I. Alleged Discrepancies with the Synoptic Narrative.

i. The Scene of the Ministry.

One of the most obvious differences between the Synoptic and the

Johannean narrative is that the scene of so much of the latter is laid

in Judaea and Jerusalem.

The first comment that we have to make upon this is that the difference

is not really so great or so significant as it seems. From both sides it

is subject to some discounting, from the side of St. John as well as

from that of the Synoptics.

I have already alluded to the fundamental mistake that is so often made

of judging the Gospel as though it were not a Gospel, but a biography.

If the author had been writing a biography like (e. g.) Mr. Morley’s

_Life of Gladstone_, he would have felt himself bound to cover the whole

of the ground. He would have had to sketch the whole of his hero’s

career. He would have had to observe a due proportion between its

different parts. If the hero had spent part of his life in England, and

part of it in the Colonies, each of these should have had justice done

to it. But the author of the Gospel was under no such obligation. His

object was not to write a complete and connected history. The Gospel is

not a history, but a series of scenes, chosen with a view to a

particular purpose of which I shall have to speak later. For that

purpose geography did not matter: it was quite indifferent whether the

scene was laid in Judaea or in Galilee. But there was a sub-current in

the author’s mind which led him to supplement the work of his

predecessors, and to notice some things which they had omitted. Perhaps

this was one of the reasons that led him to single out by preference

Judaean scenes. And perhaps those scenes really lent themselves better

to the object that he had in view. The simple peasants of Galilee needed

moral teaching; whereas the theologically minded inhabitants of Judaea

called out more of a theology. If the writer of the Gospel had his home

(or a home) at Jerusalem, it would be only natural that he would give

prominence to scenes enacted there. But in any case it is to be observed

that the Gospel by no means excludes a Galilean ministry, but rather

presupposes it.

We are expressly told (in iv. 44) of the reason which caused Jesus to

retire from Judaea to Galilee, and it is rather implied that the stay

there would be of considerable duration. (‘After the two days he went

forth from thence into Galilee. For Jesus himself testified, that a

prophet hath no honour in his own country.’) Again, in vii. 4, the

brethren of Jesus taunt Him with avoiding the head quarters of Judaism.

Their words imply that His work had been done in the obscurity of a

province (‘No man doeth anything in secret, and himself seeketh to be

known openly’). He had not as yet manifested Himself to the world.

On the other hand, when we come to examine the evidence of the Synoptics

we find that it too is by no means so clear as it might seem at first

sight. From the critical point of view what we have to deal with is not

our Gospels as we have them, but the original documents out of which

they are composed. Thus their evidence is really reduced to that of the

main document, which is common to all three and is practically identical

with our present Gospel of St. Mark. The second leading document,

commonly known as the _Logia_, was a collection (in the main) of sayings

with very few exact notes of place or time; and one or two allusions in

this would perhaps be better satisfied by a Judaean ministry. In any

case that would be true of the special source, or sources, of St. Luke.

For instance, the story of Mary and Martha (Luke x. 38-42) points to

Bethany; and parables like those of the Good Samaritan and the Pharisee

and the Publican would have more local colour if delivered in or near

Jerusalem.

Going back to the ground-document, we must remember that that too does

not profess to be a biography: it is in the strictest sense a Gospel,

the main object of which is to produce belief. If we may accept the

well-attested tradition as to its origin—that it was put together from

material supplied by the occasional preaching of St. Peter—completeness

and consecutiveness are not what we should look for. There can be little

doubt that this Gospel was really full of gaps, into which there is

nothing to prevent us from inserting such southward excursions as we

find described in the Fourth Gospel. It is true that there is something

rather strange in the fact that our Second Gospel should be so

predominantly taken up with Galilee. Nothing that we know quite serves

to explain this. But, however that may be, the unsolved problem has more

to do with St. Mark than with St. John.

The antecedent probabilities of the case are really in favour of St.

John’s narrative and not against it. It is not likely that a pious Jew

would neglect the command to appear before the Lord in Jerusalem.

Neither is it likely that a religious reformer would be content to work

and teach only in a province. ‘It cannot be that a prophet perish out of

Jerusalem’ (Luke xiii. 33) is a Synoptic saying; and it would be strange

if the prophet only went to Jerusalem to die. It may be true that some

of the traces of acquaintance with inhabitants of Judaea, such as the

owners of the ass requisitioned for the public entry into Jerusalem and

of the upper room in which the last Passover was eaten, might be

accounted for by visits paid to the south before the active ministry of

Jesus began. But this would not hold so well of cases like those of

Judas Iscariot and Joseph of Arimathaea, whose relation to Jesus is

associated with His religious work. Of course the proof is not decisive;

but both these and many other indications would be better satisfied if

the ministry had really been carried on in Judaea as well as Galilee. In

that case we should better understand why the Pharisees sent emissaries

to the north to watch what was going on (Mark iii. 22, vii. 1), and also

how events gradually led up to the final crisis; how the populace was

worked up to the enthusiasm which greeted the public entry, and how the

hostility of the rulers was deepened until it could be satisfied with

nothing short of death. If the Synoptic narrative had stood alone, the

catastrophe would be too sudden and abrupt.

ii. The Duration of the Ministry.

