until they learned to unite with their courage and persistency in war

some of the elements of progress in civilisation ascribed to them, they

might have proved the regenerators of the continent, and reserved it for

permanent occupation by races of native origin. “Wherever they went,”

says Schoolcraft, “they carried proofs of their energy, courage, and

enterprise. At one period we hear the sound of their war-cry along the

Straits of the St. Mary’s, and at the foot of Lake Superior; at another,

under the walls of Quebec, where they finally defeated the Hurons under

the eyes of the French.”[132] And after glancing at the long history of

their triumphs, he adds: “Nations trembled when they heard the name of

the Konoshioni.”

In older centuries, while the Huron-Iroquois still constituted one

united people in their ancestral home to the north of the St. Lawrence,

they must have been liable to contact with the Eskimo, both on the north

and the east; and greatly as the two races differ, the dolichocephalic

type of head common to both is not only suggestive of possible

intermixture, but also of encroachments on the Eskimo in early centuries

by this aggressive race. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as

probably at a much earlier date, when the Iroquois had parted from the

Hurons, they became unquestionably _the_ aggressive race of the northern

continent; and were an object of dread to widely severed nations. Their

earliest foes were probably the Algonkins, whose original home appears

to have been between Lake Superior and Hudson Bay. Nevertheless, there

was a time, according to the traditions of both, apparently in some old

pre-Columbian century, when Iroquois and Algonkins combined their forces

against the long-extinct stock whose name survives in that of the

Alleghany Mountains and river. But if so, their numbers must have then

vastly exceeded that of their whole combined nations at any period

subsequent to their first intercourse with Europeans. For if the growing

opinion is correct that the Alligéwi were the so-called “Mound-Builders”

of the Mississippi and Ohio valleys, they must have been a numerous

people, occupying a territory of great extent, and carrying on

agriculture on a large scale. So far as metallurgy—that crucial test of

civilisation,—is concerned, they had not advanced beyond the stage of

Iroquois progress. Their pottery and ingenious carvings in stone have

already been noted, along with their singular geometrical earthworks

which still puzzle the American archæologist, from the evidence they

show of skill in a people still practically in their Stone period. The

only conceivable solution of the mystery, as already suggested, seems to

me the assumption of some “Druidic” or Brahminical caste, distinct from

the native Alligéwi stock, who ruled in those great northern

river-valleys, as in Peru; and, like the mythic Quetzalcoatl of the

Aztecs, taught them agriculture, and directed the construction of the

marvellous works to which they owe their later distinctive name. But for

some unknown reason they provoked the united fury of Iroquois and

Algonkins; and after long-protracted strife were driven out, if not

wholly exterminated. A curious phase of incipient native civilisation

thus perished; and, notwithstanding all the romance attached to the

league of the Iroquois, it is impossible to credit them at any stage of

their own history with the achievement of such a progress in agriculture

or primitive arts as we must ascribe to this ancient people of the Ohio

valley. To the triumph of the Iroquois in this long-protracted warfare

may have been due the haughty spirit which thenceforth demanded a

recognition of their supremacy from all surrounding nations. Their

partial historians ascribe to them a spirit of magnanimity in the use of

their power, and a mediatorial interposition among the weaker nations

that acknowledged their supremacy. They appear, indeed, to have again

entered into alliance with an Algonkin nation. Their annalists have

transmitted the memory of a treaty effected with the Ojibways, when the

latter dwelt on the shores of Lake Superior; and the meeting-place of

the two powerful races was at the great fishing-ground of the Sault Ste.

Marie rapids, within reach of the copper-bearing rocks of the Keweenaw

peninsula. The league then established is believed to have been

faithfully maintained on both sides for upwards of two hundred years.

But if so, it had been displaced by bitter feud in the interval between

the visits of Cartier and Champlain to the St. Lawrence.

The historical significance given to the legend of Hiawatha by the

coherent narrative so ingeniously deduced by Mr. Horatio Hales from _The

Iroquois Book of Rites_, points to a long-past era of beneficent rule

and social progress among the Huron-Iroquois. But the era is

pre-Columbian, if not mythic. The pipe of peace had been long

extinguished, and the buried tomahawk recovered, when the early French

explorers were brought into contact with the Iroquois and Hurons. The

history of their deeds, as recorded by the Jesuit Fathers from personal

observation, is replete with the relentless ferocity of the savage. War

was their pastime; and they were ever ready to welcome the call to arms.

