and were riding forward to repulse Alexander’s onset, when Koinos, in
accordance with his orders, appeared with his cavalry upon their rear.
Seeing this the Indians had to make their cavalry face both to front and
rear—the largest and best part to oppose Alexander, and the remainder
to wheel round against Koinos and his squadrons. This therefore at
once threw their ranks into confusion, and disconcerted their plan of
operations; and Alexander, seeing that now was his opportunity while
their cavalry was in the very act of forming to front and rear, fell
upon those opposed to him with such vigour that the Indians, unable to
withstand the charge of his cavalry, broke from their ranks, and fled
for shelter to the elephants as to a friendly wall.[107] Upon this
the drivers of the elephants urged these animals forward against the
cavalry; but the Macedonian phalanx itself now met them face to face,
and threw darts at the men on the elephants, and from one side and the
other struck the elephants themselves as they stood around them. This
kind of warfare was different from any of which they had experience in
former contests, for the huge beasts charged the ranks of the infantry,
and wherever they turned went crushing through the Macedonian phalanx
though in close formation; while the horsemen of the Indians, on seeing
that the infantry was now engaged in the action, again wheeled round
and charged the cavalry. But Alexander’s men, being far superior in
personal strength and military discipline, again routed them, and again
drove them back upon the elephants, and cooped them up among them.
Meanwhile the whole of Alexander’s cavalry had now been gathered into
one battalion, not in consequence of an order, but from being thrown
together in the course of the struggle, and wherever they fell upon the
ranks of the Indians they made great carnage before parting from them.
The elephants being now cooped up within a narrow space, did no less
damage to their friends than to their foes, trampling them under their
hoofs as they wheeled and pushed about. There resulted in consequence a
great slaughter of the cavalry, cooped up as it was in a narrow space
around the elephants. Many of the elephant drivers, moreover, had been
shot down, and of the elephants themselves some had been wounded, while
others, both from exhaustion and the loss of their mahouts, no longer
kept to their own side in the conflict, but, as if driven frantic by
their sufferings, attacked friend and foe quite indiscriminately, pushed
them, trampled them down, and killed them in all manner of ways. But
the Macedonians, who had a wide and open field, and could therefore
operate as they thought best, gave way when the elephants charged, and
when they retreated followed at their heels and plied them with darts;
whereas the Indians, who were in the midst of the animals, suffered far
more the effects of their rage. When the elephants, however, became
quite exhausted, and their attacks were no longer made with vigour, they
fell back like ships backing water, and merely kept trumpeting as they
retreated with their faces to the enemy. Then did Alexander surround
with his cavalry the whole of the enemy’s line, and signal that the
infantry, with their shields linked together so as to give the utmost
compactness to their ranks, should advance in phalanx. By this means the
cavalry of the Indians was, with a few exceptions, cut to pieces in the
action. Such also was the fate of the infantry, since the Macedonians
were now pressing upon them from every side. Upon this all turned to
flight wherever a gap could be found in the cordon of Alexander’s cavalry.
_Chapter XVIII.—Sequel of the battle and surrender of Pôros_
Meanwhile Krateros and all the other officers of Alexander’s army, who
had been left behind on the opposite bank of the Hydaspês, crossed
the river when they perceived that Alexander was winning a splendid
victory. These men, being fresh, were employed in the pursuit, instead of
Alexander’s exhausted troops, and they made no less a slaughter of the
Indians in the retreat than had been made in the engagement.
