out on direct orders of the German Government, was not only directed by
the Defendants Göring and Rosenberg and by the various staffs and
detachments subordinated to them, but the Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
with the Defendant Ribbentrop at its head, also took part in the looting
through a special organization.
The statement by Obersturmführer, Dr. Norman Förster of the 4th Company,
Special Task Battalion of the SS Troops (Waffen-SS), published by the
press at that time, bears witness of the fact. Förster stated in his
deposition:
“In August 1941, while I was in Berlin, I was detached from the
87th Antitank Division and assigned to the Special Task
Battalion of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, through the help
of Dr. Focke, an old acquaintance of mine at Berlin University,
who was then working in the Press Division of the Ministry for
Foreign Affairs. This battalion was formed on the initiative of
Foreign Minister Ribbentrop, and acted under his
direction. . . . The task of this Special Task Battalion
consisted in seizing, immediately after the fall of large
cities, their cultural and historical treasures, libraries of
scientific institutions, selecting valuable editions of books
and films, and then sending all these to Germany.”
And further:
“We obtained rich trophies in the library of the Ukrainian
Academy of Science, treasuring the rarest Persian, Abyssinian,
and Chinese manuscripts, Russian and Ukrainian chronicles, the
initial copies of books printed by the first Russian printer,
Ivan Fyodorov, and rare editions of works by Shevtchenko,
Mitzkevitch, and Ivan Franko.”
Side by side with the barbarous destruction and looting of villages,
towns, and national cultural monuments, the Hitlerites also mocked the
religious feelings of the believers among the Soviet population. They
burnt, looted, destroyed, and desecrated on Soviet territory 1,670 Greek
Orthodox churches, 237 Roman Catholic churches, 69 chapels, 532
synagogues, and 258 other buildings belonging to religious institutions.
They destroyed the Uspensky Church of the famous Kievo-Petchersky
Monastery, built in 1073, and with it eight monastery buildings. At
Tchernigov, the Germano-fascist armies destroyed the ancient
Borisoglebsky Cathedral, built at the beginning of the 12th century, the
Cathedral of the Efrosiniev Monastery of Polotzk, built in 1160, and the
Church of Paraskeva-Piatniza-in-the-Market, an extremely valuable
monument of 12th century Russian architecture. At Novgorod the
Hitlerites destroyed the Antoniev, Khutynsky, Zverin, Derevyanitzky and
other ancient monasteries, the famous church of Spas-Nereditza, and a
series of other churches.
The German soldiers scoffed at the religious feelings of the people.
They dressed up in church vestments, kept horses and dogs in the
churches, and made bunks out of the icons. In the ancient Staritzky
Monastery, units of the Red Army found the naked bodies of tortured Red
Army prisoners of war, stacked in piles.
The damage inflicted on the Soviet Union as a result of the destructive
and predatory activities of German army units is extremely great.
The German armies and occupational authorities, carrying out the orders
of the criminal Hitlerite Government and of the High Command of the
Armed Forces, destroyed and looted Soviet towns and villages and
industrial establishments and collective farms seized by them; destroyed
works of art, demolished, stole, and removed to Germany machinery,
stocks of raw and other materials and finished goods, art and historic
treasures, and carried out the general plundering of the urban and rural
population. In the occupied territories of the Soviet Union 88 million
persons lived before the war; gross industrial production amounted to 46
million rubles (at the fixed Government prices of 1926-27); there were
109 million head of livestock, including 31 million head of horned
cattle and 12 million horses; 71 million hectares of cultivated land,
and 122,000 kilometers of railway lines.
The German fascist invaders completely or partially destroyed or burned
1,710 cities and more than 70,000 villages and hamlets; they burned or
destroyed over 6 million buildings and rendered some 25 million persons
homeless. Among the damaged cities which suffered most were the big
industrial and cultural centers of Stalingrad, Sevastopol, Leningrad,
Kiev, Minsk, Odessa, Smolensk, Novgorod, Pskov, Orel, Kharkov, Voronezh,
Rostov-on-Don, and many others.
The Germano-fascist invaders destroyed 31,850 industrial establishments
employing some 4 million workers; they destroyed or removed from the
country 239,000 electric motors and 175,000 metal cutting machines.
The Germans destroyed 65,000 kilometers of railway tracks, 4,100 railway
stations, 36,000 post and telegraph offices, telephone exchanges, and
other installations for communications.
The Germans destroyed or devastated 40,000 hospitals and other medical
institutions, 84,000 schools, technical colleges, universities,
institutes for scientific research, and 43,000 public libraries.
The Hitlerites destroyed and looted 98,000 collective farms, 1,876 state
farms, and 2,890 machine and tractor stations; they slaughtered, seized
or drove into Germany 7 million horses, 17 million head of horned
cattle, 20 million pigs, 27 million sheep and goats, and 110 million
head of poultry.
The total damage caused to the Soviet Union by the criminal acts of the
Hitlerite armies has been estimated at 679,000 million rubles at the
Government prices of 1941.
All the defendants prepared, organized, and perpetrated indescribable
and blasphemous crimes, such as have never before been committed in
history, against humanity and against the principles of human ethics and
of international law.
In the statement of the offense in Count Four of the Indictment, it is
rightly pointed out that the very plan or conspiracy was organized also
for committing Crimes against Humanity. The fascist conspirators started
committing Crimes against Humanity from the moment of the formation of
the Hitler Party. These crimes attained vast proportions after the
coming into power of the Hitlerites.
The concentration camp of Buchenwald, set up in 1938, and the camp at
Dachau, established in 1934, turned out to be only the anemic prototypes
of Maidanek, Auschwitz, Slavuta, and numerous death camps, set up by the
Hitlerites in the territories of Latvia, Bielorussia, and the Ukraine.
The very coming into power of the Hitlerites was marked by many
provocations which served as an excuse for committing grave Crimes
against Humanity. Inflicting punishments without due process of law by
the Hitlerites upon all who did not share the ideology of the fascist
clique became widespread.
“We deny the protection of law to the enemies of the people. We
National Socialists knowingly take a stand against false
soft-heartedness and false humaneness. We do not recognize the
sophistry of tricky lawyers and cunning juridical
subtleties”—wrote Göring, as early as 1934, in an article
published overseas in the Hearst press. (Göring, Hermann, _Reden
und Aufsätze_, Zentralverlag der NSDAP, Munich, 1940, Page 159.)
In one of the articles, dated 1933, Göring regarded it as his special
merit that he had reorganized the entire management of the Gestapo,
having placed the Secret Police under his immediate control and
organized concentration camps to be used in fighting political
opponents.
“Thus”—spoke Göring—“arose the concentration camps in which we
soon had to stick thousands of people belonging to the Communist
and Social Democratic Party machines.”
At the disposal of the Soviet Prosecution are the notes of Martin
Bormann, found in the archives of the German Foreign Office and captured
by the Soviet troops in Berlin, on the conference held by Hitler on 2
October 1940. This document refers to occupied Poland. It will be
submitted to the Tribunal. At the moment I shall only quote from it a
few points of the Hitlerite leadership program. The conference started
with the statement by Frank that his activities as Governor General
could be considered very successful: The Jews in Warsaw and other cities
were locked up in ghettos. Very soon Kraków would be entirely cleared of
Jews.
“There must be no Polish gentry”—the document went on to
state—“wherever they may be, they must be exterminated, no
matter how brutal this may sound.
“. . . all representatives of the Polish intelligentsia must be
exterminated. This sounds brutal, but such is the law of
life. . . . Priests will be paid by us and, as a result, they
will preach what we want. If we find a priest acting otherwise
short work is to be made of him. The task of the priest consists
in keeping the Poles quiet, stupid, and dull-witted. This is
entirely in our interests. The lowest German workman and the
lowest German peasant must always stand above any Pole
economically.”
A special place among the unheard-of crimes of the Hitlerites is
occupied by the bloody butchery of the Slavic and Jewish peoples. Hitler
said to Rauschning:
“After all these centuries of whining about the protection of
the poor and the lowly, it is about time we decided to protect
the strong against the inferior. It will be one of the chief
tasks of German statesmanship for all times to prevent, by every
means in our power, the further increase of the Slav races.
Natural instincts bid all living beings not merely to conquer
their enemies but to destroy them. In former days it was the
victor’s prerogative to destroy entire tribes, entire peoples.”
(Rauschning, H., _The Voice of Destruction_, New York, 1940,
Page 138.)
If Your Honors please, you have already heard the testimony of the
witness, Eric Von dem Bach-Zelewski, about Himmler’s aims, as given by
him in his speech at the beginning of 1941.
In answer to a question by a representative of the Soviet Prosecution,
the witness declared, “Himmler mentioned in his speech that it was
necessary to cut down the number of Slavs by 30 million.” The Tribunal
will see by this what monstrous proportions the criminal ideas of the
Hitlerite fanatics attained.
The Hitlerites vented their ferocity particularly on the Soviet
intelligentsia. Even before the attack on the U.S.S.R., directives were
prepared regarding the merciless annihilation of Soviet people for
political and racial reasons. In Appendix 2 to Operational Order Number
8 of the Chief of the Security Police and SD, dated 17 June 1941, it was
stated:
“It is above all essential to ascertain the identity of all
prominent Government and party officials, particularly
professional revolutionaries, persons working for the Comintern,
all influential members of the Communist Party of the U.S.S.R.
and the affiliated organizations in the Central Committee and
the district and regional committees, all people’s commissars
and their deputies, all former political commissars in the Red
Army, leading personalities of the state institutions of the
central and middle administrative levels, leading personalities
in economic life, the Soviet Russian intelligentsia, and all
Jews.”
In a directive of 17 June 1941 for Security Police and SD detachments it
is pointed out that it is necessary to take such measures, not only
against the Russian people, but also against the Ukrainians,
Bielorussians, Azerbaidzhanians, Armenians, Georgians, Turks, and other
nationalities.
The Soviet Prosecution will present to the Tribunal actual documents and
facts in this connection. The fascist conspirators planned the
extermination to the last man of the Jewish population of the world and
carried out this extermination throughout the whole of their
conspiratorial activity from 1933 onwards.
My American colleague has already quoted Hitler’s statement of 24
February 1942, that “the Jews will be annihilated.” In a speech by the
Defendant Frank, published in the _Kraków Gazette_ on 18 August 1942, it
is stated:
“Anyone who passes through Kraków, Lvov, Warsaw, Radom, or
Lublin today must in all fairness admit that the efforts of the
German administration have been crowned with real success, as
one now sees hardly any Jews.”
The bestial annihilation of the Jewish population took place in the
Ukraine, in Bielorussia, and in the Baltic States. In the town of Riga
some 80,000 Jews lived before the German occupation. At the moment of
the liberation of Riga by the Red Army there were 140 Jews left there.
It is impossible to enumerate in an opening statement the crimes
committed by the defendants against humanity. The Soviet Prosecution has
at its disposal considerable documentary material which will be
presented to the Tribunal.