La Salle came in contact with them on the discovery of the Illinois; and

Captain John Smith, the founder of Virginia, encountered their canoes on

the Chesapeake Bay bearing a band of Iroquois warriors to the

territories of the Powhattan confederacy. They were then, as ever, the

same fierce marauders, intolerant of equality with any neighbouring

tribe. The Susquehannocks experienced at their hands the same fate as

the Alligéwi. The Lenapes, Shawnees, Nanticokes, Unamis, Delawares,

Munsees, and Manhattans, were successively reduced to the condition of

dependent tribes. Even the Canarse Indians of Long Island were not safe

from their vengeance; and their power seems to have been dreaded

throughout the whole region from the Atlantic to the Mississippi.

It thus appears probable that in remote centuries, before the discovery

of America by European voyagers, the region extending westward from the

Labrador coast to Lake Ontario, if not, indeed, to Lake Huron, had been

in occupation by those who claimed to be autochthones, and who were

known and feared far beyond their own frontiers. But though thus

maintaining a haughty predominancy; so far as their arts afford any

evidence, they were in their infancy. The country occupied by them,

except in so far as it was overgrown with the forest, was well adapted

for agriculture; and the Iroquois and Hurons alike compared favourably

with the Algonkins in their agricultural industry. A confirmatory

evidence of exceptional superiority among this remarkable race is that

their women were held in unwonted respect. They had their own

representatives in the council of the tribe; and exercised considerable

influence in the choice of a chief. But on them devolved all domestic

labour, including the cultivation of their fields. This work was

entirely carried on by the women, while the share of the men in the

joint provision of food was the product of the chase. The beautiful

region was still so largely under forest that it must have afforded

abundant resources for the hunter; but it furnished no facilities for

the inauguration of a copper or bronze age, such as the shores of Lake

Superior in vain offered to its Algonkin nomads. Of metallic ores they

had no knowledge; and while they doubtless prized the copper brought

occasionally from Lake Superior, copper implements are rare in the

region which they occupied. Their old alliance with the Algonkins of the

great copper region had long come to an end; and when brought under the

notice of the French and English colonists, the Algonkins had joined

with the Hurons as the implacable foes of the Iroquois confederacy.

In the ancient warfare in which Algonkins and Huron-Iroquois are found

united against the nation of the great river valleys, we see evidences

of a conflict between widely distinct stocks of northern and southern

origin. It is an antagonism between well-defined dolichocephalic and

brachycephalic races. In the dolichocephalic Iroquois or Huron, we have

the highest type of the forest savage; maintaining as his own the

territory of his fathers, and building palisaded towns for the secure

shelter of his people. The brachycephalic Mound-Builder, on the other

hand, may still survive in one or other of the members of the

semi-civilised village communities of New Mexico or Arizona. But if the

interpretation of native traditions have any value, they carry us back

to pre-Columbian centuries, and tell of long-protracted strife, until

what may at first have been no more than the aggressions of wild

northern races, tempted by the resources of an industrious agricultural

community, became a war of extermination. The elaborately constructed

forts of the Mound-Builders, no less abundant throughout the Ohio valley

than their curious geometrical earthworks, prove the dangers to which

they were exposed, no less than the skill and determination with which

the aggressors were withstood, it may be through successive generations,

before their final overthrow.

The palisaded Indian town of Hochelaga, one of the chief urban centres

of the Huron-Iroquois tribes in the older home of the race, and a sample

of the later Huron defences on the Georgian Bay, stood, in the sixteenth

century, at the foot of Mount Royal, whence the city of Montreal takes

its name; and some of the typical skulls of its old occupants, as well

as flint implements and pottery from its site, are now preserved in the

Museum of M’Gill University. The latter relics reveal no more than had

long been familiar in the remains which abound within the area of the

Iroquois confederacy, and elsewhere throughout the eastern states of

North America. Their earthenware vessels were decorated with

herring-bone and other incised patterns; and their tobacco pipes and the

handles of their clay bowls were, at times, rudely modelled into human

and animal forms. Their implements of flint and stone were equally rude.

They had inherited little more than the most infantile savage arts; and

when those were at length superseded, in some degree, by implements and

weapons of European manufacture, they prized the more effective weapons,

but manifested no desire for mastering the arts to which they were due.

To all appearance, through unnumbered centuries, the tide of human life

has ebbed and flowed in the valley of the St. Lawrence as

unprogressively as on the great steppes of Asia. Such footprints as the

wanderers have left on the sands of time tell only of the unchanging

recurrence of generations of men as years and centuries came and passed

away. Illustrations of native art are now very familiar to us. The

ancient flint pits have been explored; and the flint cores and

rough-hewn nodules recovered. The implements of war and the chase were

the work of the Indian brave. His spears and arrow heads, his knives,

chisels, celts, and hammers, in flint and stone, abound. Fish-hooks,

lances or spears, awls, bodkins, and other implements of bone and deer’s

horn, are little less common. The highest efforts of artistic skill were

expended on the carving of his stone pipe, and fashioning the pipe-stem.

