Count von Schlieffen, who proves to be as amiable a man as he is an able

Chief of the Staff, tells me that news reached the German Headquarters

this afternoon of a tremendous conflict between no fewer than five

Cavalry Divisions, three on the Russian side and two on the Austrian,

somewhere near Brod, on the Volhynian frontier—a conflict which

resulted, as it could scarcely otherwise have done from the relative

proportion of numbers, in the total defeat of the Austro-Hungarian

horsemen. The latter, it seems, were covering the movements of the 3d

Austrian Corps, which had been appointed to head an advance in the

direction of Dubno; and when they had been overthrown in a _mêlée_

which, in its colossal magnitude, recalled the mounted conflicts of the

Crusaders, the victorious Russians, rallying and reforming line, swept

down upon a detached portion of the Austrian infantry, regardless of the

smokeless volleys from the Mannlicher repeating rifle, and made awful

havoc among the sturdy men from the Steiermark, taking one whole

battalion prisoners, including, it is rumoured, the colonel of the

regiment, the 27th, who is none other than Count Hartenau, better known

as Prince Alexander of Battenberg, ex-Prince of Bulgaria—a wonderful

piece of luck, indeed, for the Russians, if the rumour proves true.

LATER.

Later despatches confirm the rumour of Prince Alexander’s capture by the

Russians, and add that, when the news became known at Dragomiroff’s

headquarters—which are said to be at Dubno—there was almost as much

jubilation as when the intelligence of Napoleon’s surrender flew like

wildfire around the German lines at Sedan.

The ex-Bulgarian Prince is to be sent to St. Petersburg, where rooms are

being already prepared for him at the Katherinenhof, and meanwhile he

has been allowed to retain his sword in order that his unforgiving and

exultant cousin, the Czar, may have the satisfaction of receiving it

from the humiliated captive’s own hands—a picture that will eclipse in

interest all the romantic incidents which have already marked the

Prince’s strangely chequered career.

NIGHT ATTACK BY THE RUSSIANS.

FIGHTING BY THE ELECTRIC LIGHT—ROUT OF GENERAL GOURKO—RETREAT UPON

WARSAW.

(_By Telegraph from our Special Correspondent, Mr. Charles Lowe._)

ALEXANDROVO, _May 7_, 5 A.M.

The German Army of the Vistula has just inflicted on the Russians

another Plevna, and they are now in full retreat towards Warsaw. Such,

in brief, is the result of the sanguinary night battle of which I have

just been a witness. The Russians were the first to practise night

attacks as a means of obviating the dreadful losses certain to result

from magazine-rifle fire during the day, but they will long have cause

to remember their first serious application of the nocturnal principle

of modern warfare.

By seven o’clock last night the 3d and 4th German Corps had completed

their concentration at and near this place, and, after extending the

lines of entrenchment begun by the 6th Division on capturing

Alexandrovo, had gone into fireless bivouac on both sides of the railway

line, their tents extending for about a couple of miles in either

direction. Several reconnaissances executed by us during the day had

elicited that the Russians were marshalling in great force at a place

called Waganiek, and were receiving reinforcements from the right bank

of the Vistula, by means of a pontoon bridge which had been thrown

across the stream a little higher up, at Dobrowniki; but, owing to the

dense masses of cavalry which hovered on their front, concealing their

movements as a stage curtain hides from view the shifting of the scenes

in a theatre, it was impossible for our scouts to bring back more

definite information. One item, however, of their intelligence, gathered

from a captured Cossack, had a special interest for us, to wit, that the

Russian forces immediately in front of us consisted mainly of the 5th

and 6th Corps, with part of the 4th (including the relics of

Grodnovodsky’s Brigade), and were under the personal command of General

Gourko, the hero of the Balkans. On the strength of this information it

was decided to attack Gourko before he got his preparations complete,

and for this purpose to break bivouac, and start in quest of him at the

dawn of day, as Prince Frederick Charles had done with Benedek at

Sadowa.

