_BRAZIL; EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS FROM PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL._
1759-1767.
The reign of Jesuitism in Europe was drawing towards its close. For two
hundred years the Society had exercised unbounded influence over kings
and courts. Its machinery for governing was so perfect, and its system
was so subtle that it began to appear to statesmen that unless this
ambitious order were speedily and effectually opposed, it must soon
dominate Christendom. The alternative to its suppression was that
European civilization must be assimilated to that which the Jesuits had
introduced in _China_ and in _Paraguay_. The doctrines of Ignatius
Loyola admitted of nothing short of an absolute obedience of Papal
authority. Kings were afraid to act without the approbation of an Order
whose system of _espionage_ was so complete as even to baffle all secret
confidential intercourse between sovereigns and statesmen.
No one Catholic monarch felt himself strong enough single-handed to
throw off the humiliating yoke; and, on the other hand, a combination of
powers, with this object in view, was rendered doubly difficult by the
fact that whatever instructions should be issued and whatever
negotiations should take place, were sure to be known to the ubiquitous
Order, so soon as issued or held. But the yoke was so galling that a
remedy was sure to be found; and at length a man arose whose qualities
fitted him for the occasion. This was _Senhor_ Carvalho, afterwards the
Marquis of Pombal, destined to hold the place in history as the most
prominent statesman of his time. Pombal had represented his country in
London and at Vienna, two diplomatic centres where he could not but
become acquainted with the spirit then prevailing in Europe in respect
to the all-powerful Order. He had altogether resided ten years in
England in a diplomatic capacity.
The object of Pombal’s worthy ambition was to restore his country to the
former state of plenty and prosperity from which it had fallen. With
this view the statesman sought to combat ignorance, superstition, and
intolerance, whose main support was the clergy. He had, therefore, to
count upon clerical opposition to his measures. But he took action with
a full view of this fact, and availed himself of the situation of his
opponents. There still existed the old jealousy between the regulars and
the seculars; but on one point, if on no other, all Orders but one were
agreed. That one point was envy and hatred of the Jesuits. In this
feeling they had a powerful ally in Pombal. Should he succeed in
crushing that one Order, he need not fear any other obstacle in the way
of the realization of his views.
Pombal had himself been brought up in the school of the Jesuits, who had
recognized in him great talent and force of character, and had urged for
him promotion under a Government over which they ruled. In the early
part of his career they had no cause to regret this course; but,
unfortunately for them, their _protegé_, when in England, began to see
things through his own eyes rather than through Jesuitical spectacles.
Afterwards, comparing England with countries to which he was
subsequently sent in the course of his diplomatic career, he made the
observation that the prosperity and intelligence of the people seemed to
be in inverse _ratio_ to the influence exercised by the Jesuits. On his
return to Portugal he found his own country, where they ruled supreme,
the poorest and most backward of all. From these facts his powerful and
intelligent mind drew the unavoidable inference that the way to elevate
Portugal was to crush and expel the Jesuits.
The Portuguese minister was well aware that in dealing with such subtle
opponents half measures would be worse than useless; he therefore
awaited his opportunity when he might deal them a crushing blow with
decisive effect. The opportunity now seemed to be afforded by the
question of the Jesuit missions with reference to the Treaty of Limits.
Pombal was at this time more than fifty years of age. Circumstances soon
afforded an opportunity for the development of his extraordinary
talents, and he obtained over the King an influence which enabled him to
carry into effect with absolute authority his schemes for the renovation
of the kingdom. Seeing the miserable condition into which Portugal had
sunk, he felt the necessity of great changes; whilst his temper led him
to bold and sweeping measures--measures for the justification of which
must be pleaded his zeal for the service of his King and his intense
love of his country.
[Sidenote: 1759.]