If Your Honors please, I here appear as the representative of the Union
of the Soviet Socialist Republics, which bore the main brunt of the
blows of the fascist invaders and which vastly contributed to the
smashing of Hitlerite Germany and its satellites. On behalf of the
Soviet Union, I charge the defendants on all the counts enumerated in
Article 6 of the Charter of the International Military Tribunal.
Together with the Chief Prosecutors of the United States of America,
Great Britain, and France, I charge the defendants with having prepared
and carried out a perfidious attack on the peoples of my country and on
all freedom-loving nations.
I accuse them of the fact that, having initiated a world war, they, in
violation of the fundamental rules of international law and of the
treaties to which they were signatories, turned war into an instrument
of extermination of peaceful citizens—an instrument of plunder,
violence, and pillage.
I accuse the defendants of the fact that, having proclaimed themselves
to be the representatives of the “master race,” a thing which they have
invented, they set up, wherever their domination spread, an arbitrary
regime of tyranny; a regime founded on the disregard for the elementary
principles of humanity.
Now, when as a result of the heroic struggle of the Red Army and of the
Allied forces, Hitlerite Germany is broken and overwhelmed, we have no
right to forget the victims who have suffered. We have no right to leave
unpunished those who organized and were guilty of monstrous crimes.
In sacred memory of millions of innocent victims of the fascist terror,
for the sake of the consolidation of peace throughout the world, for the
sake of the future security of nations, we are presenting the defendants
with a just and complete account which must be settled. This is an
account on behalf of all mankind, an account backed by the will and the
conscience of all freedom loving nations.
May justice be done!
THE PRESIDENT: We shall now adjourn. General Rudenko, your delegation
will be prepared to go on after the adjournment, will you not?
GEN. RUDENKO: Yes. I would also prefer that there should now be an
adjournment.
THE PRESIDENT: Do you mean an adjournment altogether for the day or what
the Tribunal proposed, to adjourn now for 10 or 15 minutes, then
continue until 5 o’clock? Would that not be convenient to you?
GEN. RUDENKO: All right; yes, Sir.
[_A recess was taken._]
GEN. RUDENKO: If it please Your Honors, Colonel Karev will report on the
order of submitting the documents to the Tribunal.
COLONEL D. S. KAREV (Assistant Prosecutor for the U.S.S.R.): The Soviet
Prosecution begins its presentation of evidence on all counts of the
Indictment. The Tribunal is already familiar with the large number of
important documents presented on behalf of the Prosecution by our
honorable colleagues. On its own part the Soviet Prosecution has at its
disposal numerous documents relating to the criminal activities of the
fascist conspirators.
In connection with Count One, dealing with the Crimes against Peace, we
shall submit the following types of documents: Administrative
regulations by the German authorities, orders and plans by the German
military command, diaries and personal archives of several of the
leaders of the fascist party and the German Government, as well as other
documents. These documents were in part found by units of the Red Army
on German soldiers and officers, or were discovered in concentration
camps and in offices of German authorities.
In connection with Counts Two and Three, that is, War Crimes and Crimes
against Humanity, we shall offer in evidence, in the first place, the
reports and files of the Extraordinary State Commission of the Soviet
Union for the determination and investigation of crimes committed by the
German fascist invaders and their accomplices. This commission was set
up by the decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.,
dated 2 November 1942. For local work there were set up state, regional,
district, and municipal commissions to assist in the work of the
Extraordinary State Commission of the Soviet Union for the determination
and investigation of the misdeeds committed by the Germano-fascist
invaders. Both the central office, as well as the local offices of the
Extraordinary State Commission, were composed of prominent statesmen and
representatives of different public scientific and cultural
organizations, as well as of religious denominations. The Extraordinary
State Commission, through its representatives and with the assistance of
representatives of local groups and local state authorities has
collected and checked data and drawn up protocols on the atrocities of
the German invaders and on the damage caused to the Soviet Union and its
citizens. Counting only the crimes committed by the Germano-fascist
monsters against the peaceful citizens of the Soviet Union, 54,784 files
were drawn up. In accordance with Article 21 of the Charter of the
International Military Tribunal, these files represent unquestionable
evidence. Of all these files of the Extraordinary State Commission, only
an insignificant number will at present be submitted to the Tribunal by
the Soviet Prosecution. In the possession of the Soviet Prosecution are
also photographs showing the atrocities and destruction committed by the
German invaders in the temporarily occupied territories of the U.S.S.R.
Part of these photographs will be submitted to the Tribunal. Several
documentary films will be offered to the Tribunal in evidence by the
Soviet Prosecution. In submitting evidence relating to War Crimes
committed by the conspirators, the Soviet Prosecution will also use
several German documents, photographs, and films which were captured
from the Germans.
The Soviet Prosecution will also submit evidence relative to crimes
committed by the defendants and their accomplices against
Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Yugoslavia. Out of this evidence special
mention must be made of the official report by the Czechoslovakian
Government entitled “German Crimes against Czechoslovakia.” This report
was prepared on the direction of the Czechoslovakian Government by the
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Dr. Boguslav Ecer, the
representative of Czechoslovakia in the United Nations Commission for
Investigation of War Crimes. There are documents appended to the
official report on German crimes against Czechoslovakia. Among these
documents there are laws, decrees, orders, _et cetera_, issued and
officially published by the Germano-fascist authorities; documents from
the archives of the Czechoslovak Government; and affidavits by persons
who held prominent positions in Czechoslovakia during the occupation.
There will be shown a special film concerning the destruction of Lidice.
It was, in its time, prepared by official German agencies. The film was
found by officials of the Czechoslovakian Ministry of the Interior. The
official report on the German crimes against Czechoslovakia, as well as
the documents appended thereto, on the strength of Article 21 of the
Charter of the International Military Tribunal, represent unquestionable
evidence and will be presented to the Tribunal as Exhibit USSR-60
(Document Number USSR-60).
The Soviet Prosecution will likewise present evidence regarding the
crimes perpetrated by the conspirators in Poland. The basic document to
be presented on this subject by the Soviet Prosecution will be the
report of the Polish Government dated 22 January 1946. The official
documents of the Polish Government were the primary source of the report
of the Polish Government on the German crimes committed in Poland. Both
the official report of the Polish Government and the documents appended
thereto, on the strength of Article 21 of the Charter of the
International Military Tribunal, represent unquestionable evidence.
And finally, the Soviet Delegation will present to the Tribunal
documents concerning the crimes of German invaders committed on Yugoslav
territory. The investigation of the criminal activity of the German
Command and of the German occupational authorities in Yugoslavia was
carried out by the Yugoslav State Commission for the investigation of
crimes committed by the German occupants. The commission was created on
29 November 1943 by a decision of the Yugoslav Anti-Fascist Committee
for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia. This commission, which from
the beginning has always been presided over by Dr. Doushan
Nedelkovitsch, professor at Belgrade University, started its work when a
part of Yugoslavia was still under the domination of the German,
Italian, Hungarian, and other occupants. Besides the Yugoslav State
Commission, the investigation of the crimes committed by the
Germano-fascist invaders was carried out by eight specially created
federal commissions, as well as by district and regional commissions. On
the strength of the material collected, the Yugoslav State Commission
has issued 53 communiques describing the atrocities committed by the
German occupants and submits its report dated 26 December 1945. This
report represents unquestionable evidence, and is submitted by us as
Exhibit USSR-36 (Document Number USSR-36).
It is my duty to mention that documentary evidence which has been
already presented by our honorable American, British, and French
colleagues will, to some extent, be used by the representatives of the
Soviet Prosecution.
May it please Your Honors, in conclusion I would like to make known to
the Tribunal the order in which the prosecutors from the U.S.S.R. will
present their case.
The Count dealing with the Crimes against Peace (aggression against
Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Yugoslavia) will be presented by Colonel
Pokrovsky, the U.S.S.R. Deputy Chief Prosecutor.
The Count dealing with the aggression against the U.S.S.R. will be
presented by State Counsellor of Justice, Third Class, Zorya.
Thereupon, Colonel Pokrovsky will present to the Tribunal the crimes
committed in violation of the laws and customs of war relating to the
treatment of prisoners of war.
The Count on crimes against the peaceful population of the U.S.S.R.,
Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Yugoslavia will be presented by Chief
Counsellor of Justice Smirnov.
Report on the subject of the plunder of private, public, and state
property will be made by General Shenin, State Counsellor of Justice of
the Second Class.
Report on the plunder and destruction of cultural treasures and wanton
destruction and annihilation of towns and villages will be presented by
Raginsky, State Counsellor of Justice of the Second Class.
State Counsellor of Justice of the Third Class Zorya will speak on the
subject of forced labor and deportation into German slavery.
Finally, Chief Counsellor of Justice Smirnov will present the report on
the last subject, Crimes against Humanity.
I now end my statement.
COLONEL Y. V. POKROVSKY (Deputy Chief Prosecutor for the U.S.S.R.): Your
Honors, Mr. President, the opening statements of the Chief Prosecutor
have dealt with the question of how fascist Germany pursued the
ideological preparation for aggressive war.
The connection between Hitlerite propaganda and acts of aggression
against peace was also revealed in the statement of the U.S.S.R. Chief
Prosecutor. Therefore may I be allowed to quote just one short extract
from Horst von Metzsch’s book entitled _Krieg als Saat_ (_War as Seed_),
which was published in Breslau in 1934. I quote:
“It is impossible to conceive of the National Socialist movement
without war. German soldier glory is its father; its finest
musketeer is its leader; and war’s hardy spirit is its soul.”
That is not just a phrase dropped by a garrulous fascist penman; that is
a program which is blurted out. War, and only war, was considered by the
Hitlerite conspirators as the most effective means of attaining the
objectives of their foreign policy. It is, therefore, only natural that
Germany was turned into an armed camp and became a constant menace to
her neighbors after the fascists had seized power in the country.
The East was the first objective of the fascist conspirators.
In his book _Mein Kampf_—it is already at the disposal of the
Tribunal—Hitler wrote, as far back as 1930—in that document book which
is now being handed to each member of the Tribunal, you will find the
passage I am quoting from _Mein Kampf_ in Volume I, Page 1—I consider
it advisable to inform the Tribunal that for its convenience all the
passages which I shall quote are marked in red pencil.
I quote: “The movement eastwards is continuing, even though Russia must
be erased from the list of European powers,” (Page 732, of _Mein Kampf_,
1930 edition).
Hypocritically proclaiming her love of peace and giving all her
neighbors assurances of her intention to live in peace with them,
Hitlerite Germany merely strove to conceal her real, her ever-present
aggressive intentions. The conspirators gladly concluded any agreement
on arbitration, non-aggression, _et cetera_. They did it not because
they were really striving for peace, but with the sole intention of
waiting for a suitable moment to strike the next treacherous blow and of
lulling to sleep the vigilance of the nations. Having committed one of
their scheduled aggressive acts, they strove with still greater energy
to convince everybody that from now on they had no further aggressive
plans. A combination of hypocrisy and fraud, of treason and aggression,
ruled the entire system of German foreign policy.