I had spent the evening with a particular friend of mine, Captain von

Jagdkönig, of Stülpnagel’s Brandenburg Infantry Regiment, and was just

on the point of setting out with him on a visit of inspection among the

fore-posts, when a Uhlan dashed up with the intelligence that there were

signs of a mysterious commotion in front, and that something was audible

in the otherwise noiseless night like the distant rumbling of waggon and

cannon wheels. Anon other messengers from the front came spurring in

with similar news, and as the general purport of all these ‘_Meldungen_’

could no longer be doubted, the bugles were at once set to work, and

presently all the silent bivouacs, taking up the shrilling war-note one

after the other, like the multiplication of a distant echo, were

resonant with the thrilling call to arms; and thanks to the severe

training in the discipline of ‘alarms’ which the German army has been

put through by the present Emperor since his accession to the throne,

the army of the Vistula had all started from its sleep and was standing

in perfect battle array, with its face to the suspected foe, within ten

minutes of the first trumpet summons.

The night was intensely dark, the moon having just gone down behind an

impenetrable bank of pitchy clouds, and all fighting seemed to be

utterly out of the question. Presently, however, the inky darkness all

around us was pierced, one may almost say scattered, by a sudden blaze

of light, which, appearing to possess all the illuminating power of the

mid-day sun, flashed lightning-like upon us its blinding beams from the

murky forehead of the midnight sky. ‘The electric light!’ ran from mouth

to mouth, after a moment’s bewildered pause, while every one

instinctively shaded his eyes from the glare of this all-irradiating and

all-penetrating lamp which modern Science had thus hung up to facilitate

the work of slaughter, as if the very sun refused to look any longer

upon human carnage. For some moments the more than mile-long rays of

this blinding ball of light, this detective bull’s-eye of modern

science, swept round the horizon in front of it, as if uncertain where

to fix its focus—now shooting beyond, now falling short of us, and anon

settling on us and suffusing us with a sea of dazzling light. Presently

another, and yet another such luminary burst forth from elevations of

pretty equal distances in front of us, and the process of their groping

about for our lines revealed to us dense masses of grey and dark-green

coated battalions picking their cautious way down the distant slopes in

front of us. For the electric light has this disadvantage, that in

flinging its beams about to discover the locality of foes, it frequently

at the same time unveils the whereabouts of friends. This was the case

here, but our gunners were on the alert, and next time the focus of the

light, in its jerky search-movement, fell on the Russian troops in the

course of their stealthy advance towards us, we opened the concert with

a screaming chorus of shells, accompanied by a rattling orchestration of

small-arms. Nor had we long to wait for the antiphone; for next time the

search-light managed to flood us with its blinding effulgence, the

Russian batteries, which had been planted on the same elevations, gave

lusty voice, and bellowed away at us in most leonine fashion, though

their projectiles, being aimed at much too long a range, flew high over

our heads and left us scatheless. Not so, however, the rifle-rain of our

enemies, which, first in intermittent showers, and then in a steady

downpour, began to fall among our ranks with deadly effect; and the word

was passed from flank to flank for all the infantry to lie down and

court the shelter of our field entrenchments, which crested the ridge of

our line of battle.

Between us and the Russian infantry there intervened a depression in the

ground, a little deeper than that which separates Mont St. Jean from

Belle Alliance; but what enhanced the value of this ground to our foes

was the fact that their batteries in the rear, planted as they were on

the electric light elevations overlooking the terrain, could fire over

the heads of their infantry till the latter was pretty well within

storming distance of our position, much in the same way as the guns of

the 6th Division had been able to do the other day on the occasion of

our first engagement, which resulted in the capture of Alexandrovo.

The Russians advanced against us with a steady, stolid courage worthy of

the men who had essayed to capture the Sand Bag Battery and storm the

redoubts of Plevna; and as the fitful flashes of the electric light

revealed to us, for a few moments at a time, their dense battalions

advancing and deploying into the fighting-lines demanded by modern

tactics and the rules of fire-discipline, I could not help thinking of

that cold and dark November morning when, without the aid of the

electric light, they crowded to their doom, with the same dreadnought

and devoted bravery, up the slippery slopes of Inkerman.

