyage to the Massachusets ...”

describes the expansion of trade relations to the north.

According to the dedicatory letter, these vivid reports were “... writ

by the several actors themselves, after their plain and rude manner.” It

is almost certain that the principal author was Edward Winslow, although

it is generally believed that William Bradford also had a hand in the

effort. Both of these men were among the few who were prominent in the

affairs of the plantation, and they two are the only ones of the first

party who obviously enjoyed writing. Winslow’s _Good News from New

England_ (London, 1624), continued the narrative of the plantation from

the time when this volume left off, and is markedly similar in style. In

his _Good News_ ..., Winslow mentions descriptions of aspects of Indian

culture which were prepared by “... myself and others, in former

letters, (which came to the press against my will and knowledge) ...”; I

know of no publication other than _Mourt’s Relation_ to which this could

refer. Bradford’s manuscript history _Of Plymouth Plantation_ (first

published in Boston, 1856) has become the principal source on the

Pilgrim experience, although he could hardly be said to claim priority

when he “... first began these scribbled writings (which was about the

year 1630 and so pieced up at times of leisure afterward).” His

treatment of the first year at Plymouth is a curious combination,

consisting largely of passages identical with those in _Mourt’s

Relation_, together with discursive classical allusions and philosophic

ruminations. Bradford’s style generally tends to be more analytic than

descriptive, and the specificity of detail which makes this text such a

rich source material for the historian and ethnographer rarely occurs

elsewhere in Bradford’s work. It is entirely within the realm of

possibility that he may have incorporated in his manuscript the work of

others as it had appeared in _Mourt’s Relation_; he freely adopted

material from other sources.

The ensuing “Letter sent from New England ... setting forth ... the

worth of that plantation ...,” follows the five narrative relations

closely in style, and is signed by _E.W._. It is almost certainly

Winslow who here sounds vaguely like a twentieth-century Florida real

estate agent when he describes the first Thanksgiving as indicating the

richness of the land: “I never in my life remember a more seasonable

year than we have here enjoyed and if we have once but kine, horses, and

sheep, I make no question but men might live as contented here as in any

part of the world.” He also includes some very specific suggestions

concerning the practical needs of those who might choose to come.

And what was Mourt’s contribution to the book which has been linked with

his name by historians, librarians, and bibliographers since Prince[5]

first invented the convenient title, _Mourt’s Relation_, as a substitute

for the cumbersome original? A brief foreword, or introduction, “To the

reader,” is all that we must credit to the signer, one _G. Mourt_. It

may have been he who was responsible for bringing to press this

collection of papers, “... hoping of a cheerful proceeding, both of

adventurers and planters.” He explicitly denied authorship of the

narratives: “These relations coming to my hand from my both known and

faithful friends, on whose writings I do much rely, I thought it not

amiss to make them more general....” But scholars still do not know who

he was!

It is suggested that he had at some time been associated with the

authors of the relations, whom he called “my both known and faithful

friends.” It is also suggested that he had long hoped to emigrate to the

New World, “... as myself then much desired, and shortly hope to effect,

if the Lord will, the putting to of my shoulder in this hopeful

business.” These criteria clearly apply to Robert Cushman, who, as we

have seen, was a person who might appropriately have introduced such a

book.

The specifications also apply to another member of the Leyden

congregation who was active in negotiating with the “merchant

adventurers” until he did sail to Plymouth, on the first ship bound for

the plantation after the book was printed. If no more than the initials

had been given in the signature to the introduction—as was the case in

every other portion of the volume—there would be little hesitation to

identify the author as George Morton.

As it is, however, one must attempt to account for the discrepancy in

name if he suggests that it may have been Morton who wrote it. It is

easy to suggest that the use of “Mourt” for “Morton” could have been

merely another of the many misprints in the book. At least as plausible,

however, is the suggestion that it may have been a pseudonym. It is not

difficult to imagine why there might have been some attempt to conceal

the fact _if_ Morton had been intimately involved in the preparation and

promulgation of the book. A printer might have been reluctant to

“publish” a document written by Separatists unless it carried an

introduction by an apparently disinterested party. In a period of strict

royal control of the press in England, William Brewster of the Leyden

congregation had already incurred the wrath of King James by printing an

outspoken opposition tract, _Perth Assembly_ (Leyden, 1619), so that any

writings by his friends and associates might logically also be suspect.

Furthermore, the fact that _Mourt’s Relation_ is essentially a

promotional effort is clearly implied in the phrasing of the original

title, describing the “safe arrival” of the “English planters,” and

“their joyful building of, and comfortable planting themselves in the

now well defended town of New Plymouth.” In such an effort to excite

more prospective settlers, it would have been sound public relations to

minimize the degree of identification between the plantation and the

“Saints,” who were popularly scorned as heretics and criminals.

Another possibility must be mentioned. I am only half-joking when I

suggest that at least this portion of _Mourt’s Relation_ may actually

have been written by someone named G. Mourt, of whom we know nothing

else. One of the delights of historical research is the fact that one

always raises more questions than he can answer. The mystery remains.

_Mourt’s Relation_ is clearly a book which offers different meanings to

every reader. I hope that this edition may reach a broad audience and

increase popular understanding of a neglected portion of the American

experience.

_A Note on This Edition_

My intention is to provide the contemporary reader with an appreciation

of this exciting book as it was received by an eager and curious public

when it was first published almost three and a half centuries ago. In

keeping with this aim, the entire text is included here, in the order of

the original.[6] So that the authors may speak forcefully and directly

to the reader of today, I have introduced only uniform spelling,

punctuation, and paragraphing, structural niceties which were of no

concern to authors or printers until late in the eighteenth century. The

eloquent English language of the period is familiar to us all, through

the King James version of the Bible or the works of Shakespeare, and I

have scrupulously left each word intact. The text, then, is reproduced

verbatim, including marginalia, chapter headings, and running heads,

altered only by the use of modern orthography for the sake of clarity.

I have deliberately avoided distracting the reader from the original

text, by introducing a minimum of footnotes. Some annotation seems

indispensable for understanding the work of another age, but this

edition does not bear the tender burden of scholarly disquisition.

Modern equivalents are given for archaic words and place-names, and I

have offered brief explanations of a few outdated allusions. Dates are

retained as in the original, so that ten days must be added to any date

given in the text in order to fit it into the modern Gregorian calendar,

which was not adopted by England and her colonies until 1752.

In the exacting task of collating this text with the original, I was

helped by my friend and colleague, Anna Mae Cooper. We worked in the

John Carter Brown Library where Thomas R. Adams kindly put excellent

facilities at our disposal, including the library’s copy of the first

edition of the book, as well as the Smith and Champlain maps. Lucille

Hanna first introduced me to the excitement of history, and J. L.

Giddings pointed out the ethnographic value of _Mourt’s Relation_. Miss

Rose T. Briggs, Director of Pilgrim Hall, shared her enthusiasm and

broad knowledge of the Pilgrims. E. Lawrence Couter, David Freeman,

Arthur G. Pyle, Muriel Stefani, and the entire staff of Plimoth

Plantation were helpful in many ways, and the corporation generously

provided the photographs. The title page, ornamental letters and

top-page designs are reproduced from a copy of the original, now in

possession of the Rhode Island Historical Society. Mrs. N. Mac Donald

typed from a difficult manuscript.

An adventure such as this rightfully belongs to all who would chase

rainbows!

DWIGHT B. HEATH

_Brown University

Providence, R. I._

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