The loss of the Indians in killed fell little short of 20,000 infantry
and 3000 cavalry, and all their chariots were broken to pieces.[108] Two
sons of Pôros fell in the battle, and also Spitakês,[109] the chief of
the Indians of that district. The drivers of the elephants and of the
chariots were also slain and the cavalry officers and the generals in
the army of Pôros all....[110] The elephants, moreover, that escaped
destruction in the field were all captured. On Alexander’s side there
fell about 80 of the 6000 infantry who had taken part in the first
attack, 10 of the horse archers who first began the action, 20 of the
companion cavalry, and 200 of the other cavalry.[111]
When Pôros, who had nobly discharged his duties throughout the battle,
performing the part not only of a general, but also that of a gallant
soldier, saw the slaughter of his cavalry and some of his elephants
lying dead, and others wandering about sad and sullen without their
drivers, while the greater part of his infantry had been killed, he did
not, after the manner of Darius, the great king, abandon the field and
show his men the first example of flight, but, on the contrary, fought
on as long as he saw any Indians maintaining the contest in a united
body; but he wheeled round on being wounded in the right shoulder, where
only he was unprotected by armour in the battle. All the rest of his
person was rendered shot-proof by his coat of mail, which was remarkable
for its strength and the closeness with which it fitted his person, as
could afterwards be observed by those who saw him. When he found himself
wounded he turned his elephant round and began to retire. Alexander,
perceiving that he was a great man and valiant in fight, was anxious to
save his life, and for this purpose sent to him first of all Taxilês the
Indian. Taxilês, who was on horseback, approached as near the elephant
which carried Pôros as seemed safe, and entreated him, since it was no
longer possible for him to flee, to stop his elephant and listen to
the message he brought from Alexander. But Pôros, on finding that the
speaker was his old enemy Taxilês, turned round and prepared to smite
him with his javelin; and he would probably have killed him had not
Taxilês instantly put his horse to the gallop and got beyond the reach
of Pôros. But not even for this act did Alexander feel any resentment
against Pôros, but sent to him messenger after messenger, and last of
all Meroês, an Indian, as he had learned that Pôros and this Meroês
were old friends. As soon as Pôros heard the message which Meroês now
brought just at a time when he was overpowered by thirst, he made his
elephant halt and dismounted. Then, when he had taken a draught of water
and felt revived, he requested Meroês to conduct him without delay to
Alexander.[112]
_Chapter XIX.—Alexander makes Pôros his firm friend and ally—Founds two
cities—Death of his famous horse Boukephalas_
He was then conducted to Alexander, who, on learning that Meroês was
approaching with him, rode forward in front of his line with a few of
the Companions to meet him. Then reining in his horse he beheld with
admiration the handsome person and majestic stature of Pôros, which
somewhat exceeded five cubits. He saw, too, with wonder that he did not
seem to be broken and abased in spirit, but that he advanced to meet him
as a brave man would meet another brave man after gallantly contending
with another king in defence of his kingdom. Then Alexander, who was the
first to speak, requested Pôros to say how he wished to be treated. The
report goes that Pôros said in reply, “Treat me, O Alexander! as befits a
king;” and that Alexander, being pleased with his answer, replied, “For
mine own sake, O Pôros! thou shalt be so treated, but do thou, in thine
own behalf, ask for whatever boon thou pleasest,” to which Pôros replied
that in what he had asked everything was included. Alexander was more
delighted than ever with this rejoinder, and not only appointed Pôros to
govern his own Indians, but added to his original territory another of
still greater extent. Alexander thus treated this brave man as befitted
a king, and he consequently found him in all respects faithful and
devoted to his interests. Such, then, was the result of the battle in
which Alexander fought against Pôros[113] and the Indians of the other
side of the Hydaspês in the month of Mounychion of the year when Hêgemôn
was archon in Athens.[114]
Alexander founded two cities, one on the battlefield, and the other at
the point whence he had started to cross the river Hydaspês. The former
he called Nikaia in honour of his victory over the Indians, and the other
Boukephala[115] in memory of his horse Boukephalas, which died there,
not from being wounded by any one, but from toil and old age, for he was
about thirty years old,[116] and had heretofore undergone many toils
and dangers along with Alexander. This Boukephalas was never mounted
by any one except Alexander only, for he disdained all other riders.
He was of an uncommon size and of generous mettle. He had by way of a
distinguishing mark the head of an ox impressed upon him, and some say
that from this circumstance he got his name. But others say that though
he was black, he had on his forehead a white mark which bore a close
resemblance to the brow of an ox. In the country of the Ouxians this
horse disappeared from Alexander, who sent a proclamation through the
land that he would kill all the Ouxians if they did not bring him his
horse, and brought back he was immediately after the proclamation had
been issued[117]—so great was Alexander’s attachment to his favourite,
and so great was the fear of Alexander which prevailed among the
barbarians. Let so much honour be paid by me to this Boukephalas for
Alexander’s sake.