It was not long before the roar of the cannon on both sides became

outvoiced almost by the reverberating rattle of musketry, which was all

the more bewildering, as only the very faintest flashes of flame from

the smokeless powder of both sides served to indicate the exact position

of the opposing lines of infantry fire; and it was only when a new turn

of the electric light (which, by-the-bye, might have changed the course

of Egyptian history, had Arabi enjoyed the advantage of it at

Tel-el-Kebir) registered the progress of the Russian advance, that we

could make out the development of a battle in which unity of command was

simply impossible, and each captain had to be his own general officer.

The development of a modern battle is a very slow process, and this one

was doubly so from the fact, due to the utter darkness in which each

side was occasionally enveloped, that there was much random and

ineffective firing on both parts. But there came a point of time in the

Russian advance when the manipulators of their electric lights found it

impossible to illumine our lines without also including the Russians

within the Asmodean sweep of their rays, and then it was that our men,

seizing their opportunity, plied their magazine rifles with infernal

industry and effect.

But this opportunity did not last long, for suddenly the four midnight

suns of Science, of far more dazzling splendour than the tourist orbs of

the North Cape, which had been rendering possible the work of slaughter,

disappeared from our firmament as completely as if they had been blazing

torches plunged into a pool of ink; and their disappearance was followed

by a brief period of almost painful silence which overspread the broad

and lengthy field of battle.

We never doubted that this pall of pitchy darkness had thus been

suddenly thrown around the battlefield to enable our foes to make

another rush towards us, unimpeded by the accurate aim of shell and

bullet; and a curious thrill, half of pleasure, half of undefined dread,

went shooting through our veins when, as we were listening intently,

peering into the impenetrable darkness beyond, our ears were struck by a

faint peculiar tinkling as if of jangled metal rods, and the meaning

thereof at once became clear to us. The Russians were fixing bayonets,

preparatory to a charge on our position; and the sound was quickly

answered by the loud and stern command: ‘_Aufpflanzen!_’ which ran all

along our lines, and was likewise followed by a repetition, on our side,

of the clinking and sharp clicking above alluded to.

Scarcely had silence in the ranks been again restored when another

order: ‘Load for magazine-fire!’ rang out in stentorian tones, and at

the same time, almost, the electric lights were again flashed full upon

us, converting darkness into open day, and showing us the Russians

striding swiftly towards us in successive irregular waves of

ever-increasing volume, the nearest to us being hardly more than a

hundred and fifty yards off. On they came firing all the way, equally

regardless of the awful volcanoes of shrapnel which our batteries

belched forth against them and of the terrific torrent of our small-bore

bullets, aimed from behind the comparative shelter of field-trench

parapets, which incessantly tore through their stolid ranks, mowing them

down and massacring them by thousands. It was impossible for them to

preserve anything like their proper formation under these trying

circumstances, and disorder was spreading rapidly among their irregular

ranks; but the swaying, struggling masses of the grey and green-coated

soldiery of the Czar still came surging stubbornly up the slope, ever

lessening the distance between them and our entrenchments, till the

moment at last seemed come when they should hurl themselves upon us and

try conclusions with the cold steel. And then, as if by instinct more

than pre-concert, the whole surging masses raised a tremendous shout,

and rushed full upon us with the bayonet.

But when only about twenty paces in front of us, their onward career was

suddenly stopped short by some invisible barrier, which made them crowd

upon each other like penned cattle, passive targets for the bullets of

our repeating rifles that rained upon them thick and fast as hail,

knocking them over like so many rabbits in a ride. This barrier, which

thus strangely stemmed the rush of their storming tide, was composed of

fencing wire of several coils, strongly stretched and impaled, which had

been run along all the front of our entrenched lines as an additional

measure of defence against the contingency of such an attack, and formed

one of the most recent innovations in the field warfare of the

Germans—an innovation which had commended itself to the Emperor, who

himself put it to a practical and approved test at the autumn manœuvres

of last year.