The first step taken by the statesman in declaring war against the
Jesuits was a letter addressed by his master to Pope Clement XIII. in
1759, in which he informed His Holiness that his Government had
determined to make over to his care all the Jesuits in Portugal. Without
waiting for a reply, and before time had elapsed to admit of hurling the
thunderbolts of Rome, Pombal ordered all the Jesuits to be seized and
shipped for the States of the Church. His next step was to endeavour to
induce other Catholic governments to follow his example; and the Jesuits
were soon afterwards expelled from France through the influence of
_Madame de_ Pompadour.
In Spain the Jesuits had a firmer hold, but there too they had ere long
to give way. A royal decree was issued banishing them from all the
Spanish dominions, and forbidding them to return or to hold any
intercourse with Spanish subjects. The issue of this order was followed
by instant measures to put it into execution. The colleges were
surrounded and the bells taken possession of; whilst the Fathers were
escorted to the sea-coast and placed on board of ships for Italy. But by
this time the Pope had on his hands more than a sufficient number of
Jesuit refugees from Portugal and from France; he determined, therefore,
to refuse permission to land at Civita Vecchia to those coming from
Spain. From Civita Vecchia the unhappy Jesuits proceeded in turn to
Leghorn and Genoa, but at each place they were refused permission to
disembark. They were, however, at last received at Corsica.
A month after the Jesuits had left Spain the King wrote to the Pope in
justification of their expulsion, stating that it was the first duty of
a sovereign to watch over the peace and good government of his subjects,
and that the step he had taken had been one dictated by imperious
necessity. The Pope, however, was greatly affected; and he addressed to
the King a severe remonstrance in reply. The decision, however, of the
Spanish Government had been taken and was not to be altered.
The brother of the Marquis of Pombal, who had been sent out as
Captain-General of _Maranham_ and _Pará_, was no less hostile to the
Jesuits than was that minister himself. He either could not see their
proceedings fairly, or he was determined to misconstrue their acts. The
Fathers were accordingly accused of obstructing the settlement of the
border-line in the north as they had been in the south. In consequence
of the reports of the governor, two regiments were sent out from
Portugal, and the feeling against the Order ran very high; all the old
grievances against them being now revived, since it was known that they
had such a powerful enemy as well at _Pará_ as at Lisbon. Orders were
sent to the governor to deprive all the missionaries of their temporal
authority, and to form the most flourishing _Aldeas_ into towns and the
smaller ones into villages.
It was the desire of Pombal to emancipate the Indians and to blend them
with the Portuguese of _Brazil_. With this view, a law was promulgated,
abrogating all edicts whatsoever which permitted Indian slavery under
any plea, and declaring all Indians in _Pará_ and _Maranham_ to be free,
and that henceforth the price of labour should be regulated by the
governor and the judicial authorities of _Pará_ and _S. Luiz_. At the
date of these edicts there were within the State of _Maranham_ and
_Pará_ threescore Indian _Aldeas_, of which five were administered by
the _Mercenarios_, twelve by the Carmelites, fifteen by the Capuchins,
and twenty-eight by the Jesuits.
Not content with seeing the Jesuits deprived of their temporal power in
Northern _Brazil_, the Captain-General played into the hands of his
brother by stirring up, or listening to, a series of charges against
them, to answer which a number of the most able of the Fathers were sent
home as State prisoners. The whole body, as indeed were likewise the
other Orders interested, were reduced almost to penury by the edict
which deprived them of their means of support; and the governor of
_Pará_ turned a deaf ear to their reasonable application for assistance
from the Treasury. Nothing therefore remained for them but to depart,
their places being supplied by secular clergy. With a view the more
thoroughly to blend the Indians with the Brazilians, the Captain-General
was required to appoint a director for each Indian settlement, taking
care that he was versed in the Indian tongue. This director was to act
independently as a government agent to see that the authorities carried
out the laws, and he was to report to the governor and the Minister of
Justice. The King’s chief desire was to Christianize and civilize the
people, and to effect this must be the main object of the directors, who
were especially charged to establish the use of the Portuguese
language. It may be added that in this last respect they were
successful, the _Tupi_ language being suppressed.