The question as to the length of our Lord’s ministry is allied to that

as to its place. As to this, however, I should not be prepared to speak

with quite so much confidence. Antecedently we have no sufficient means

of saying whether a period of a little over one year or a little over

two years would be more probable. Over such work a year is soon gone;

and the relation of the different Synoptic documents to each other seems

to show that all are but fragmentary and give an imperfect account of

the events. The plucking of the ears of corn (or ‘grain,’ Amer. R. V.)

has been taken to point to the occurrence of a Passover in the course of

the Galilean ministry, because it would be at Passover time that the

grain was beginning to ripen. We cannot press this very far; the

incident may have occurred (if we have not to work in the Johannean

narrative as well) near the beginning of the ministry.

On the other hand it is just possible that St. John’s story may be

compressed within the shorter limits. All turns on the reading of John

vi. 4, where it is well known that there is strong patristic evidence

for omitting ‘the Passover,’ so that this feast, like that in ver. 1,

would be unnamed. At the same time readings that rest entirely on

patristic quotations are notoriously precarious; and I should hesitate

as much to lay stress on this point as on the other. If I myself give

the preference to the Johannean reckoning, it would be not because I

thought that a clear case could be made out for it in itself, but only

on the ground of the general superiority of the Fourth Gospel in

chronological precision.

iii. The Cleansing of the Temple.

Another well-known difference is that as to the place assigned to the

cleansing of the Temple. In the Fourth Gospel this comes at the

beginning of the ministry, and in the Synoptic Gospels at the end.

Really the opposition is only between one document and another. The

three Synoptics have in this instance a single base, which is

practically our St. Mark. In matters of chronology the authority of this

document does not rank very high; so that on external grounds it is

possible enough that the Fourth Gospel should be preferred.

It is, however, often assumed that the internal grounds in this case

outweigh the external. It is held that so strong a measure as the

expulsion of the buyers and sellers could only fall in the later period,

when the tension between the two sides was reaching its climax and the

end was drawing near. I am not sure that this is not to exaggerate the

significance of the action. It is really very much in the spirit of the

Old Testament prophets. Compared (e. g.) to the slaughter of Baal’s

prophets by Elijah, it may well seem a small thing. I agree that the act

was in the strict sense Messianic rather than prophetic. This I think

comes out in the saying, ‘Make not my Father’s house a house of

merchandise’ (John ii. 16). And yet, when we remember that the Lord had

not long before come up from His baptism in the Jordan, and still had

the Divine Voice proclaiming His sonship as it were sounding in His ear,

it seems natural enough that He should mark the beginning of His

ministry by some emphatic act. The conscience of the bystanders would be

on His side, and one could well understand that they would be abashed

and make no defence, like the accusers of the woman taken in adultery.

For these reasons it seems to me that the inferiority of St. John’s

version is not so self-evident as is supposed. If it were, how was it

that the Evangelist came to change the accepted story as it reached him?

At the same time I quite allow that memory may have played him false.

The point is not really of any great importance, and I would not ask for

more than that the question should be kept open.

iv. The Date of the Last Supper and of the Crucifixion.

Few subjects connected with the Fourth Gospel are more difficult and

more complicated than this question of the date (i. e. the day of the

month) of the Last Supper and the Crucifixion. As the texts stand there

is a real difference between the dates assigned to these events in the

Synoptics and in the Fourth Gospel. There is agreement as to the day of

the week. In any case the Last Supper was eaten on the evening of

Thursday, and our Lord suffered on the afternoon of Friday. But

according to the Synoptics this Thursday would be Nisan 14, though on

the Jewish reckoning (which counted the days from sunset to sunset) the

Last Supper would fall on the beginning of Nisan 15. The Supper itself

would be the regular passover, and the Crucifixion will have taken place

after the passover. According to St. John we are expressly told that the

Last Supper was held ‘_before_ the passover’ (xiii. 1), on what we

should call the evening of Nisan 13, and the Jews the beginning of Nisan

14; and our Lord will have suffered on the afternoon of the following

day, that still belonged to Nisan 14, and His death will have taken

place at the time devoted to the slaughter of the Paschal lambs (3-5

p.m.).

It is said that this date is chosen for typological reasons, to identify

Christ as the true Paschal Lamb. If that is so, the Evangelist has at

least not said a word to emphasize the point, and to appreciate its

significance we have to go to St. Paul (1 Cor. v. 7, ‘For our passover

also hath been sacrificed, even Christ’). But the argument may just as

well be inverted, and St. Paul may be taken as corroborating the

statement in the Fourth Gospel. It is indeed, as I cannot but think in

this as in other cases, more probable that the fact gave rise to the

idea, than that the idea came first and was afterwards translated into

fact.