A yell of savage fury rose from the storming columns of the Russians,

who had thus been stopped in their career and baulked of their objective

in this most bloody and calamitous manner; and though the impact of

succeeding waves of assailants soon levelled all the wire fencing with

the ground, still the mass momentum of their charge had been diminished,

their dogged courage had also been shaken by the busy doings of Death

among their huddled ranks during their temporary check; but worst of

all, before the Russians could recover the force of their forward rush,

the Germans were out of their entrenchments and upon them with the

bayonet.

A few moments of grim and ghastly hand-to-hand fighting then ensued—and

let it never after this be said that the bayonet has been entirely

supplanted by the bullet; but I had only time to observe that Gourko’s

brave,—I was almost going to say indomitable,—troops were beginning to

waver, to go down, to yield before the forceful push of the Teutonic

pike, when suddenly again the electric lights of the Russians were

turned off, and the dark curtain of night, in mercy to the vanquished,

fell upon the bloody drama.

Pursuit by the Germans in such circumstances was quite impossible, but,

recovering their ranks with singular precision, they sent salvo after

salvo of artillery and musketry in the direction of the retreating foe,

until the ‘Cease firing’ was sounded all along our victorious line as

the faint and startled dawn began to blush—as if for very shame at such

infernal work; and the bugle-sounds were supplemented by the shrill

whistles of the company commanders, reminding me of the days when I

loved to listen to the clear piping of the darting water-ousel among the

rocky streams of the Grampians, amid scenes unsullied by the bloody hand

of war.

When the day broke the results of the nocturnal battle revealed

themselves in all their ghastly horrors; but, beyond saying that about

10,000 dead and wounded Russians lay in front of our extended lines, and

nearly a third of that number of Germans in and about our own

entrenchments, I will not disgust your readers with a realistic

description of the ghastliness of the battlefield—the first of its kind,

and one which has resulted from an endeavour to neutralise, or at least

minimise, the destructive effects of the murderous magazine-rifle.

REPULSE OF THE GERMAN ARMY.

(_By Telegraph from our Special Correspondent, Mr. Charles Lowe._)

ALEXANDROVO, _May 5_, 7 P.M.

This first great victory of ours over the Russians has been somewhat

damped by the news, just received, that our army of Silesia, which had

begun to marshal around Czenstochau preparatory to a further push

forward, has suffered a rather serious reverse at the hands of the Grand

Duke Vladimir, commanding the 14th and 15th Russian Corps d’Armée, who

fell upon Prince George of Saxony before he had completed his

concentration, and compelled him to fall back.

On hearing, however, of Gourko’s crushing defeat by us, and his retreat

towards Warsaw, the Grand Duke Vladimir, like the victorious Wellington

at Quatre-Bras (who desired to effect a junction with Blücher, on the

latter being worsted by the French at Ligny), resolved to forego the

immediate fruits of his triumph and retire to a point that would enable

him to join hands with the retreating Gourko, and thus give combined

battle to the Germans. This point will probably be Skierniwiçe, the

junction-point of the railway lines from Alexandrovo and Czenstochau to

Warsaw, famous in modern history as the pacific meeting-place of the

three Emperors and their Chancellors several years ago.

Skierniwiçe, therefore, will probably be the Waterloo of the

Russo-German portion of the campaign, whoever proves its Wellington; but

Skierniwiçe is very much further from Alexandrovo and Czenstochau than

Quatre-Bras and Ligny were from Mont St. Jean, and some little time,

therefore, must necessarily yet elapse before I shall have it in my

power to chronicle the Waterloo of the present war.

EXCITEMENT IN BRUSSELS.

(_By Telegraph from our Special Correspondent._)

BRUSSELS, _May 5_.

Brussels to-day is rent by conflicting emotions. Frenzied rage, poignant

anxiety, and boiling excitement are struggling not so much for mastery

as for satisfactory expression. The news of the forthcoming occupation

of Antwerp by a British Army Corps has not been received here with

expressions of unmixed satisfaction. The very fact that the negotiations

were kept wholly secret, with the result that the announcement of so

important a decision first reached us through the public report of the

debate in the House of Commons, has, whether justly or otherwise matters

not, set a vast number of well meaning people by the ears. When the news

reached Brussels yesterday it produced an extravagant sensation which

grew as the night advanced. By tacit consent people refused to go to

bed—clubs and cafés were kept open till morning, and all through the

principal thoroughfares the noise of heated discussions might be heard

in full blast round the tables outside the cafés and at every street

corner. A large section of the population, in which ranked many of the

better classes, were greatly incensed against the King’s Government. ‘It

is not astonishing,’ they said, ‘that the measure was kept secret;

otherwise the people would never have permitted so infamous a traffic!’