With incredible insolence the fascist conspirators violated all their
international obligations, all their international agreements, including
those which directly prohibited the use of war as a solution of
international disputes. Not one of the wars provided by the Hitlerites
can be classified under the concept of defensive wars. In every instance
the Germano-fascists acted as aggressors. They admitted, themselves,
that they did not hesitate to resort to provocation in order to have an
excuse for attacking their next victim at the most propitious moment.
Count Two of the Indictment contains a complete list of the wars which
were provoked, prepared, initiated, and waged by the fascist
conspirators.
The insane imagination of the Hitlerites visualized the East as a
paradise for the fascist invaders, a paradise built on the bones and
blood of the millions of people who inhabited these lands.
Sir David Maxwell-Fyfe has informed the Tribunal that the Soviet
Delegation would submit some new evidence regarding the criminal
conspiracy against peace, and also warned you that certain repetitions
could not be avoided. While striving to reduce these repetitions to a
minimum, I wish to draw the attention of the Tribunal to some of the
documents relating to the criminal aggression of the fascist
conspirators.
As documentary evidence I submit to the Tribunal Exhibit USSR-60
(Document Number USSR-60), an official Czechoslovak report. It begins
with the following significant phrase—and this phrase will be found on
Page 10 of the document book, Volume I, Part 1, and is marked in red
pencil: “Czechoslovakia was an obstacle to the German ‘Drang nach Osten’
(Drive to the East) or to the domination of Europe.” That is followed by
an analysis of the strategic and political aspects of the aggression
against Czechoslovakia.
THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Pokrovsky, when you want to put in a document in
evidence, you will produce the original document, will you not, and hand
it to the Secretary of the Tribunal?
COL. POKROVSKY: As I stated, this (Document Number USSR-60) is followed
by an analysis of the strategic and political aspects of the aggression
against Czechoslovakia. I quote, beginning with the second sentence of
Subparagraph (a), which for convenience is marked with a red pencil. I
quote:
“Czechoslovakia was indeed of foremost strategic importance as a
natural obstacle and a fortress against a military drive towards
the Danube basin, and from there eastwards, across the eastern
Carpathians and along the valley of the Danube, towards the
Balkans.”
The gist of Subparagraph (b) is that Czechoslovakia was a democratic
country; and finally Subparagraph (c) gives an analysis of
Czechoslovakia from the national point of view. I shall quote this
subparagraph as it is formulated in the report. You will find this in
Volume I, Part 1, end of Page 11 and beginning of Page 12:
“c. From the national point of view, Czechoslovakia, as far as
the vast majority of its population is concerned, was a Slav
country, intensely conscious of the unity of all Slavs.”
The Tribunal will remember that the annihilation of Slavism and the
destruction of democratic principles was one of the basic aims of the
fascist conspiracy.
The Tribunal may have noticed that the methods of execution of
aggression by the Hitlerite conspirators nearly always followed the same
pattern. In all cases, lightning speed and suddenness of military attack
were considered indispensable. They endeavored to attain the element of
surprise by giving the prospective enemy treacherous and hypocritical
assurances of their sincerely peaceful intentions. Simultaneously, wide
use was made of the foul system of bribery, blackmail, provocation,
financing of various kinds of pro-fascist organizations, and using as
paid agents unprincipled politicians and downright traitors to their
respective countries.
Mr. Alderman began his presentation of documents by giving several
examples of this nature. He told the Tribunal in detail and proved by
documentary evidence that the representatives of the so-called Slovak
autonomous movement were bought with German money—that is, one Hans
Karmazin, and the same also applies to Deputy Prime Minister Durcanski,
to the notorious Tuka, and many other leaders of the Hlinka Party.
It was presented to you that at the beginning of March 1939, that is,
immediately prior to the day planned for the final entry of the Nazis
into Czechoslovakia, the activity of the Fifth Column reached its
climax.
I believe I should present to the Tribunal certain facts about the
Hitlerite organizations established for the purpose of subversive
activity, and also about the part played by the SS official, Lorenz,
whose name I shall mention later on in connection with the action
against Czechoslovakia.
Himmler, the holder of several offices, combined in his person the
position of Reichsleiter of the security units (SS) and of Reich
Commissioner for the Preservation of German Nationality (Reichskommissar
für die Festigung des deutschen Volkstums). As such, he was charged with
the leadership of all State and Party organs within Germany, which, in
turn, controlled the German settlements, the work among the
Germano-fascist minorities in other countries and the remigration of
Germans into Germany. In this field his executive apparatus was the
so-called Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle. The leader of this organization,
and therefore the actual deputy of Himmler, in this special sphere, was
SS Obergruppenführer Lorenz, who will be discussed later.
There was also another criminal organization. I have in mind the foreign
organization of the NSDAP (Auslands-Organisation der NSDAP), abbreviated
to AO. It played an important part in creating the Fifth Column in
countries which were later subjected to Hitlerite aggression.
AO united such Germans who were members of the Nazi Party living outside
Germany. Apart from the wide propaganda of fascism, AO was engaged in
political and other kinds of espionage. Germans living in other
countries received material help through AO and maintained contact with
various pro-German and espionage groups of the country in which they
lived.
The sub-branches of the Hitlerite party abroad were under the guidance
of German diplomatic missions. For this purpose the leader of AO,
Gauleiter Ernst Wilhelm Bohle, was installed in the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs with the rank of State Secretary.
There are several appendices to the official Czechoslovak report. One of
them is registered under Document Number 3061-PS. It contains excerpts
from the testimony of Karl Hermann Frank, former deputy of the Reich
Protector. I submit this document to the Tribunal and, without reading
it in its entirety, I wish to refer briefly to those parts of the
document which deal with question of the Fifth Column.
At the interrogation of 9 October 1945—the Tribunal will find the
passage quoted in Volume I, Part 1, Page 185 of the document book—Frank
declared that in his opinion the Henlein Party received money from
Germany from 1936 onwards. In 1938 it received funds from the so-called
Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle in Berlin, through the German Minister in
Prague. Frank confirmed that, together with Henlein, he several times
visited the German Minister in Prague, who handed him and Henlein money
for the Party. Frank admits that the acceptance of this money was
incompatible with the duties of a Czechoslovak citizen. Frank further
admitted that he visited the German Legation in Prague several times,
alone, informed the German Minister of the inner political situation in
Czechoslovakia and thus, considering the character of the information
communicated, committed high treason.
Frank testifies—what I am now quoting will be found in Volume I, Part
1, Page 187:
“All negotiations in the summer of 1938 between Henlein and
myself on the one hand, and the Reich authorities, in particular
Adolf Hitler, Hess, and Ribbentrop on the other hand, were
conducted for the purpose of providing the Reich authorities
with information on the development of the political situation
in Czechoslovakia. These discussions took place on the
initiative of the Reich authorities.”
I have quoted this excerpt from Page 5 of the Russian translation,
Document Number 3061-PS.
On Page 188 of your document book you will find another excerpt which I
shall now submit to you. Frank confesses that he was aware of “the
treason committed by the Party and its central leadership corps by
receiving money from abroad for effecting measures inimical to the
State.”
The so-called Henlein Free Corps (Sudeten Freikorps) was established in
Bohemia and Moravia. During the interrogation of 15 August 1945, Karl
Hermann Frank testified that Henlein and his staff were in Tandorf
Castle near Reuch. Henlein himself was the chief of staff of the corps,
which bore the title “Freikorps Führers.” According to Frank the Free
Corps was established by Hitler’s order. Part of that corps which was in
the territory of the German Reich was equipped with small arms in small
quantities, as stated by Frank. According to him, the Free Corps
consisted of about fifteen thousand people, chiefly Sudeten Germans. We
find this information on Page 3 of the Russian translation of Document
Number 3061-PS. In your book it is Page 185 of Volume I, Part 1.
Among the trophies collected by our heroic Red Army are the archives of
the German Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The Soviet Delegation has at
its disposal new documents which I consider advisable to read in part in
order to supplement the data previously submitted to the Tribunal. They
are particularly interesting, if we bear in mind that one of the
favorite pretexts for aggression of the Hitlerite conspirators was their
intention to protect the interests of the German minorities.
I shall read an excerpt from the top-secret minutes of the meeting held
in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs at noon, 29 March 1938 in Berlin
especially on the subject of the Sudeten Germans. I shall refer to our
Document Number USSR-271. You will find this passage on Page 196, Volume
I, Part 1. I quote:
“The conference was attended by the gentlemen mentioned in the
attached list: In his opening address the Reich Minister
emphasized the importance of keeping this conference strictly
secret and later, referring to the Führer’s instruction which he
had personally given to Konrad Henlein yesterday afternoon, he
stated that there were primarily two questions of importance to
the political guidance of the Sudeten German Party.
“1) The Sudeten Germans must know that they are backed by a
German nation of 75 million inhabitants who will not tolerate
any further oppression of the Sudeten Germans by the Government
of Czechoslovakia.
“2) It is the responsibility of the Sudeten German Party to
submit to the Czechoslovak Government those demands the
fulfillment of which it considered necessary to achieve the
liberties it desired.”
THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Pokrovsky, I am sorry to interrupt you but it is
not quite clear, on the translation that has come through, whether you
have deposited the original of this document and have given it an
exhibit number, that is, if it has already been put in.
COL. POKROVSKY: All the documents presented by the Soviet Delegation are
submitted by us to the Tribunal in Russian and they are then handed for
translation to the international translators’ pool, which is charged to
serve the Tribunal with translation into all the other languages. This
document is referred to by me in precise correspondence with its
registration number—our Number USSR-271.
THE PRESIDENT: If the original document is not in Russian, it must be
deposited with the Tribunal in its original condition. I do not know
what the document is. It is about a conference, apparently, and I
suppose the original is in German.
COL. POKROVSKY: The original document is in German.
THE PRESIDENT: If that is so, we would like to see the original in
German.
COL. POKROVSKY: The photostatic copy of the original document, in the
German language, is at present at the disposal of the Tribunal. May I
continue?
THE PRESIDENT: One moment. Is this the original?
COL. POKROVSKY: It is a photostat.
THE PRESIDENT: I am afraid that we must insist upon having the original.
COL. POKROVSKY: The original document is at the disposal of the Soviet
Government and, if the Tribunal wishes, it can be sent for and presented
to the Tribunal a little later. The photostat is certified.
THE PRESIDENT: I am afraid we must have the original documents. After
the original documents have been produced and exhibit numbers given to
them, they will remain in the hands of the Tribunal. Of course, the
subject of the translations is quite a different one, but for the
purpose of insuring that we get really genuine evidence we must have the
originals deposited with the General Secretary.
COL. POKROVSKY: I note the wish of the Tribunal and we shall give
instruction for the original documents to be submitted to the Tribunal,
although in this case we have followed the established precedent where
the Tribunal considers it sufficient to accept the certified photostats.
We can submit the original, but we shall have to do it somewhat later,
as not all the requisite material is in Nuremberg at the present time.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, so long as you undertake to do it. But I do not
think you are right in saying that it is the practice that has been
already established, because we have been demanding the production of
the original document from the French prosecutors, and they have been
produced.
COL. POKROVSKY: We shall take the necessary measures so that the
Tribunal will receive, although of course somewhat later, all the
original documents from which the present photostats were taken. May I
now continue? I now continue the quotation. . . .
THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Pokrovsky, I imagine that you will be able to
produce tomorrow the originals of the documents which were referred to
today.
COL. POKROVSKY: I cannot promise that, because not all the originals are
here. A considerable part of these documents are unique and consequently
not kept in Nuremberg. Here we keep only a certain part of the
originals. All that I can do is to submit, in the future, the originals
at our disposal. Those which we do not have here we shall request the
Soviet Government to send over in exchange for the photostats. This we
can do.
THE PRESIDENT: I think the Tribunal had better adjourn for the purpose
of considering this matter.
[_A recess was taken._]
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal has considered the matter of the deposition
of original documents, and they wish the following procedure to be
adopted:
In the first place, they want original documents deposited with the
General Secretary of the Tribunal, wherever possible. Secondly, where it
is impossible for original documents to be deposited, or highly
inconvenient, they will accept photostat copies of the original
documents, provided that a certificate accompanies the photostat
document that it is a true copy of an original document, and that the
original is an authentic document, giving the origin of the original
document and the place of its present custody. Thirdly, they will accept
photostat copies for the present, on the undertaking of counsel that
certificates, such as I have indicated, will be furnished as soon as
possible.
Is that clear, Colonel Pokrovsky?
COL. POKROVSKY: I would ask the Tribunal to explain one point to me. Do
I understand that the Tribunal only confirms its former decision and
practice, which was established in connection with the presentation of
the document in evidence by my American and British colleagues, or is it
something new that the Tribunal is introducing? I am asking this because
a similar document to the one which caused the interruption in my
presentation today has already been accepted as a photostat in the same
Trial under Exhibit Number USA-95 or Document 2788-PS. Therefore, it is
not quite clear to me whether I am dealing with a new decision or with
the confirmation of an old practice.
THE PRESIDENT: I think what you have stated is true, that this
particular document does not appear to have any certificate that it is a
true copy. But the Tribunal expects that the United States will produce
such a certificate that it is a true copy of an authentic document and
will state the origin and the custody of the original document.
COL. POKROVSKY: Pray forgive me, but I consider that the question which
I wish to elucidate is of equal interest to all the prosecutors. Am I,
and with me all the representatives of the Prosecution, to understand
the decision of the Tribunal to mean that we are to present
supplementary documentation in support of all photostats, including the
photostats previously accepted by the Tribunal, or does it only refer to
documents which the Soviet Delegation will present in the future?
THE PRESIDENT: If a document had been accepted in photostatic form and
there has been no certificate that it was a true copy of an authentic
document, then such a certificate must be given. And we desire that the
certificate should also show that the document was authentic, and the
place of its present custody. And that applies equally to all the chief
prosecutors.
COL. POKROVSKY: Now, I understand that the Tribunal is confirming its
former practice which means that we can present a photostat, but that
they must be certified and that the originals should be presented
whenever possible. Have I understood you correctly?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, we desire originals, if possible. If it is
impossible or if it is highly inconvenient, then we will accept
photostats. And in the meantime, and for your convenience—because this
practice has not been perhaps adequately stated before—we will accept
photostat copies without certificate, on your undertaking that you will
have the certificate later on. Is that clear?
COL. POKROVSKY: I understand. The former practice will continue in
operation.
If the Tribunal will permit me, I shall draw your attention to the
paragraph the misunderstanding about which led to the interruption of my
presentation. I have in mind the three last lines of Page 196 of the
document book before you:
“The final aim of the forthcoming negotiations between the
Sudeten German Party and the Czechoslovakian Government is to
avoid entering the Government by widening the scope of their
demands and by formulating them with ever-increasing precision.
In the course of negotiations it must be pointed out very
clearly that the sole partner in these negotiations with the
Czechoslovakian Government is the Sudeten German Party, and not
the Reich Government. . . .”
Now I can omit a few lines and go on to Page 199:
“. . . for purposes of further collaboration Konrad Henlein was
advised to maintain the closest possible contact with the Reich
Minister and with the leader of the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle,
as well as with the German Minister in Prague, who was
representing the Reich Foreign Minister there. The task of the
German Minister in Prague was to uphold, unofficially, the
Sudeten German Party’s demands, especially in private
discussions with Czechoslovakian statesmen, by referring to them
as reasonable, but without exerting any direct influence on the
scope of the Party’s demands.
“Finally, the question of the advisability of the Sudeten German
Party’s collaboration with the other national minorities in
Czechoslovakia, especially with the Slovaks, was discussed. The
Reich Minister decided that ‘the Party should be given a free
hand to contact the other national groups with activities of a
parallel nature which might be considered useful. Berlin, 29
March 1938.’”
Mr. President, Your Honors, you will find on Page 200, Volume I, Part 1
of the document book, a list of those present at the conference of 29
March 1938, in Berlin. The part which I shall quote is marked with a red
pencil:
“Reichsminister Von Ribbentrop, State Secretary Von Mackensen,
Ministerialdirektor Weizsäcker, Minister Plenipotentiary to
Prague Eisenlohr, Minister Stiebe, Legationsrat Von Twardovsky,
Legationsrat Altenburg, Legationsrat Kordt (Ministry of Foreign
Affairs). Others of the group were SS Obergruppenführer Lorenz,
Professor Haushofer (Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle), Konrad
Henlein, Karl Hermann Frank, Dr. Kuenzel, Dr. Kreisel (Sudeten
German Party).”
It is not difficult to draw the correct conclusions as to the genuine
intentions of the fascist conspirators with respect to Czechoslovakia,
if only from the sole fact that among those attending the conference
were such people as the Defendant Ribbentrop, two ministers, two
representatives of the so-called Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle, including
one Obergruppenführer of the SS, the prospective Secretary of State of
the Czecho-Moravian Protectorate, Karl Hermann Frank, and the leader of
the so-called Sudeten German Party, Konrad Henlein, a paid _factotum_
and _agent provocateur_ of Hitler.
German diplomatic missions directed the activities of Nazi Party
branches abroad. For this purpose the leader of the AO, Gauleiter Ernst
Wilhelm Bohle, was appointed State Secretary in the Ministry for Foreign
Affairs.
On 3 June 1938 two documents were prepared by SS-man Lorenz, a
participant of the conference to which I have just called the attention
of the Tribunal. I shall read both of them. The first one, referring to
the interview with Ward Price, indicates that Henlein was under the
direct control of the SS, and it was to the SS that he was responsible
for his activities. This document also contains the direct threat to
resort to a “radical operation” in order to bring about the solution of
the so-called Sudeten German problem.
I will read this short document into the Record under Document Number
USSR-270 in full; it is on Page 202, Volume I, Part 1, of the document
book:
“Regarding the interview with Ward Price which appeared in the
foreign press, SS Obergruppenführer Lorenz requested an
explanation from Henlein. Henlein stated about as follows:
“Ward Price was present at the burial of those executed in the
town of Eger. He asked Henlein’s collaborator, Sebekovsky, to
arrange a meeting with Henlein for him. Henlein knew of the
interview given by the Führer to Ward Price. He had a talk with
Ward Price over a cup of tea. There was no real interview. The
conversation about the Sudeten German and the Czech problems
took the form of a talk about appendicitis. In this connection
Henlein said that one could suffer chronic attacks of
appendicitis, but the best thing was a radical operation. Later
on, when Ward Price published an account of this conversation,
Henlein intended to disavow him. But at that moment, an order
came through the Legation in Prague from the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, that Henlein should settle the matter with Ward Price
amicably, since the latter was in the Führer’s confidence and
was in no way to be insulted by Sudeten Germans. When Henlein
met W. P. again, he backed out, putting the blame on the members
of the Sudeten German Party. For this reason, he wrote a letter
to W. P., thus settling the matter. Lorenz.”
The second document, which is on Page 203, which is our Document Number
USSR-268, shows that, upon direct orders of the SS and the leaders of
the Hitlerite conspiracy, Henlein negotiated with the Czech Government
for the settlement of the Sudeten German question solely to create a
provocation, and that these negotiations were closely followed by the
leaders of the fascist conspiracy who guided Henlein’s further steps.
I would now like to quote from that document:
“In his conversation with SS Obergruppenführer Lorenz, Henlein
put the following question: ‘What shall I do if Czechoslovakia,
under foreign pressure, suddenly fulfills all my demands and as
counterdemand asks me to enter the Government?’
“It was quite clear that this question at that moment would not
be acute, and that further lengthy and painful negotiations were
inevitable. Nevertheless he asked for instructions on his
possible line of action regarding this problem, in case he were
not able to communicate with Germany.
“He himself suggested the following: If Czechoslovakia accedes
to all my requests I will answer, ‘Yes,’ but I will insist upon
the change of its foreign policy. This the Czechs would never
accept. Henlein was promised that this question would be
elucidated by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Lorenz.”
A very brief excerpt from a top-secret document of state. . . .
THE PRESIDENT: Isn’t it time to break off? It is now a quarter past 5.
[_The Tribunal adjourned until 9 February 1946, at 1000 hours._]
FIFTY-FIFTH DAY
Saturday, 9 February 1946
_Morning Session_
COL. POKROVSKY: May I continue with my statement?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, please.
COL. POKROVSKY: The end of the session prevented me yesterday from
quoting a brief excerpt from a very secret, a very important state
document, dated 22 September 1938. I propose to begin today’s work as
from this point, and to read into the record the first six lines of the
document submitted as Exhibit Number USSR-267 (Document Number
USSR-267), which you will find, Your Honors, in Volume I, Part 1, Page
202 of your document book. This brief excerpt shows with absolute
clearness the questions about the meaning of the so-called
Sudetendeutsche Freikorps, the existence of which was briefly referred
to in former sessions.
I quote the first six lines from notes made after a telephone
conversation which took place in Berlin between one of the leaders of
the so-called Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle and the Government in Berlin,
at 1900 hours on 22 September 1938. Permit me to read these six lines
into the record:
“Herr Schmidt, from the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle, telephoned
at 1900 as follows:
“The Command of the Sudetendeutsche Freikorps has just
communicated the following:
“First Lieutenant Köchling transmitted the following Führer
order: ‘Freikorps has to carry out the occupation of regions
evacuated by the Czechs. Large-scale operations, however, may be
executed only with the Führer’s personal approval.’”
The rest of this document, signed by Von Stechow, is of no interest and
I will not read it into the record.
As far as I can judge, the minutes of Hitler’s reception of the Czech
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Chvalkovsky, on 21 January 1939—that is
shortly before the complete occupation of Czechoslovakia—are of great
interest. Hitler’s mendacious and pompous statements with respect to the
independence of small nations, statements recorded in the document I am
about to quote, are characteristic of his perfidious tactics.
The document which I am going to read into the record as Exhibit Number
USSR-266 (Document Number USSR-266) you will find, Your Honors, on Page
203, Part 1 of Volume I of our document book:
“Chvalkovsky began by thanking the Führer for having done his
country the honor of receiving the Minister for Foreign Affairs
twice within 3 months. He had come here to inform the Führer
that he had strictly fulfilled the promise made to him on 14
October although this had cost him a very great deal of
trouble. . . .