The pottery, the work of female hands, is usually in the simplest stage

of coarse, handmade, fictile ware. The patterns, incised on the soft

clay, are the conventional reproductions of the grass or straw-plaiting;

or, at times, the actual impressions of the cordage or wicker-work by

which the larger clay vessels were held in shape, to be dried in the sun

before they were imperfectly burned in the primitive kiln. But the

potter also indulged her fancy at times in modelling artistic devices of

men and animals, as the handles of the smaller ware, or the forms in

which the clay tobacco pipe was wrought. Nevertheless the northern

continent lingered to the last in its primitive stage of neolithic art;

and its most northern were its rudest tribes, until we pass within the

Arctic circle and come in contact with the ingenious handiwork of the

Eskimo. Southward beyond the great lakes, and especially within the area

of the Mound-Builders, a manifest improvement is noticeable. Alike in

their stone carvings and their modelling in clay, the more artistic

design and better finish of industrious settled communities are

apparent. Still further to the south, the diversified ingenuity of

fancy, especially in the pottery, is suggestive of an influence derived

from Mexican and Peruvian art. The carved work of some western tribes

was also of a higher character. But taking such work at its best, it

cannot compare in skill or practical utility with the industrial arts of

Europe’s Neolithic age. This region has now been visited and explored by

Europeans for four centuries, during a large portion of which time they

have been permanent settlers. Its soil has been turned up over areas of

such wide extent that the results may be accepted, with little

hesitation, as illustrations of the arts and social life subsequent to

the occupation of the continent by its aboriginal races. But we look in

vain for evidence of an extinct native civilisation. However far back

the presence of man in the New World may be traced, throughout the

northern continent, at least, he seems never to have attained to any

higher stage than what is indicated by such evidences of settled

occupation as were shown in the palisaded Indian town of Hochelaga; or

at most, in the ancient settlements of the Ohio valley. Everywhere the

agriculturist only disturbs the graves of the savage hunter. The

earthworks of the Mound-Builders, and still more their configuration,

are indeed suggestive of a people in a condition analogous to that of

the ancient populace of Egypt or Assyria, toiling under the direction of

an overruling caste, and working out intellectual conceptions of which

they themselves were incapable. Yet, even in their case, this inference

finds no confirmation from the contents of their mounds or earthworks.

They disclose only implements of bone, flint, and stone, with some rare

examples of equally rude copper tools, hammered into shape without the

use of fire. Working in the metals appears to have been confined to the

southern continent; or, at least, never to have found its way northward

of the Mexican plateau. Nothing but the ingeniously sculptured tobacco

pipe, or the better-fashioned pottery, gives the slightest hint of

progress beyond the first infantile stage of the tool-maker.

Whatever may have been the source of special skill among the old

agricultural occupants of the Ohio valley, their Iroquois supplanters

borrowed from them no artistic aptitude. No remains of its primitive

occupants give the slightest hint that the aborigines of Canada, or of

the country immediately to the south of the St. Lawrence, derived any

knowledge from the old race so curiously skilled in the construction of

geometrical earthworks. Any native burial mounds or embankments are on a

small scale, betraying no more than the simplest operations of a people

whose tools were flint hoes, and horn or wooden picks and shovels.

Wherever evidence is found of true working in metals, as distinct from

the cold-hammered native copper, as in the iron tomahawk, the copper

kettles, and silver crosses, recovered from time to time from Indian

graves, their European origin is indisputable. Small silver buckles, or

brooches, of native workmanship are indeed common in their graves; for a

metallic currency was so unintelligible to them that this was the use to

which they most frequently turned French or English silver coinage.

But notwithstanding the general correspondence in arts, habits, and

conditions of life, among the forest and prairie tribes of North

America, their distinctive classification into various dolichocephalic

and brachycephalic types points to diversity of origin and a mingling of

several races. So far as the native races of Canada are considered, it

has been shown that they belong to the dolichocephalic type. The

Alligéwi, or Mound-Builders, on the contrary, appear to have been a

strongly marked brachycephalic race; and the bitter antagonism between

the two, which ended in the utter ruin of the latter, may have been

originally due to race distinctions such as have frequently been the

source of implacable strife.