All the old arguments of 1859 and the half dozen succeeding years were

revived, and in every group of angry disputants the name of Adelson

Castiau continually recurrent, was flung passionately on the night with

every varied accent of which the human voice is capable. ‘_Il l’a bien

dit, Castiau._ He knew, he foresaw what must happen, and idiots that we

were, we would not listen.’ This was the prevailing cry.

It must be explained that M. Adelson Castiau—who is just at present

given posthumous rank as a hero and patriot—was an eminent lawyer and

ex-deputy, who, from the first, vehemently opposed the fortification of

Antwerp. From the day when in 1859 a committee of twenty-seven officers

were appointed to discuss the subject until the completion of the

immense work some six years later, M. Castiau waged war against the

scheme. He spoke, wrote, organised committees, and headed deputations

protesting against the plan. His argument was that, from a military

point of view, the project involved in principle the abandonment of the

country and a shameful flight by the army towards the ‘Polders de

l’Escaut,’ where certainly no one would ever come to molest it, but

would be quite content to leave it to be destroyed by marsh fevers. The

fortification of Antwerp, he said later, meant the destruction of our

neutrality. Antwerp offers to-day, with her forty kilometres of

heavily-armed works, her citadel and her dozen attached forts, a

standing invitation to invasion. It was handing over the country to the

first comer, and building up one of the finest military and commercial

positions in the world, only for the benefit of England, which had

coveted it for over a century.

And to-day the good people of Brussels, and, I fear of Belgium

generally, are regretfully recalling his words and indorsing his

opinion. Hence the frenzied rage of which I have spoken leaping

flame-like all the length of the Boulevards.

BRUSSELS, _May 7_, 10 A.M.

[Illustration:

BRITISH TROOPS IN THE PLACE VERTE, ANTWERP.

]

I have just heard that the British Army Corps, under Sir Evelyn Wood,

has reached Antwerp, and that disembarkation is rapidly going forward.

Until the transports with their escort of cruisers and torpedo boats

actually steamed up the river, people here affected to believe that they

would not come. Chatterers in the clubs boasted loudly that the wind of

popular opinion would drive the English vessels back from the shores of

the Scheldt. The obvious absurdity of this anticipation is but

emphasised by the fact that the worthy Antwerpers have received the

invaders, if not with enthusiasm, at any rate with a demeanour at once

friendly and business-like. Telegrams in the clubs here comment rather

bitterly on the fact, that instead of visiting them with haughty

resentment, the townsfolk are doing a lively trade with the alien

soldiers in light beers and other cheap beverages, which the troops are

freely purchasing beneath the Rubens Statue in the Place Verte, where

they are being rendezvoused before proceeding to their billets.

The fear has now grown into dread certainty that what we have always

expected is about to happen. France intends to invade Belgium, and we

have before us the prospect of another Waterloo. Why have the German

troops delayed? It has been set forth again and again by strategists

that Germany’s most obvious plan would be to concentrate her Army Corps

of the North upon the Belgian frontier of France, that it would

therefore be to her advantage either to make use of the two railway

lines which, from Cologne and Aix-la-Chapelle, run to Luxembourg,

Thionville, and Virton—one by way of Trèves and the other by

Verviers—or, and by this even more important results might be obtained,

she might combine with this movement the seizure of the line of the

Meuse, when, by debouching a part of her forces by Chimay into the

Entre-Sambre-et-Meuse, she would be able to attack in flank the French

forces engaged in preventing the Northern Army Corps forcing the passage

of the Meuse between Dun and Mezières.

The Great War of 189-: A Forecast · 第 6 / 23 段