“The Führer thanked him for his statements. The foreign policy
of a people is determined by its home policy. It is quite
impossible to carry out a foreign policy of type ‘A’ and at the
same time a home policy of type ‘B.’ It could succeed only for a
short time. From the very beginning the development of events in
Czechoslovakia was bound to lead to a catastrophe. This
catastrophe had been averted thanks to the moderate conduct of
Germany.
“Had Germany not followed the National Socialist principles
which do not permit of territorial annexations the fate of
Czechoslovakia would have followed another course. Whatever
remains today of Czechoslovakia has been rescued not by Beneš,
but by the National Socialist tendencies.”
I omit a few sentences and continue:
“For instance, the strength of the Dutch and Danish armies rests
not in themselves alone but in realizing the fact that the whole
world was convinced of the absolute neutrality of these states.
When war broke out, it was well known that the problem of
neutrality was one of extreme importance to these countries. The
case of Belgium was somewhat different, as that country had an
agreement with the French General Staff. In this particular case
Germany was compelled to forestall possible eventualities. These
small countries were defended not by their armies but by the
trust shown in their neutrality.”
You will find a further part of this quotation on Page 207:
“Chvalkovsky, backed by Mastny, again spoke about the situation
in Czechoslovakia and about the healthy farmers there. Before
the crisis, the people did not know what to expect of Germany.
But when they saw that they would not be exterminated and that
the Germans wished only to lead their people back home, they
heaved a sigh of relief.
“World propaganda, against which the Führer had been struggling
for so long a time, was now focused on tiny Czechoslovakia.
Chvalkovsky begged the Führer to address, from time to time, a
few kind words to the Czech people. That might work miracles.
The Führer is unaware of the great value attached to his words
by the Czech people. If he would only openly declare that he
intended to collaborate with the Czech people—and with the
people, themselves, not with the Minister for Foreign
Affairs—all foreign propaganda would be utterly defeated.
“The Führer concluded the conversation by expressing his belief
in a promising future.”
These notes are signed by Hewel.
It would now be opportune to refer once again to a document which has
already been mentioned in the Tribunal. I mean a so-called top-secret
document, for officers only, of the 30th of May 1938. It bears the
number OKW 42/38, and under Document Number 388-PS has already been
presented to the Tribunal by my honorable colleagues of the United
States Delegation. The Chief Prosecutor of the U.S.S.R. likewise
referred to this document in his opening statement.
Formulating the gist of the fascist conspiracy against Czechoslovakia,
Hitler announced that it was his irrevocable decision to defeat
Czechoslovakia in the immediate future and by one single military
operation. He divided his task into two parts: political and military.
Then, with his characteristic and unbounded cynicism, he declares—his
quotation is to be found on Page 209 of Volume I, Part 1 of the document
book:
“The most favorable, both from the political and military
standpoint, would be a lightning blow to be delivered under the
pretext of some incident which will provoke Germany to abrupt
action. . . .”
The document bears Hitler’s signature. Such was the authentic program of
Hitler and his accomplices concerning Czechoslovakia, drawn up for a
long time in advance of the day when Chvalkovsky requested that criminal
“to address from time to time a few kind words to the Czech people.”
Even if in his public utterances Hitler sometimes used what Chvalkovsky
called “kind words,” the line of the actual relations was developing in
an entirely different direction. But even this is not all. We shall
postpone the question of the provocative incident until the end.
The notes to the report on Fall Grün of 24 August 1938 have already been
read into the record in the most important part, as Document Number
388-PS. Here are two additional paragraphs which should be read. Your
Honors will find on Page 214 of Volume I of the document book:
“Fall Grün will start with the creation of an incident in
Czechoslovakia which will give Germany a pretext for military
intervention.
“It is of the greatest importance to fix the exact day and hour
for staging the incident.
“This incident must be provoked under weather conditions
favorable for our superior air force in carrying out the
operation and it should be timed in such a way that the
respective notification should authentically reach us by midday
of X-1 Day. This will enable us to follow it up immediately by
issuing the order X, on X-1 Day, at 1400 hours.”
The document concluded as follows—see Page 215 of your document book:
“The purpose of these statements is to show how greatly
interested the Armed Forces are in the incident, and that they
should know well in advance the intentions of the Führer,
inasmuch as the organization of the incident will be entrusted,
in any case, to the Abwehr.”
The document is signed by Jodl. These are not mere words. This is a plan
of infamous provocation; a plan which, as we already know, has been
carried into effect.
Document Number 388-PS has already been accepted by you as evidence
presented by the Delegation of the United States. I should like only to
stress one point: The murderers and invaders not only develop in cold
blood the plans of their crimes but are also anxious to put them into
effect under the most advantageous conditions possible for themselves.
They need fine weather and at least 24 hours for the final preparation.
Moreover, they need an incident, provoked by themselves, to justify
their foul crimes in the “eyes of at least some part of the world
community.” This latter fact demonstrates that the Hitlerites themselves
were perfectly aware of the criminality of their actions.
In passing, I wish to draw your attention to one point: OKW bears direct
responsibility for the criminal character of these actions. They cannot
plead, “We know not what we did.” The _agents provocateurs_ and
aggressors, in the uniform of the highest ranks of the German Army, were
the first to name themselves _agents provocateurs_ and aggressors.
Finally, I have to inform the Tribunal that one of the ultimate aims of
the fascist invasion of Czechoslovakia was the liquidation of this
historically constituted Slav state.
On Page 36 of the official report of the Czechoslovak Government, the
original of which was submitted to you yesterday, we can read the
following quotation from a statement made by Hitler in the summer of
1932 in the presence of Darré, Rauschning, and other high fascist
officials. I shall quote this excerpt, which is on Page 38 of the Volume
I, Part 1 of your document book:
“The Bohemian-Moravian Basin . . . will be colonized with German
peasants. We shall transplant the Czechs to Siberia or the
Volhynian district. They must get out of Central Europe. . . .”
This statement by Hitler is quoted in the Czechoslovak report from
Rauschning’s book _Hitler Speaks_, Page 46.
I consider it necessary to read into the record a passage from the
Czechoslovak report, which immediately follows the above-mentioned
quotation—Page 36 of the Russian translation, the last paragraph at the
end of the page. You will find this quotation on Page 39, Volume I, Part
1 of the document book, in the last paragraph of this page:
“This criminal plan was approved by Karl Hermann Frank,
Secretary of State of the Reich Protector in Prague from 17
March 1939 and Minister of State in Prague from 1943, known to
the world as the Butcher of Lidice. Interrogated on this point
by Colonel Ecer, in Wiesbaden on 29 May 1945, Frank declared:
“‘The plan for the evacuation of the Czech people to the East,
as mentioned above and decided in Party circles, roughly
coincides with the passage quoted.’”
The Defendant Neurath was Reich Protector for Bohemia and Moravia from
17 March 1938 to 28 September 1941. He did much to destroy
Czechoslovakia as a state entity.
Appendix 1 to the Report of the Czechoslovak Government reads as
follows—you will find this extract on Page 167 of Volume I, Part 2 of
the document book: “The Reich Protector was the highest of the Reich
authorities, agencies, and officials in the Protectorate.” The Defendant
Neurath must not escape responsibility for these crimes.
My colleagues of the Soviet Delegation will submit evidence to show the
Tribunal the upheaval in the life of the work-loving Czech people, from
the moment that the Hitlerite aggressors began to put into practice
their plan for the destruction of Czechoslovakia as a state entity.
When we turn to the material concerning the aggression against Poland,
we find there many features in common with the crimes of the
conspirators directed against Czechoslovakia.
THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Pokrovsky, I think it is only a mistake in the
translation into English, but it is stated in our copy that the
Defendant Neurath was Reich Protector for Czechoslovakia and Moravia
from the 17th of March 1938. No doubt you said 1939. Did you?
COL. POKROVSKY: I am afraid that what I said was not quite correctly
heard. I said from 17 March 1938 to 28 September 1941.
THE PRESIDENT: It should have been 1939, should it not?
COL. POKROVSKY: Yes, if I am not mistaken, that would be correct.
I take the liberty of repeating that when studying the documents with
regard to the aggression against Poland, we find there many features in
common with the crimes which the conspirators committed against
Czechoslovakia. I have in mind the systematic violation of treaties and
solemn declarations, false assurances, the creation of a paid Fifth
Column organized on a military footing, and the sudden infliction of a
treacherous blow. This can be proved by a whole series of documents.
An official report of the Polish Government contains a detailed list of
the treaties violated by the conspirators. We submit the document to the
Tribunal under Exhibit Number USSR-93 (Document Number USSR-93).
Inasmuch as we are concerned with the facts of common knowledge and of
those already commented on in the opening statements of the prosecutor,
I beg the Tribunal to take judicial notice of this part of the Polish
report without further proof, namely of the first two articles of the
Count “Crimes against Peace.”
I wish to read into the record four lines from Paragraph 3 of this Count
which begins on Page 219 of your document book. This concerns the
Polish-German declaration of 26 January 1934:
“Both governments are convinced that the relations between their
respective countries will in this manner develop fruitfully and
lead to the establishment of neighborly relationships which will
contribute to the well-being not only of both their countries,
but of the other peoples of Europe as well.”
The Defendant Von Neurath signed this declaration on behalf of Germany.
I now deem it necessary to read into the record an excerpt from a
declaration made by the Defendant Göring during his visit to Warsaw on
16 February 1937, which is contained in the report of the Polish
Government. You will find this excerpt which I want to quote, on Page
220, Volume II, Part 1 of the document book. Göring made this
declaration to the representatives of the Polish Government. I quote:
“On the German side, there is no desire whatever to deprive
Poland of any part of her territory. Germany is completely
reconciled to her present territorial status. Germany would not
attack Poland and has no intention of seizing the Polish
Corridor. We do not want the Corridor. I say sincerely and
categorically that we do not need the Corridor. Just as Germany
trusts and believes that Poland has no intention of seizing
Eastern Prussia and the remaining part of Silesia, so can Poland
believe that Germany has no intention of depriving her of any
rights and possessions.”
I think that Paragraph 6 of the Polish official report also deserves to
be read in full. This paragraph is on Page 220 of your document
book—Point 6:
“On 5 November 1937 the Polish and German Governments issued
identical declarations concerning the treatment of minorities.
The declaration concludes with the following passage:
“‘The above principles should in no way affect the duties of the
minorities of complete loyalty to the state to which they
belong. They have been inspired by a desire to secure for the
minorities equitable conditions of life and harmonious
collaboration with the nationals of the state in which they
live—a state of affairs which will contribute to the
progressive strengthening of the friendly and good-neighborly
relations between Poland and Germany.’”
On 2 September 1939 Polish antiaircraft units brought down a German
aircraft near Posen. A secret order issued by the Wehrmacht was found on
the pilots. It contained, among others, the following sentence—this
quotation you will find on Page 224, Volume I, Part 2 of the document
book: “Reservists of German race should attempt to avoid being mobilized
in the Polish Army and should join the German Army.”