_Chapter XX.—Alexander conquers the Glausai, receives embassies from
Abisarês and other chiefs, and crosses the Akesinês_
When Alexander had duly honoured with splendid obsequies those who had
been slain in the battle, he offered to the gods in acknowledgment of his
victory the customary sacrifices, and celebrated athletic and equestrian
contests on the bank of the river Hydaspês, at the place where he first
crossed with his army. He then left Krateros behind with a part of the
army to build and fortify the cities which he was founding there, while
he advanced himself against the Indians whose country lay next to the
dominions of Pôros. Aristoboulos says that the name of the nation was the
Glaukanikoi, but Ptolemy calls them the Glausai.[118] By which of the
names it was called I take to be a matter of no consequence. Alexander
invaded their country with the half of the companion cavalry, picked men
from each phalanx of the infantry, all the horse-archers, the Agrianians,
and the other archers. The people everywhere surrendered on terms of
capitulation. In this manner he took seven-and-thirty cities, the
smallest of which contained not fewer than 5000 inhabitants, while many
contained upwards of 10,000. He took also a great many villages which
were not less populous than the towns; and this country he gave to Pôros
to rule,[119] and between him and Taxilês he effected a reconciliation.
He then sent Taxilês home to his capital.
At this time envoys came from Abisarês to say that their king surrendered
himself and his whole realm to Alexander.[120] Yet before the battle in
which Alexander had defeated Pôros, Abisarês was ready with his army to
fight on the side of Pôros. But he now sent his brother along with the
other envoys to Alexander, taking with them money and forty elephants as
a present. Envoys also arrived from the independent Indians, and from
another Indian ruler called Pôros.[121] Alexander ordered Abisarês to
come to him as quickly as possible, threatening that if he did not come
he would see him and his army arriving where he would not rejoice to see
them.
At this time Phratophernes, the satrap of Parthia and Hyrkania, at the
head of the Thracians who had been left with him came to Alexander.
There came also envoys from Sisikottos, the satrap of the Assakênians,
reporting that these people had slain their governor and revolted from
Alexander. Against these he sent Philippos and Tyriaspês to quell the
insurrection and restore tranquillity and order to the province.
Alexander himself advanced towards the river Akesinês.[122] This is the
only Indian river of which Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, has mentioned
the size. He states that where Alexander crossed it with his army in
boats and on inflated hides the current was so rapid that the waters
dashed with foam and fury against the large and jagged rocks with which
the channel was bestrewn. He informs us also that it was 15 stadia in
breadth; and while the passage was easy for those who crossed upon
inflated hides, not a few of those who were carried in boats perished
in the waters, as many of the boats were dashed to pieces by striking
against the rocks. From this description we may fairly conclude, if we
institute a comparison, that the size of the river Indus has been pretty
correctly stated by those who take it to have an average breadth of 40
stadia, while, where narrowest and of course deepest, it contracts to
a breadth of 15 stadia, which I take to be its actual breadth in many
parts of its course, for I conclude that Alexander selected a part of
the Akesinês where the passage was widest, and where the current would
consequently be slower than elsewhere.
_Chapter XXI.—Pursuit after Pôros, nephew of the great Pôros—Conquest of
the country between the Akesinês and the Hydraôtês—Passage of the latter
river_
After crossing the river he left Koinos there upon the bank with his own
brigade, and ordered him to superintend the passage of the river by those
troops which had been left behind to collect corn and other supplies
from the part of India which was now under his authority. Pôros he sent
home to his capital with orders to select the best fighting men of the
Indians, and to muster all the elephants he possessed, and to rejoin
him with these. He resolved to pursue in person the other Pôros—the bad
one—with the lightest troops in his army, for word had been brought
that he had fled from the country of which he was the ruler; for, while
hostilities still subsisted between Alexander and the other Pôros, this
Pôros had sent envoys to Alexander offering to surrender into his hands
both his person and the country over which he ruled, but this more from
enmity to Pôros than friendliness to Alexander. On learning therefore
that Pôros had not only been set at liberty, but had his kingdom restored
to him, and that too with a large accession of territory, he was overcome
with fear, not so much of Alexander as of his namesake Pôros, and fled
from his country, taking with him as many fighting men as he could
persuade to accompany him in his flight.
Alexander, while marching to overtake him, arrived at the
Hydraôtês—another Indian river, not less in breadth than the Akesinês,
but not so rapid.[123] Over all the country which he overran he planted
garrisons in the most suitable places, so that the troops under Krateros
and Koinos might, while scouring it far and near for forage, traverse
it in safety to join him. He then despatched Hêphaistiôn with a force
comprising two divisions of infantry, his own regiment of cavalry and
that of Dêmêtrios, and one-half of the archers, into the country of that
Pôros who had revolted. He received orders to hand over the country to
the other Pôros, and when he had reduced all the independent Indian
tribes bordering on the banks of the Hydraôtês, to place these also
under the rule of Pôros. He himself then crossed the river Hydraôtês,
where he met with none of the difficulties which had attended the
passage of the Akesinês. When he was advancing into the country beyond
the Hydraôtês he found most of the natives willing to surrender on
capitulation, while some met him in arms, and others were captured when
attempting to escape and reduced to submission.