The short globular head-form, which, in the famous Scioto-mound skull,

is shown in a strongly marked typical example with the longitudinal and

parietal diameters nearly equal, appears to have been common among the

southern tribes, such as the Osages, Ottoes, Missouries, Shawnees,

Cherokees, Seminoles, Uchees, Savannahs, Catawbas, Yamasees, Creeks, and

many others. This seems to point to such a convergence, of two distinct

ethnical lines of migration from opposite centres, as is borne out by

much other evidence. In noting this aspect of the question anew, the

further significant fact may also be once more repeated, that the Eskimo

cranium, along with certain specialties of its own, is pre-eminently

distinctive as the northern type.

Among what may be accepted as typical Canadian skulls, those recovered

from the old site of Hochelaga, and from the Huron ossuaries around Lake

Simcoe, have a special value. They represent the native race which,

under various names, extended from the Lower St. Lawrence westward to

Lake St. Clair. The people encountered by Cartier and the first French

explorers of 1535, and those whom Champlain found settled around the

Georgian Bay sixty-eight years later, appear to have been of the same

stock. Such primitive local names, as Stadaconé and Hochelaga, are not

Algonkin, but Huron-Iroquois. Native traditions, as well as the

allusions of the earliest French writers, confirm this idea of the

occupation by a Huron-Iroquois or Wyandot population of the “region

north-eastward from the mouth of the St. Lawrence, at or somewhere along

the Gulf coast, before they ever met with the French, or any European

adventurers,” as reaffirmed in the narrative of their own native

historian, Peter Dooyentate.[133] But whatever confirmation may be found

for this native tradition, it is certain that the European adventurers

bore no part in their expulsion from their ancient home. The aborigines,

whom Jacques Cartier found a prosperous people, safe in the shelter of

their palisaded towns, had all vanished before the return of the French

under Champlain; and they were found by him in new settlements, which

they had formed far to the westward on Lake Simcoe and the Georgian Bay.

Questions of considerable interest are involved in the consideration of

this migration of the Hurons; and the circumstances under which they

deserted their earlier home. They were visited by Champlain in 1615, and

subsequently by the missionary Fathers, who, in 1639, found them

occupying thirty-two palisaded villages, fortified in the same fashion

as those described by the first French explorers at Stadaconé and

Hochelaga. Their numbers are variously estimated. Brebeuf reckoned them

at 30,000; and described them as living together in towns sometimes of

fifty, sixty, or a hundred dwellings,—that is, of three or four hundred

householders,—and diligently cultivating their fields, from which they

derived food for the whole year. Whatever higher qualities distinguished

the Iroquois from Algonkin or other native races, were fully shared in

by the Hurons; and they are even spoken of with a natural partiality by

their French allies, like Sagard, as a patrician order of savages, in

comparison with those of the Five Nations. When first visited by French

explorers, after their protracted journey through the desolate forests

between the Ottawa and Lake Huron, their palisaded towns and cultivated

fields must have seemed like an oasis in the desert. “To the eye of

Champlain,” says Mr. Parkman, “accustomed to the desolation he had left

behind, it seemed a land of beauty and abundance. There was a broad

opening in the forest, fields of maize with pumpkins ripening in the

sun, patches of sun-flowers, from the seeds of which the Indians made

hair-oil, and in the midst the Huron town of Otouacha. In all essential

points it resembled that which Cartier, eighty years before, had seen at

Montreal; the same triple palisade of crossed and intersecting trunks,

and the same long lodges of bark, each containing many households. Here,

within an area of sixty or seventy miles, was the seat of one of the

most remarkable savage communities of the continent.”[134] The Hurons,

thus settled in their latter home, consisted of several “nations,”

including their kinsmen to the south, as far as Lake Erie and the

Niagara river. They had their own tribal divisions, still perpetuated

among their descendants. The Rev. Prosper Vincent Sa∫∫atannen, a native

Huron, and the first of his race admitted to the priesthood, informs me

that the Hurons of Lorette still perpetuate their ancient classification

into four _grandes compagnies_, each of which has its five tribal

divisions or clans, by which of old all intermarriage was regulated. The

members of the same clan regarded themselves as brothers and sisters,

and so were precluded from marriage with one another. The small number

of the whole band at La Jeune Lorette renders the literal enforcement of

this rule impossible; but the children are still regarded as belonging

to the mother’s clan. The five clans into which each of the four

companies is divided are:—1. The Deer, _Oskanonton_; 2. The Bear,

_Anniolen_; 3. The Wolf, _Annenarisk∫∫a_; 4. The Tortoise, _Andia∫∫ik_;

5. The Beaver, _Tsotai_. There were two, if not more dialects spoken by

the old Hurons, or Wyandots; and that of Hochelaga probably varied from

any form of the language now surviving. This has to be kept in view in

estimating the value of the lists of words furnished by Jacques Cartier

of “le langage des pays et Royaulmes de Hochelaga et Canada, aultrement

appellée par nous la nouvelle France.”

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