Then follows the detailed enumeration of insignia by which all people
“who assist the German Army” would be recognized. The order states that
they will be supplied with—I quote one paragraph as it is stated in the
original Polish report on the same page, that is 224: “2. For
weapons—pistols of type Numbers 14 and 34 and also, in certain cases,
with grenades of the Czech type.” It is quite obvious that the latter
was done for the purpose of provocation. The order bore the signature of
“Major Reiss.”
Inasmuch as this fact is ascertained in the manner provided for by
Article 21 of the Charter, I request you to accept the fact stated by me
as evidence.
I wish to submit to the Tribunal one more excerpt from Exhibit Number
USSR-93. The part quoted is on Page 7, Paragraph 23 and it bears the
customary red pencil mark used in our work for convenience. You will
find that quotation on Page 223, Volume I, Part 2 of the document book:
“Evidence gathered by the Polish Army in the course of the
campaign of September 1939 indicates the following:
“a) As regards the diversionist activities in southwestern
Poland, those activities were organized beforehand and were only
carried out by agents dropped by parachutes. German espionage
was organized by special emissaries posing as travelling
teachers who trained spies and diversionists. Every year a
number of young Germans would leave every German colony to
proceed to the Reich. There they received special training, and
upon their return to Poland, did penance. They contacted the
local authorities, told them about cruelties of the Nazi and
expressed their joy at having returned to their ‘dear homeland.’
But these same Germans retained constant contact with their
agents in Germany and supplied them with information either by
mail or through the travelling teachers.
“b) Besides the agents who were recruited among the young people
and appointed to collaborate with the German section of the
population, there also existed a group of leaders and
instructors, consisting of officers who were supplied with
regular passports and who came to Poland long before the
outbreak of hostilities.”
Thanks to evidence discovered in the course of investigation, the Polish
Government has ascertained that the main diversionist nucleus consisted
of Hitler Youth groups known as the Hitler Jugend. The Defendant
Schirach was, as we know, the leader of this fascist organization.
In Paragraph 21 of our Exhibit USSR-93, we find information on this
subject, which deserves to be read into the record. Volume I, Part 2,
Page 223.
Here are the details relating to the organization of the system of
diversionist activities:
“a) The agents were recruited mainly from among the groups of
young people known as the Hitler Jugend, and also among men and
women, mainly of German nationality, who were recruited in
Poland.
“b) Special courses, lasting from 2 weeks to 3 months, were
organized for these agents on Reich territory.
“c) The members of these courses were split up into two
categories. The first consisted of individuals possessing a
thorough knowledge of the Polish language who were entrusted
with special missions to be carried out in the rear of the
Polish Army. The second category consisted of individuals who
were to mingle with the crowds of Poles fleeing from the war and
the air-raids.
“d) Shortly before the war the students went through an
additional course of instruction in special camps where they
were assigned to ‘districts for diversionist activities.’”
And now I shall turn to the documents, demonstrating the falsehood and
hypocrisy of other declarations made by the Hitlerite conspirators on
international questions concerning Poland. For this purpose, I shall
quote Paragraphs 7, 8, and 9 of the section entitled “Crimes against
Peace,” again our Exhibit Number USSR-93. These would be the last
paragraphs on Page 4 and the top of Page 5 of the Russian text: In your
document book these quotations are marked on Page 220 of Volume I, Part
2, and on Page 221. I shall announce it when I pass on to Page 221.
“Paragraph 7: On 5 November 1937 the then Polish Ambassador was
received by Hitler in the presence of the Defendant Von Neurath.
On this occasion Hitler declared:
“‘There will be no changes in the legal and political status of
Danzig. The rights of the Polish population in Danzig will be
respected. The rights of Poland in Danzig will not be violated.’
“Twice on this occasion, Hitler repeated with pathos, ‘Danzig
ist mit Polen verbunden (Danzig is bound to Poland).’
“Paragraph 8: The first hints of the changes in the status of
Danzig were made by the Defendant Ribbentrop on 25 October 1938.
He hinted at the incorporation of Danzig in the Reich in
exchange for an extension of the German-Polish pact for 25 years
and a guarantee of the German-Polish frontiers. Poland was to
keep the Danzig railroads and to retain economic facilities in
return for her assent to the building of an ex-territorial
Autobahn and a railroad through Pomerania.
“This proposal was rejected.
“Paragraph 9”—this is Page 221, Volume I, Part 2 of the
document book.—“Later on, during his visit to Warsaw, the
Defendant Ribbentrop assured the Polish Government that there
would be no _fait accompli_ on the territory of the Free
City—25-27 January 1939.”
It is known that during the last months preceding 1 September 1939
concentrations of German mobilized military forces were carried out.
Border clashes then took place. I think that the cause of these clashes
will become quite obvious after I have read into the record the notes on
Fall Grün, Document Number 388-PS, signed by Jodl.
On 15 April 1939 the late President of the United States of America,
Franklin Delano Roosevelt, made an appeal to the world and to the
leaders of Germany and Poland with a view to preventing further
complications in Europe.
On 28 April and 5 May 1939 the Polish Government proposed to the
Government of Hitler Germany a practical solution for the problem of the
Free City of Danzig.
On 23 August 1939 the King of Belgium addressed to the world a radio
appeal for peace.
On 24 August 1939 the President of the United States of America appealed
once again to the leaders of the Reich and Poland.
The Polish Ambassador in Berlin, acting on the advice of the British
Ambassador in Warsaw, had a conference with Ribbentrop on 31 August.
I should like to quote two paragraphs, 18 and 19, of Exhibit Number
USSR-93, marked with red pencil on Page 6 of the Russian original; in
your document book they are found on Page 222, Volume I, Part 2:
“18. The German note stating the conditions for the settlement
of the conflict with Poland was broadcast over the German radio
on 31 August 1939, at 9 p.m. This note, however, was not handed
to the Polish Ambassador until the evening of 1 September 1939.
This was a few hours after German Armed Forces, both from the
air and the land, were in the process of seizing Polish
territory, in the early hours of 1 September 1939.
“19. In this way Germany attacked Poland in violation of her
international assurance, without a previous declaration of war
and at a time when her actions had convinced the Polish
Government that further negotiations between the two countries
were pending, with a view to arriving at a peaceful settlement
of this dispute.”
I have at my disposal the original document concerning the Danzig
question, found by the Red Army in the archives of the German Ministry
for Foreign Affairs. I present it to the Tribunal as Exhibit Number
USSR-185 (Document Number USSR-185), and I must inform you that acting
upon a request formulated yesterday, we have added to the photostat copy
already on our files, the original copy of this highly important
historical document. It has now been placed at the disposal of the
Tribunal.
On the first page you will see a telegram form, which proves that on 1
September 1939 at 5 a.m. a telegram was handed in at the telegraph
office at Danzig; this telegram, registered as Number 0166, consisted of
202 words and was addressed to the Führer and Reich Chancellor in
Berlin. On the second page you will see the text of this telegram of 202
words, which bears the seal of the Gauleiter of the Nazi Party in
Danzig. I take the liberty of reading to you these 202 words which form
a part of the history of the fascist conspirators’ Crimes against Peace:
“Telegram to the Führer.
“My Führer:
“I have just signed, and by this act have put into force, the
following basic state law providing for the reunion of Danzig
with the German Reich:
“Basic state law of the Free City of Danzig of 1 September 1939,
concerning the reunion of Danzig with the German Reich.
“For the purpose of relieving the dire needs of the people and
the state of the Free City of Danzig, I promulgate the following
basic state law:
“Article I:
Hereby the Constitution of the Free City of Danzig is
immediately abrogated.
“Article II:
Legislative and executive power will, in the future, be
exercised exclusively by the Chief of State.
“Article III:
The Free City of Danzig, together with its territory and
population, immediately becomes an integral part of the German
Reich.
“Article IV:
Until the definite decision about the introduction of the Law of
the German Reich by the Führer, all the laws, the Constitution
excepted, in force at the moment of the promulgation of the
present basic law, remain in force.
“Danzig, 1 September 1939. Signed: Albert Forster, Gauleiter.
“I beg you, my Führer, on behalf of Danzig and of its
population, to approve this basic state law and to confirm by
Reich statute the reunion with the German Reich.
“Danzig enthusiastically extends to you, my Führer, a feeling of
endless gratitude and eternal devotion.
“Heil to you, my Führer. Albert Forster, Gauleiter.”
And now that the documents which establish the actual line of conduct of
the fascist conspirators with regard to Poland have been submitted to
the Tribunal, it seems to me opportune to refer, be it only summarily,
to excerpts from Fall Weiss as well as from the statements and
pronouncements by Hitler and Ribbentrop, after which I shall read into
the record a new document, which is Exhibit Number USSR-172 (Document
Number USSR-172). This document represents the secret notes by Bormann
concerning a conversation on Poland which took place in Hitler’s
apartment on 2 October 1940.
On 30 January 1934 Hitler made a speech in his capacity of Chancellor of
the Reich. It concerned a number of problems, including relations with
Poland. There is no need to quote it in detail. At present, only two or
three sentences can be of interest to us. I quote excerpts from Document
Number TC-70:
“. . . It seems to me that we must show, by a concrete example,
that disagreements, however indisputable, need not prevent the
finding of a _modus vivendi_ which would serve usefully the
cause of peace as well as the welfare of both nations.”
I shall now skip several paragraphs and quote one of the concluding
sentences. . . .
THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Pokrovsky, it is pointed out to me, and I
intervene for the purpose of getting the record correct, that the
document is dated not the 30th of January 1934, but 30 January 1943. Do
you agree with this?
COL. POKROVSKY: In my report I see the date 30 January 1934.
THE PRESIDENT: That is right, yes.
COL. POKROVSKY: I shall continue the quotation which concludes Hitler’s
pronouncement:
“The German Government is resolved and prepared to develop its
political and economic relations with Poland, in accordance with
the present agreement, in such a way as to ensure that a period
of useful co-operation may follow one of fruitless reticence.
“The Chancellor has here expressed his particular satisfaction
with the clarification of relations between Danzig and Poland.”
On 26 September 1938 Hitler again spoke of Poland in one of his usual
speeches. I consider it essential to quote a short excerpt from this
speech—Document Number TC-29:
“The most difficult problem with which I was confronted was that
of our relations with Poland. There was a danger that Poles and
Germans would regard each other as hereditary enemies. I wanted
to prevent it.”
I do not consider it necessary to read the entire document, and I will
therefore omit a few sentences.
“Precisely a year later it was possible to reach an agreement
which, in the first place, definitely eliminated the danger of a
conflict for a period of 10 years.
“We are all convinced that this agreement will lead to a lasting
pacification. We realize that here are two peoples which have to
exist side by side, and neither can eliminate the other.
“A state with a 33 million population will always strive for an
outlet to the sea.
“Because of that, a way for understanding had to be found. It
has been found and will be more and more consolidated.”