_Chapter XXII.—Alexander marches against the Kathaians—Takes Pimprama,
and lays siege to Sangala_
Alexander meanwhile had learned that the Kathaians[124] and other tribes
of independent Indians[125] were preparing to meet him in battle if he
invaded their country, and were inviting the neighbouring tribes, which
were independent like themselves, to coöperate with them. He learned also
that the city near which they meant to engage him was strongly fortified,
and was called Sangala.[126] The Kathaians themselves enjoyed the highest
reputation for courage and skill in the art of war, and the same warlike
spirit characterised the Oxydrakai, another Indian race, and the Malloi,
who were also an Indian race, for when shortly before this time Pôros
and Abisarês had marched against them with their armies, and had besides
stirred up many of the independent Indians against them, they were
obliged, as it turned out, to retreat without accomplishing anything at
all adequate to the scale of their preparations.
Alexander, on receiving this intelligence, marched rapidly against the
Kathaians, and on the second day after he had left the river Hydraôtês
arrived at a city named Pimprama, belonging to an Indian race called the
Adraïstai,[127] which surrendered on terms of capitulation. Alexander
gave his troops rest the next day, and on the third day advanced to
Sangala, where the Kathaians and the neighbouring tribes that had joined
them were mustered before the city, and drawn up in battle-order on a
low hill, which was not on all sides precipitous. They lay encamped
behind their waggons, which, by encircling the hill in three rows,
protected the camp with a triple barricade. Alexander, on perceiving
the great number of the barbarians, and the nature of the position they
occupied, drew up his army in the order which seemed best suited to the
circumstances, and at once despatched against them the horse-archers just
as they were, with orders to ride along and shoot at the Indians from
a distance, so as not only to prevent them from making a sortie before
his own dispositions should be completed, but to wound them within their
stronghold even before the battle began. Upon his right wing he posted
the corps of horseguards and the cavalry regiment of Kleitos, next to
these the hypaspists, and then the Agrianians. The left wing he assigned
to Perdikkas, who commanded his own cavalry regiment and the battalions
of the footguards. The archers he formed into two bodies, and placed them
upon each wing. While he was making these dispositions the infantry and
cavalry which formed the rearguard arrived upon the field. This cavalry
he divided in two parts, and led one to each wing, and with the infantry
that had arrived he closed up the ranks of the phalanx more densely. Then
he took the cavalry which had been drawn up on the right and advanced
against the waggons ranged on the left wing of the Indians, where the
position seemed easier to assault, and where the waggons were not so
closely packed together.
_Chapter XXIII.—Alexander drives the Kathaians into Sangala, which he
invests on every side_
But when the Indians, instead of sallying out from behind their waggons
to attack the cavalry as it advanced, mounted upon them, and began
to shoot from the top of them, Alexander saw that this was not work
for cavalry, and so, having dismounted, he led on foot the phalanx of
infantry against them. The Macedonians found no difficulty in driving the
Indians from the first row of waggons, but on the other hand the Indians,
having formed in line in front of the second row, were able to force back
their assailants with greater ease, standing as they did more compactly
together, and in a narrower circle, while the Macedonians had less room
in which to operate against them. At this time they quietly drew back the
waggons of the first row, and through the gaps each man, as he found an
opportunity, assailed the enemy in an irregular way.[128] Yet even from
these waggons they were forcibly driven by the phalanx of infantry, and
even at the third row they no longer held ground, but fled with all the
haste they could into the city and shut themselves up within its gates.
Alexander that same day encamped with his infantry around the city, as
far at least as the phalanx enabled him to surround it, for the wall
was of such great extent that his camp did not completely environ it.
Opposite the part where the gap was left, and where also was a lake not
far from the walls, he posted the cavalry all round the lake, as he knew
it not to be deep, and at the same time anticipated that the Indians,
terrified by their previous defeat, would abandon the city during the
night. The event showed he had conjectured aright, for about the second
watch the most of them dropped down from the wall and came upon the
outposts of the cavalry. The foremost of them were cut to pieces by the
sentinels, but those in the rear, perceiving that the lake was guarded
all round, withdrew into the city. Alexander now encompassed the city
with a double stockade, except where the lake shut it in, and around the
lake he posted guards to keep still stricter watch. He resolved also to
bring up the military engines against the place for battering down the
walls. Some deserters, however, came to him from the city and informed
him that the Indians intended that very night to escape from the city
by way of the lake where the gap occurred in the stockade. So at that
point he stationed Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, with three divisions of the
hypaspists, each 1000 strong, all the Agrianians, and a single line of
archers, and pointed out to him the particular spot where the barbarians,
as he conjectured, were likeliest to attempt forcing their passage. “And
now,” said he, “when thou perceivest the barbarians forcing their way at
this point, do thou with the army arrest their advance, and order the
trumpets to sound the signal; and do you, sirs,” he added, turning to the
officers, “as soon as the signal is given, each of you with your men in
battle-order, hasten towards the noise wherever the trumpet summons you.
I shall not myself stand idly by away from the broil.”
_Chapter XXIV.—Alexander captures Sangala, razes it to the ground, and
advances to the river Hyphasis_
Such were the directions he gave, and Ptolemy in that place collected
as many as he could of the waggons which the enemy had left behind
in their first flight, and placed them athwart so that the fugitives
might imagine there were many obstacles to their escaping by night. He
ordered the stakes, which had been cut but not fixed in the ground, to
be formed into stockades at different points between the lake and the
wall. All this was done by the soldiers during the night. But when it
was now about the fourth watch the barbarians, in accordance with the
information Alexander had received, opened the gates which fronted the
lake and rushed towards it at full speed. They did not, however, escape
the vigilance either of the picquets posted there, or of Ptolemy who lay
behind ready to support them; and just then the trumpeters gave him the
signal, and he advanced against the barbarians with his troops which were
under arms and drawn up ready for action. The waggons, moreover, as well
as the stockade, which had been constructed between the wall and the
lake, impeded the fugitives; and as soon as the trumpet sounded the alarm
Ptolemy with his men fell upon them and killed them, one after another,
as they slunk out from the waggons. Upon this the Indians fled back once
more to the city for refuge, and as many as 500 of them were slain in the
retreat.
Meanwhile Pôros also arrived, bringing with him the remainder of his
elephants and a force of 5000 Indians, and the military engines which had
been constructed by Alexander were now being brought up to the wall. But
the Macedonians, before any part of it was battered down, took the city
by storm, having undermined the wall, which was of brick, and planted
ladders against it all round. In the capture 17,000 of the Indians
were slaughtered, and more than 70,000 were captured, together with
300 waggons and 500 horsemen.[129] The loss in Alexander’s army during
all the siege was somewhat under 100 killed, but the proportion of the
wounded to the number killed was higher than usual, for there were 1200
wounded, including some officers, and among these Lysimachos, a member of
the body-guard.
[Illustration: FIG. 9.—EUMENÊS.]
Alexander having buried the dead according to custom, sent Eumenês,
his secretary, in command of 300 horsemen to the two cities which had
revolted along with Sangala, to tell those who held them that Sangala
had been captured, and that Alexander would not at all deal hardly with
them if they remained where they were and received him in a friendly
way, for that none of the independent Indians who had voluntarily
surrendered themselves had received any ill-treatment at his hands. But
they had already learned that Sangala had been stormed by Alexander,
and being terrified by the news had left the cities and were in flight.
When Alexander was informed of their flight he hastened after them, but
as they had a long start of him most of them baffled his efforts to
overtake them. Those, however, who were left behind in the retreat when
their strength failed were taken by the troops and slaughtered to the
number of about 500. As he gave up the design of pursuing the fugitives
any farther, he drew back to Sangala and razed the city to the ground.
The land belonging to it he made over to those Indians who had formerly
been independent, but who had voluntarily submitted to him. He then sent
Pôros with his own forces to the cities which had submitted to introduce
garrisons within them, but he himself with his army advanced to the river
Hyphasis[130] to conquer the Indians who dwelt beyond it. Nor did there
appear to him any end of the war as long as an enemy remained to be
encountered.
_Chapter XXV.—Alexander finding the army unwilling to advance beyond the
Hyphasis, convokes his officers and addresses them on the subject_