There does not, therefore, seem to be any real presumption against the

accuracy of the Fourth Gospel. Probably, if the truth were known, the

presumption so far as it went would be rather in its favour, from the

early date and excellent character of the evidence supplied by St. Paul.

But when we come to compare the two narratives in detail, the favourable

presumption is increased by the fact that, whereas the Fourth Gospel is

throughout entirely consistent with itself, the Synoptics are by no

means so consistent.

An interesting point was raised by the late Dr. Chwolson, an eminent

Russian _savant_, who was a great authority on things Jewish—he was a

Jew by birth, though he embraced Christianity, and became Professor at

St. Petersburg and a member of the Imperial Academy. In an elaborate

monograph, _Das letzte Passamahl Christi und der Tag seines Todes_ (St.

Petersburg, 1892), Dr. Chwolson tried with great learning and ingenuity

to bring the Synoptic narrative into harmony with that of St. John. The

attempt was carefully examined by Dr. Schürer[54], and I am not prepared

to say that it was successful. But I am not sure that one of the items

in Dr. Chwolson’s criticism of the Synoptic story was completely

disposed of, even though so formidable a triad as Schürer himself, H. J.

Holtzmann and Zahn agree in taking the other side. The three Synoptic

Gospels all place the Last Supper on the evening of ‘the first day of

unleavened bread, when they sacrificed the passover’ (Mark xiv. 12: cf.

Matt. xxvi. 17, Luke xxii. 7). Chwolson challenges the accuracy of this

expression and asserts that ‘From the Mosaic writings down to the Book

of Jubilees (chap. xlix), Philo, Flavius Josephus, the Palestinian

Targum ascribed to Jonathan ben Uziel, the Mishnah, the Talmud, the

Rabbinical writings of the Middle Ages, indeed down to the present day,

the Jews have always understood by the expression “the first day of the

feast of unleavened bread,” only the 15th of the month, never the 14th.’

There is something of an answer to this criticism; and it is perhaps

made good that by a laxity of expression the Synoptists might write as

they have done. Of course the fundamental text is that of St. Mark, and

Chwolson’s ingenious solution by emending the text of St. Matthew is so

much labour thrown away. Still the comprehensive statement as to Jewish

usage does not seem to be invalidated, and the laxity of expression

remains somewhat curious.

I can conceive it possible that the Synoptists may be brought into

closer agreement with St. John—perhaps on the lines of a paper by the

Rev. G. H. Box (_Journ. of Theol. Studies_, April, 1902), which I am

glad to see is spoken of with some approval by Dr. Drummond—on the

hypothesis that the meal of which our Lord and His disciples partook was

really the ceremony of _Kiddûsh_, a solemn ‘sanctification’ which

preceded the weekly Sabbath and great festivals like the Passover.

But in any case the Synoptic version is too much burdened by

contradictions to be taken as it stands. Many of these have been often

pointed out In Mark xiv. 2 (Matt. xxvi. 5) we are expressly told that

the Sanhedrin determined to arrest Jesus, but ‘not during the feast,’

lest there should be a tumult among the people. But, according to the

Synoptic account, it was on the most sacred day of the feast, and after

the Passover had been eaten, that the arrest was carried out. Further,

we observe that although the Last Supper is described as a Passover,

there is no hint or allusion to its most characteristic feature, the

paschal lamb. The events of the night would involve sacrilege for a

devout Jew. On such a holy day it was not allowed to bear arms; and yet

Peter is armed, and the servants of the High Priest, if not themselves

armed, accompany an armed party. Then we have the hurried meeting of the

Sanhedrin who, according to the Synoptic version, would have just risen

from the paschal meal. Jesus is taken to the _praetorium_ of the Roman

Governor, to enter which would cause defilement, and that on the most

sacred day of the feast. Simon of Cyrene is represented as coming in

from the country, which though perhaps not necessarily implying a

working day, looks more like it than a day treated as a sabbath. The

haste with which the bodies were taken down from the cross is accounted

for by the sanctity of a day that is about to begin, not of one that is

just ending (Mark xv. 42). If it had been the latter, Joseph of

Arimathaea could not have ‘bought’ the linen cloth in which the body was

laid.

We may add to the above a point specially brought out by Mr. Box. ‘In

all the accounts it is noticeable that _one_ cup only is mentioned which

was partaken of by _all_; whereas at the Passover a special point is

made of each man bringing his own cup to drink from.’

It seems on the whole to be safe to say that if the two accounts are to

be harmonized, it is not St. John who will need to be corrected from the

Synoptists, but the Synoptists who will have to be corrected by St.

John. And the result of the investigation on which we have been engaged

will be that, of the four points commonly alleged against the Gospel,

two are more or less clearly in its favour, and the remaining two are

not more than open questions on which either side may be right. Even if

the investigation had been more adverse than it is, it would by no means

have followed that the Fourth Gospel was not the work of an eye-witness:

but its position appears to be strengthened rather than the reverse.

The Criticism of the Fourth Gospel Eight Lectures on the Morse Foundation, Delivered in the Union Seminary, New York in October and November 1904 · 第 37 / 65 题