In absolute conformity with this official and, from beginning to end,
deceitful speech of Hitler’s, the Defendant Ribbentrop, speaking in
Warsaw on 25 January 1939, stated—this quotation will be found in
Document Number 2530-PS:
“It is a fundamental part of German foreign policy in accordance
with the firm will of the Führer of the German people that the
friendly relations between Germany and Poland, based on the
existing treaty, be strengthened progressively and deepened.”
Omitting one paragraph of this document, which has already been read in
court and submitted to the Tribunal as the Document Number 2530-PS, I
wish to repeat only one sentence of it:
“Thus Poland and Germany can look forward to the future with
complete confidence upon the solid basis of their mutual
relations.”
Need I remind the Tribunal that in the Document L-79 already presented,
which is a record of the conference on 23 May 1939 at Hitler’s new Reich
Chancellery, among the many other openly aggressive declarations and
statements of policy by Hitler, this man uttered the following sentence:
“Thus, there is no question of sparing Poland, and the decision
remains to attack Poland at the first opportunity. It is
impossible to expect a repetition of the operation against
Czechoslovakia. This time it will mean war.”
It must be stated in all fairness that this war was a surprise for
Poland only. The fascist conspirators had, for a long time, carefully
prepared for it. I now turn to Document C-120, a considerable part of
which has already been read into the record. I should like to submit
several excerpts from this document concerning the conspiracy of the
Hitlerites directed against Poland, excerpts which have not yet been
read into the record. I should like to draw your attention to individual
sentences, which naturally did not attract the attention of the counsel
who offered this document in evidence because they deal with relatively
small details. But now these sentences are decisive and are of primary
importance. They are highly characteristic and essential to a correct
evaluation of the material I am about to present.
In the Document Number C-120 (Exhibit Number GB-41), marked, “for
commanding officers only; top secret; matter for Chief of Staff; only
through officer; General Headquarters of the Armed Forces WFA 37/39
Chefs (L-Ia)” just preceding the text of the document the subject is
indicated as follows:
“Subject: Instructions for the Armed Forces for 1939-1940.
Directive concerning the uniform preparation of the Armed Forces
for 1939-1940 is hereby restated.”
This sentence clearly and definitely indicates that already previously,
that is, before 3 April 1939, there existed some other directives on
this very question.
The following is said in Paragraph 3 of the document cited:
“Opinions of the three branches of the Armed Forces, as well as
the data for the calendar schedule, will be submitted to the OKW
on 1 May 1939.”
Already by 1 May 1939 Germany had a revised, modernized, and detailed
plan for an aggression against Poland. And Hitler, while playing the
part of one insulted by Poland, waited only for a suitable moment to
declare that he had no choice but to destroy the Polish State.
In one of the appendices to the document quoted—it is also listed as
Document Number C-120 (Exhibit Number GB-41) but was not read into the
record—there is one feature of great importance. The document is signed
by Hitler and bears the date 11 April 1939. It was prepared in five
originals only. I offer in evidence a copy of the second original.
“Directive concerning the uniform preparation of the Armed
Forces for 1939-1940.
“I will expound, at a later date, the future objectives of the
Armed Forces as well as the preparations for war which follow
therefrom.
“Until the directive becomes effective, the Armed Forces must be
ready to accomplish the following tasks:
“I) Securing the frontiers of the German Reich and protection
from sudden air offensives; II) Fall Weiss; III) Occupation of
Danzig.
“Signed: Hitler.”
I will now read into the record the first paragraph of Appendix 3,
entitled the “Occupation of Danzig.”
“The surprise occupation of the Free City of Danzig may come
into question—independently of Fall Weiss—in utilization of a
favorable political condition.”
I think that we can dispense with the reading of the remaining text of
the document.
If it please the Tribunal, it is worthy of note that, according to
German plans the occupation of Danzig was regarded either as an integral
part of the aggression against Poland or, in case of a different
political situation, as a completely independent operation, but in both
cases it was planned well in advance.
The same set of documents, listed as Number C-120, includes a top-secret
directive intended exclusively for commanding officers and was to be
transmitted through officers only. It is important to note that the
subject of this document, which I submit to the Tribunal, is indicated
as follows: Instructions concerning the uniform preparation for war of
the Armed Forces for the years 1939-1940. Just as the previous ones,
this document was not intended for a wide circle of readers. It was
typed in seven originals only. The fascist conspirators were not very
anxious to popularize their planned preparation for war.
And again, in the appendix to directive OKW 37/39, which I have already
submitted to the Tribunal and which is entitled, “Special Orders for
Fall Weiss,” there is one very significant sentence. I shall read into
the Record the penultimate subparagraph of Paragraph 2:
“In case of a public announcement of general mobilization
(Mobplan) for the Armed Forces, the mobilization will
automatically cover the entire civilian network, including war
production. A public announcement, however, of mobilization
should not be counted on, should military events be confined to
Fall Weiss.”
It seems highly significant to me that the fascist conspirators, though
fully conscious of the fact that war was to begin, had planned the
execution of their criminal intent without announcing any mobilization.
And finally, I should like to point out that in Keitel’s order to the
Armed Forces, Number 37/39, of 3 April 1939, issued in connection with
Fall Weiss, the following directives by Hitler were made public:
“I. Operational plan Fall Weiss must be elaborated with a view
to the fact that its execution must be possible at any time, as
from 1 September 1939.”
We know that the invasion of Poland was, in fact, started on 1 September
1939—in short, on the very first day on which the German Armed Forces
had to be fully ready for action.
Operational Order Number 1, 25039, of 21 August 1939, issued to the
Command of Naval Group OST, on board the battleship _Schleswig
Holstein_, stated as follows—this document has already been submitted
to the Tribunal as a German photostatic copy:
“I. General situation. a) Political: All the armed forces must
be defeated by means of a lightning thrust, to enable the
creation in the East of a situation favorable for the defense of
the Reich. The Free City of Danzig will be declared a Reich
city.”
It is worth while to bear this sentence in mind when speaking of the
“free expression of will by the Danzig population,” which allegedly
aspired to become part of the Reich. It must not be forgotten that this
free expression of will had been foreseen by the above operational Order
Number 1, to the very day.
To conclude, I consider it essential to read into the record, almost in
full, a rather long but exceptionally important document. I have in mind
a note by the Defendant Bormann of 2 October 1940, referring to a
conversation about Poland. This conversation was held after a dinner
which took place in Hitler’s apartment. You will find this note on Page
311, Volume I, Part 2 of the document book:
“Secret; Berlin, 2 October 1940; note.
“On 2 October 1940, after dinner at the Führer’s apartment, a
conversation arose on the nature of the Government General, the
treatment of the Poles and the incorporation, already approved
by the Führer, of the Districts of Piotrokow and Tomassov into
the Warthegau.
“The conversation began when the Reich Minister, Dr. Frank,
informed the Führer that the activities in the Government
General could be termed very successful. The Jews in Warsaw and
other cities had been locked up in the ghetto; Kraków would very
shortly be cleared of them.”
I now consider it possible to omit a few paragraphs.
“The Führer further emphasized that the Poles, in direct
contrast to our German workmen, are specially born for low
labor; we must give every possibility of advancement to our
German workers; as to the Poles—there can be no question of
improvement for them. On the contrary, it is necessary to keep
the standard of life low in Poland and it must not be permitted
to rise.
“The Government General must, under no condition whatsoever, be
an isolated and uniform economic region; it must not produce
independently, even in part, any manufactured goods necessary
for its subsistence; the Government General should be used by us
merely as a source of unskilled labor (in industries such as
brick manufacturing, road construction, _et cetera_). One cannot
change the nature of a Slav, as the Führer has already
emphasized. While as a rule our German workers are by nature
assiduous and diligent, the Poles are lazy and it is necessary
to use compulsion to make them work.
“However, there is no reason to expect that the Government
General will become an independent economic region, as there are
no mineral resources, and even should such be available the
Poles are not capable of utilizing them.
“The Führer has explained that the Reich needs large estates to
provide food for our large cities; these large estates, as well
as other agricultural enterprises, are in need of labor, and
cheap labor in particular, for the cultivation of the soil and
for harvesting. As soon as the harvest time is over, the
laborers can go back to Poland because should they be employed
in agriculture the whole year round they themselves would use up
an important part of the crops. The best solution would thus be
to import from Poland temporary laborers for the duration of the
sowing and for the harvesting. Our industrial districts are
overpopulated, while at the same time there is a lack of
manpower in agriculture. That is where we can make use of the
Polish laborers. For this reason, it would be quite right to
have a surplus of manpower in the Government General, so that
every year the laborers needed by the Reich could be procured
from there. It is indispensable to bear in mind that the Polish
gentry must cease to exist; however cruel this may sound,
wherever they are, they must be exterminated.
“There must, of course, be no sexual intercourse with Poles. It
would consequently be a correct procedure if Polish harvesters,
both men and women, came together to the Reich. Whatever the
mutual relationships were in their camps would not be a matter
of our concern—no zealous Protestant should poke his nose into
these affairs.
“The Führer stressed once more that there should be one master
only for the Poles—the German; two masters, side by side,
cannot and must not exist; therefore, all representatives of the
Polish intelligentsia are to be exterminated. This sounds cruel,
but such is the law of life.
“The Government General represents a Polish reserve of
manpower—a vast Polish labor camp. The Poles will also benefit
from this, as we look after their health and see to it that they
do not starve, _et cetera_, but they must never be raised to a
higher level, for they will then become anarchists and
Communists. It will therefore be proper for the Poles to remain
Roman Catholics; Polish priests will receive food from us and
will, for that very reason, direct their little sheep along the
path we favor. The priests will be paid by us and will, in
return, preach what we wish them to preach. If any priest acts
differently, we shall make short work of him. The task of the
priest is to keep the Poles quiet, stupid, and dull-witted. This
is entirely in our interests. Should the Poles rise to a higher
level of development, they will cease to be that manpower of
which we are in need. In other respects it will suffice for a
Pole to possess a small holding in the Government General—a
large farm is not at all necessary; he will have to earn the
money he requires in Germany. It is precisely this cheap labor
we need; every German and every German worker will benefit by
this cheap labor.
“A strict German administration must exist in the Government
General to keep order in the labor reservations. These
reservations mean for us the maintenance of agriculture,
particularly of our large estates, and they are, besides, a
source of supply of labor.”
I see no necessity to read into the record the exchange of views between
those present, although it is mentioned in the document, and I shall go
on directly to Hitler’s final statements:
“To sum up, the Führer wants to state once more:
“1. The lowest German workman and the lowest German peasant must
always stand economically 10 percent above any Pole.”
I omit the second paragraph and pass to the third which is of great
interest:
“3. I do not wish”—the Führer stressed—“that a German workman
should, as a rule work more than 8 hours when we return to
normal conditions; if a Pole, however, works 14 hours, he is
still, in spite of that, to earn less than a German workman.
“4. The ideal picture is this: A Pole must possess a small
holding in the Government General which will, to a certain
extent, provide him and his family with food. The money required
by him for clothes, supplementary foods, _et cetera_, _et
cetera_, he must earn by working in Germany. The Government
General must become a center for supplying seasonal unskilled
labor, particularly agricultural laborers. The existence of
these workmen will be fully guaranteed, because they will always
be used as cheap labor.”