The same decree in accordance with which the Jesuits had been expelled
from Portugal affected in like manner their brethren in _Brazil_. The
order for their expulsion is said to have been carried out with much
brutality. One hundred and fifteen Jesuits were deported in one vessel
from _S. Luiz_, being confined like slaves between decks; four of them
died on the voyage to Lisbon. The brethren from _Ceará_ and _Paraïba_
were conveyed to _Recife_, and were embarked with the Pernambucan
Jesuits, fifty-three in number. Of these, five died during the passage.
It should be stated, however, that while for the most part all those
employed in the service of the Government made themselves too willing
instruments to carry out the wishes of the all-powerful minister, and to
strike the fallen when they were powerless to resist, yet there were
some honourable exceptions to this rule. For instance, the Archbishop of
_Bahia_, D. Jose de Mattos, in reporting his visitation of the Jesuits,
sent home an attestation that he had found them blameless on the point
of which they were accused, of carrying on an extensive commerce
contrary to the canons, and in all other points highly useful and
meritorious. This attestation was subscribed by eighty of the most
respectable persons in _Bahia_. The aged archbishop had to pay the
penalty of being fearless and upright. Five years before this time he
had requested permission to resign the primacy, begging that half of his
appointments might be continued to him. This request had not been
acceded to; but, on the receipt of his report, he was relieved of the
primacy, without any pension being granted to him. One hundred and
sixty-eight Jesuits were deported from _Bahia_; whilst one hundred and
forty-five from the southern provinces of _Brazil_ were embarked at _Rio
de Janeiro_, stowed in one vessel, below decks. The unfortunate Jesuits
of the north on reaching Lisbon were cast into prison for no other
crime than that of belonging to their Order; and it was not until after
the lapse of eighteen years that the King’s death and the disgrace of
Pombal restored to them their liberty. Those from the south were not
permitted to set foot in Portugal, but were conveyed to the Papal
States.
Amongst the measures inaugurated by the Marquis of Pombal was the
establishment of an exclusive company for the trade of _Maranham_ and
_Pará_, and of another for that of _Pernambuco_ and _Paraïba_. The
_Brazil_ company, which had been promoted by Vieyra, and which had
rendered such essential service in the Dutch war, had been abolished
after an existence of seventy years. The establishment of a new company
was now protested against by the Board of Public Good; but in forwarding
this protest to the King, that body unsuspectingly signed its own
death-warrant, for it was immediately thereafter abolished, and its
members were banished for different terms of years.
These new institutions materially affected the British Factory at
Lisbon. At that period _Brazil_ was supplied, almost exclusively, with
English manufactures through the Portuguese merchants of the capital,
who obtained long credit from the Factory in consequence of the length
of time which they took to obtain returns, there being but one fleet
sent to _Brazil_ each year. Thus the Brazilian trade was carried on by
means of English capital, the sudden stagnation of which would be
seriously felt. Great Britain had at the time the right by treaty of
trading directly with _Brazil_; but her ambassador at Lisbon was of
opinion that it would be inexpedient to assert the right in question, as
he considered that the newly-established monopoly, being erroneous in
principle, would shortly be abandoned.
Pombal was too despotic in his views to be much concerned as to the
degree in which his measures might affect individual interests; and it
is but right to add that his grant of a monopoly to companies for the
trade with _Maranham_ and _Pernambuco_ were productive of considerable
good to those provinces, since the employment of so large a capital gave
an impulse both to agriculture and to commerce. In particular, many
negroes were imported into _Maranham_, and their labour made it more
easy to carry out the laws in respect to the Indians, one species of
slavery being exchanged for another. It is stated, however, that the
impulse now given to industry and trade in _Maranham_ soon produced a
most civilizing effect upon the people of that province. Another measure
of the same minister was the establishment of a company with the
exclusive right to the whale-fishing, and which likewise obtained a
contract for supplying the greater part of _Brazil_ with salt--a
monopoly which was attended with disastrous results to the country.
But it was not by such measures as the grants of monopolies, whether
their results were good or the reverse, that Pombal obtained his
reputation as a statesman. He did not scruple to attack prejudices,
however rooted; whilst he made the law respected amongst populations
who, before his time, had been notoriously lawless. In short, his system
was that of a benevolent despotism; for no one denies his enlarged views
and good intentions. At a period long gone by, when _Brazil_ was a wide
and unexplored world, it had been found convenient to make vast grants
to such persons as should undertake the settlement of different
captaincies. As, however, colonization advanced, the claims of the
representatives of the donatories were found to be not unfrequently
antagonistic with the public good, and the Government had, from time to
time, purchased them in exchange for the grant of honours and wealth. It
being represented to the Minister at Lisbon that the existing system was
productive of much evil in _Brazil_, he, by one somewhat arbitrary but
beneficial act, extinguished the remaining donatories, and purchased
their rights for the Crown.
[Sidenote: 1762.]
Pombal, too, made his absolute power felt where a display of it was most
needed, namely, in the lawless captaincy of _Goyaz_. As usual in all
newly-formed settlements, more especially where there are mines, there
were there in large numbers the dregs of other populations. And it was
the same recurrence of crime which had previously existed in _S. Paulo_,
_Minas Geraes_, and _Cuyabá_. In some instances the inhabitants even
thought it advisable to go armed to mass; and it is said that the
priests were in no way behind the rest of the people in profligacy and
contempt of authority. By the orders of the Minister a Board of Justice
was now created, from whose authority there was no appeal. Examples were
from this time regularly made of criminals, with the result that there
was a speedy amendment in public manners.
The Portuguese Minister had, however, now to provide for more important
interests than the police of a province; he had to take measures for the
protection of the whole colonial empire of Portugal from foreign
aggression. France and Spain were at this time engaged in an alliance
against England; and as Portugal sided with her ancient ally, it was
agreed between her two powerful neighbours that the nearest should annex
the mother country, whilst France should possess herself of _Brazil_.
Pombal, however, relying upon England, was not alarmed for the safety of
Portugal; nor, indeed, did he much fear the execution of the wholesale
project as regarded _Brazil_. The result of the Pernambucan war was
still sufficiently recent to prevent alarm on this account. He thought,
however, that there might probably be an attempt on the provinces north
of the _Amazons_ from the direction of _Cayenne_. He was not prepared
for the blow which actually fell from a wholly unexpected quarter.
The Governor of _Buenos Ayres_, who had foreseen the rupture between
Spain and Portugal, was prepared to take advantage of it so soon as it
occurred. Zeballos, having raised a force of militia, and brought
_Guaranís_ from the “Reductions,” declared war before _Colonia_, and
immediately laid siege to that settlement. On the second day a breach
was made; but it was not until after a siege of four weeks that the
garrison capitulated. The Spanish commander was ere long roused by the
arrival of an English squadron of eleven sail, bent upon recovering
_Colonia_. But the waters of the Plate have not been fortunate for
English arms. After a close fight of four hours, the “Lord Clive” took
fire, and was quickly enveloped in flames; the other ships were obliged
to get off with all haste, and many men were drowned in endeavouring to
reach the shore. Some eighty prisoners were sent to _Cordova_, where
they settled, and where they are said to have introduced improvements in
agriculture and in arts. The remains of the squadron, having partially
refitted, effected their passage to _Rio de Janeiro_.
Cheered by this event, Zeballos lost no time in pursuing his success,
and marched with a thousand men against Fort _Sta. Teresa_, which place
capitulated; whereupon the Spanish general pushed forward his troops to
_Rio Grande_, the short passage by which the waters of the _Lagoa dos
Patos_--the largest lake in _Brazil_--discharge themselves into the sea.
It may be of interest to observe that the great lake in question, which
is one hundred and eighty miles in length, owes its name of “lake of
ducks” to the fact of some Spanish vessels being driven into the _Rio
Grande_ by stress of weather in 1554, and leaving there some ducks,
which spread in enormous numbers. Zeballos directed his arms against the
town of _S. Pedro_, the inhabitants and garrison of which place fled
with precipitation.
[Sidenote: 1763.]
When the news of these proceedings reached Portugal, the far-seeing
Pombal became alarmed for the safety of _Minas Geraes_. As his
imagination was filled, day and night, with the thought of the Jesuits,
he conjured up the notion that by their aid the enterprising Zeballos
might obtain a powerful army from the “Reductions.” Had time permitted,
there is no doubt that such a force would have been brought into the
field. Indeed the Jesuits on the _Moxo_ frontier were now in arms, and
the Spaniards and Portuguese were in conflict in the very centre of the
continent. As, however, the operations which they undertook resulted in
the _status quo ante_ being reverted to by the Peace of Paris, it is
unnecessary to recount them in detail. By this treaty, however, the
question of demarcation was left in the same condition. Zeballos was
required to restore _Colonia_, but he did not think it necessary to give
up _Rio Grande_.
At this period the important step was taken of transferring the capital
of _Brazil_ to _Rio de Janeiro_, the chief reasons of this decision
being its vicinity to the mines and likewise to the _Plata_, the
importance of which latter region was daily becoming more manifest. _Rio
de Janeiro_ likewise presented greater facilities for being fortified
than did _Bahia_. The vigour which Pombal had infused into the
administration at Lisbon was extended to the colonies; and _Brazil_ felt
the benefit of his enlarged views. One of his prudent measures in regard
to this country was to put a stop to the highly unsuitable institution
of nunneries. It had not been possible for ministers entirely to put
down silly prejudices which were the growth of centuries; and we are
told of a wealthy inhabitant of _Bahia_ who, there being no more
nunneries in _Brazil_, thought fit to send over his six daughters, each
with a portion of six thousand _cruzados_, to be incarcerated for life
in the convent of _Esperanza_, where none but persons of the first
condition were admitted. Under Pombal the Brazilians were prohibited
from sending their children to Portugal for such a purpose without the
special permission of the King,--a measure so evidently beneficial that
it won for the minister the approbation even of his enemies.
Another measure of the same statesman was even more to be commended.
Happily for _Brazil_, that country never boasted an establishment of
the Inquisition. Nevertheless, some of the agents of the Holy Office had
found a field for their energies on the other side of the Atlantic.
These agents had arrested and sent to Lisbon a large number of new
Christians,--persons fulfilling every duty of citizenship, but whose
crime it was to be wealthy. These unfortunate people, having confessed
to being Jews, escaped with their lives at the expense of all their
property, which of course went to the informers. In consequence of this
profitable practice many _engenhos_ had to be stopped, and widespread
ruin ensued. Even Pombal did not venture to proclaim toleration for the
Jewish faith, but he made it penal for any person to reproach another
for his Jewish origin, whilst he removed all disabilities attaching to
Jewish blood, even if their ancestors had suffered at the hands of the
Inquisition. He likewise published an edict decreeing severe
chastisement against such persons as should retain lists of persons of
Jewish origin.
[Sidenote: 1765.]
At this period Portugal was deprived by the Moors of the last remnant of
her possessions on the Mediterranean. The inhabitants of _Mazagam_, who
had defended their city in a manner not unworthy of their race, were
transported to the province of _Pará_, where, in honour of their gallant
defence, the name of _Mazagam_ was given to the place where they
settled, on the western bank of the _Matuaca_, a tributary of the
_Amazons_. These eighteen hundred colonists, though adding to the
military strength of the empire, were but ill-fitted for purposes of
colonizing. The situation chosen for their settlement was unfavourable,
and many of them perished from the climate. Near this position a strong
fort was erected at _Macapá_. In his desire to strengthen _Brazil_, the
minister despatched many families from the Western Islands to be settled
at _Macapá_ and _Mazagam_. He likewise did something to foment the trade
of _Brazil_ by withdrawing the prohibition which had hitherto prevailed
against single trading ships, apart from the annual fleet.
As the Portuguese islands could not afford colonists in sufficient
number to satisfy the aspirations of the minister, their complement was
made up from the dregs of the mother country. But this measure was not
followed by the good results for which no doubt its originator looked.
Crime became so frequent in _Matto-Grosso_, _Minas Geraes_, and
elsewhere, that orders had to be sent out from Portugal, compelling all
persons without any settled abode to live in civilized communities, and
to divide amongst them the surrounding lands. All persons who should
evade this regulation, with the exception of three classes, were to be
proceeded against as robbers,--the classes exempted from this rule being
agriculturists with their slaves and servants on isolated farms;
_rancheros_, or persons established on the public roads to facilitate
communication or to entertain travellers; and _bandeiras_, that is to
say, bands of respectable persons employed in making discoveries. The
above three classes of citizens were empowered to arrest and imprison
vagrants.
It is now necessary to review what had been going on during the last few
years in the mining districts. The experience of fifteen years having
according to general opinion proved the injurious nature of the
capitation tax, the offer was accepted of the people of _Minas Geraes_
to make up the annual assessment to one hundred _arrobas_, should the
royal fifths be less than that amount. In the year 1753, the fleet from
_Rio de Janeiro_ was believed to bring home gold, silver, and goods to
the amount of three millions sterling. In that year the fifths from
_Minas Geraes_ amounted to nearly £400,000. The bullion and jewels which
were sent to Lisbon in the following year were estimated at a million
_moidores_. On an average of sixteen years the royal fifths exceeded one
hundred _arrobas_; but when the trade had been opened to single ships,
the average production of gold was found to decrease,--probably from the
conviction or experience that trade was on the whole more profitable
than mining.
The temptation to evade the payment of the royal proportion was so
strong that not even the severe laws in force were sufficient to
overcome it. Gold might circulate within the captaincy before it had
been stamped and before the royal fifth had been taken; but it was
unlawful to carry it beyond the border until it should have paid the
duty and passed through the mint. Gold-dust, which was the only
circulating medium in _Minas Geraes_, was found to be so debased by the
traders before it reached the mint that there was usually a loss upon it
of 10 or 12 _per cent._ in addition to the 20 _per cent._ duty, a desire
to avoid which loss, even more than to avoid the duty, led to the
frequent practice of endeavouring to smuggle it across the frontier.
When it had once reached the cities, goldsmiths were readily found
either to convert it into bars or to work it into jewellery. The
knowledge of these practices naturally led to a law against jewellers,
whose presence had long been forbidden in _Minas Geraes_, and was now no
longer tolerated in the sea-ports.
The less productive province of _Goyaz_ yielded in some years a
capitation tax of forty _arrobas_. This advanced province had to bear
the burden of a war with a brave tribe, called the _Cayapos_. The
province of _Minas Geraes_ was likewise exposed to incursions from other
native tribes; but, notwithstanding occasional disturbances, the
interior of _Brazil_ continued on the whole to make steady progress
towards civilization.
[Sidenote: 1767.]
The government, however, was still disturbed by the retention by Spain
of her conquests in the province of _Rio Grande_. Portugal appealed to
Great Britain to procure the execution of the Treaty of Paris in
accordance with the intentions of the contracting parties, of which
England had been one. It had certainly not been her intention that the
Spaniards should retain their conquests in _Brazil_. It was to the
Brazilians themselves, however, that they were to owe the recovery of
the Spanish posts in _Rio Grande_. Aware that the Spaniards of the
_Plata_ were sufficiently occupied elsewhere, they secretly collected a
force of eight hundred men, with which they took their enemies by
surprise, thus regaining by arms that which Great Britain was engaged in
endeavouring to obtain for them by diplomatic means.