This document deals with the question of Hitler’s attitude towards
Poland and the Polish people with such exhaustive clarity that it calls
for no further comment.
I wish only to draw Your Honors’ attention to three points.
Firstly, Hitler definitely states and develops in detail the idea that
in the new fascist order in Europe the Polish people and the Polish
State must be nothing but a Polish labor camp for fascist Germany.
Secondly, Hitler is convinced that the Poles will benefit from such a
state of affairs, since the fascist conspirators intend to care for the
health and adequate nourishment of the Poles whom they have reduced to
slavery. I beg Your Honors to consider the fact that by “adequate
nourishment” Hitler understands a state of affairs according to which
every Pole should be maintained at an economic level considerably below
that of the most wretched German. By “care” he means that the standard
of living in Poland should be low and that it should not improve, so
that no Pole be engaged otherwise than in heavy unskilled labor, 14
hours a day.
Finally, Hitler sets the task for the extermination of the entire
intelligentsia, stating arrogantly that there should exist only one
master for the Poles—the German.
In the course of further presentation of documents to the Tribunal we
shall prove that Hitler and his followers, in the persons of the
participants in the fascist conspiracy, strove to exterminate the Polish
people and to reduce the standard of living of the Poles to the most
pitiable and beggarly level. Their very existence depended solely on the
fact that it assured cheap manpower for the fascist masters.
THE PRESIDENT: Would that be a convenient time to break off?
[_The Tribunal adjourned until 11 February 1946 at 1000 hours._]
FIFTY-SIXTH DAY
Monday, 11 February 1946
_Morning Session_
COL. POKROVSKY: The Tribunal has at its disposal the diaries of the
Defendant Frank.
In the one marked “Diary of the Year 1943, V,” we find on Pages
1070-1072 an important entry; in the Russian translation this passage is
on Page 5 of the addenda to the “Excerpts from Frank’s Diaries,” and on
Page 321 of your document book, marked in pencil. I quote this passage:
“Kraków, 23 October 1943.
“The Governor General makes a report at the Administrative
Academy on ‘The Leadership Principle in Government.’ From the
point of view of constitutional and international law, the
Government General, as an appendage to Greater Germany,
constitutes a part of the territory over which the power of
Greater Germany in Europe extends. The sovereignty over this
territory belongs to the Führer of Greater Germany and on his
behalf it is exercised by the Governor General who, as the
deputy of the Führer, possesses all his powers.”
I would like to inform you, Your Honors, of two more documents of a
strictly official nature.
In the _Reichsgesetzblatt_ for 1939, Part I, Page 2077—Page 333 of your
document book presented by us as Exhibit Number USSR-296 (Document
Number USSR-296)—is published the “Führer’s and Reich Chancellor’s
Decree on the Administration of the Occupied Polish Territory,” dated 12
October 1939.
I shall read into the record Paragraph 2 of this decree. It consists of
two subparagraphs:
“Paragraph 2:
“1. I appoint Reich Minister Dr. Frank as Governor General of
the occupied Polish territories.
“2. I appoint Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart as Deputy
Governor General.”
In the same _Reichsgesetzblatt_, but this time for 1940, Part I, Page
399, is published a decree regarding the power to grant pardons in the
occupied Polish territories. It is registered with the Tribunal as
Document USSR-289 (Exhibit Number USSR-289) and is on Page 336 of the
document book. It reads:
“In the occupied Polish territories I delegate to the Governor
General of occupied Polish territories the power to confirm
death sentences as well as pardons or to reject applications for
pardons, with the right further to delegate his powers.”
The power of life and death, the sovereign prerogative, was entrusted in
a Poland occupied by the Hitlerites, to the Defendant Frank.
It would not be misplaced to recall that it was this same Hitler who had
said that he would show, by the concrete example of a mutual
relationship between the Polish and the German peoples, that such a form
of intercourse had been found “which would usefully serve the cause of
peace as well as the welfare of both nations.”
I have spoken of the kind of example that was intended, and what the
welfare was to which reference had been made.
The 6 April 1941 was marked by a new crime planned and carefully
prepared beforehand by the Hitlerite conspirators. Without any warning
or declaration of war, they attacked Yugoslavia.
The attack on Yugoslavia was a gross breach of Article 3 of the Hague
Convention of 18 October 1907, and of the Kellogg-Briand Pact of 27
August 1928. The Delegations of Great Britain and of the United States
have already submitted to the Tribunal a considerable number of
documents referring to the subject of the treacherous attack on
Yugoslavia. I have only to submit a few new proofs and to establish a
connection between these new documents and those already read into the
record. Official German documents enable us to reconstitute events with
exceptional vividness. In this case German pedantry turns against the
authors of the criminal plan.
On 27 March 1941 Adolf Hitler held a special conference regarding the
situation in Yugoslavia. On the same day he signed a top-secret
Directive 025, for the High Command (Oberbefehlshaber) only. Both
documents, filed under Document Number 1746-PS, are among the evidence
already accepted by the Tribunal.
Subparagraph 2 of Directive 025 has already been quoted in full in the
speech of the Chief Prosecutor for the U.S.S.R. The first subparagraph
of this document was also read into the record on 7 December 1945. I
should like to add a few more lines and read Paragraph 3 into the
record. This passage is on Page 337 of the document book. It states as
follows:
“In detail I order the following:
“a) As soon as the concentration of sufficient forces is
concluded and meteorological conditions permit, all Yugoslav
antiaircraft and Belgrade must be destroyed by continuous day
and night air attacks.
“b) If possible, simultaneously, but under no circumstances
sooner, Operation Marita must be started, with the primary
limited objective to seize the harbor of Salonika.”
I believe that three points should be stressed here:
1) The intention of carrying out the total destruction of the capital of
the state;
2) The correlation between the aggression against Yugoslavia and the
aggression against another country, Greece—the aggression against
Greece was coded, as the Tribunal knows, under the name of Operation
Marita;
3) The necessity to complete the concentration of German forces as well
as meteorological conditions were the factors that determined the time
limits for the attack.
As in all previous cases of criminal fascist aggression, we see one and
the same thing—the criminal intent of the predatory invader, treachery,
and cold calculation.
Preparations for the successive acts which had been carried on over a
very long period followed the customary Hitler routine, already
disclosed by the prosecutors: Fifth Column activities, the use of the
protection of the German minority as a slogan and the lying practice of
peaceable declarations combined with unceasing preparations for
invasion. As I have already stated, the preparation of the crime was
carried on over a very long period and followed the customary Hitler
routine already disclosed by the prosecutors.
On 27 March 1941, on the very day when Hitler signed Directive 025, he
personally conducted, in Berlin, a special conference on the situation
in Yugoslavia. The minutes of this conference were presented by the
United States Prosecution on 4 December 1945 as Document Number 1746-PS.
Other documents relating to this conference have also been registered
under the same number. At the conference, the objective was determined
with absolute precision and a plan of action was presented. You will,
Your Honors, find the passage I have quoted on Page 349.
Hitler declared:
“. . . we are not going to wait for any declarations of loyalty
by the new government, but to carry out all preparations for the
destruction of the Yugoslav armed forces and of Yugoslavia
itself as a national unit.
“. . . it is especially important from the political point of
view that the blow against Yugoslavia should be carried out with
the utmost violence and that its military destruction should be
effected with lightning speed.”
And a little further back in the document is stated:
“No diplomatic inquiries will be made and no ultimatum
presented. . . . The attack will start as soon as the necessary
supplies and troops are ready.”
Thus, Hitler was not in the least interested in the factual attitude of
one or the other Yugoslav Government toward Germany, but in the factual
destruction of Yugoslavia as a state; and he strove to accomplish this
destruction with cruelty and lightning speed.
The operational staff of the OKW, meticulously following Hitler’s
directive regarding a cruel and rapid destruction of Yugoslavia,
speedily worked out a detailed plan for co-ordinated operations of the
German and Italian Armies. It was issued as an official operational
directive dated 28 March 1941. I consider it essential to reread three
lines of this document, already submitted to the Tribunal under the same
Document Number 1746-PS. You will find it on Page 352 of the document
book. I read Paragraph 4 of this document into the record.
“. . . The German task is to attack Yugoslavia with the greatest
possible concentration of forces, to smash its armed forces and
destroy it as a state.”
I cannot but remind the Tribunal of the terminology used by Hitler and
the other fascist conspirators. Hitler said, “There can be no question
of sparing Poland.” He demanded, “Yugoslavia is to be eliminated as a
state, ruthlessly and with lightning speed.” Mercilessness,
ruthlessness, extermination of peoples and states: such was the style
and meaning of the actions of the fascist conspirators.
The aggression against Czechoslovakia, the attack on Poland, the desire
to destroy Yugoslavia, all these were links in the same chain. But the
chain does not end with these links.
The task of the next representative of the U.S.S.R. Prosecution will be
to show Your Honors that the fundamental purpose of these criminals, the
main link in the center of all of the Hitlerite conspiracies, was the
attack on the U.S.S.R.
The documents relating to the crimes against Yugoslavia will prove that,
in attacking that country, the fascist conspirators strictly followed
their customary methods. Even in detail they repeated their earlier
crimes perpetrated against Poland, Austria, and Czechoslovakia. Even in
case we did not know who actually organized the attack on Yugoslavia,
the very nature of the facts, the sequence of events, the manner in
which the crimes were perpetrated, would unmistakably indicate the
culprits.
I turn to Document USSR-36, (Exhibit Number USSR-36) under which number
I offer in evidence the Official Report of the Yugoslav Government.
The first section, entitled “The Systematic Preparation of the
Conspiracy for the Enslavement and the Destruction of Yugoslavia,”
contains a series of valuable information. I wish to cite that excerpt
from this document which you will find on Page 355 of the document book,
Paragraph 4 on Page 3 of the Russian text, 3rd paragraph from the top
reads:
“The Government of the Third Reich and the Hitlerite Party
secretly organized the German minority. Settled in Yugoslavia by
the Austrian emperors over a century ago, the Germans enjoyed as
brothers full rights and a cultural autonomy. They had their own
schools and their representatives in parliaments as well as in
the local government. They numbered half a million (that is
about three percent of the total population). From 1920 they had
their mass organization—the Swabian-German Cultural
Union—‘Kulturbund’ for short. And out of this very organization
and through it, as well as out of all the Germans in Yugoslavia,
the Nazi Party created a political and military organ for the
destruction of Yugoslavia.”
I believe I can skip several lines without loss and quote further:
“In Yugoslavia, the Nazi Gaue were secretly formed and Gauleiter
appointed. Under the guise of various physical training and
sport associations, Hitlerite units were organized half a
million strong. Numerous ‘tourists,’ ‘travellers,’
‘businessmen,’ and ‘relatives’ came from the Reich—in reality
they were Nazi instructors and organizers.”
I skip a number of details which can be disregarded, and pass to the
second paragraph of the same section on Page 4—that would be Page 356
in your document book—where the manner is described in which the Fifth
Column was further strengthened. I now shall read into the record
Paragraph 2, beginning with the second subparagraph: