Siouan Sociology
A Posthumous Paper - Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to
the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1893-1894, Government
Printing Office, Washington, 1897, pages 205-244
by James Owen Dorsey
Edition 1, (October 10, 2006)
In 1871, at the age of 23, James Owen Dorsey, previously a student of
divinity with a predilection for science, was ordained a deacon of the
Protestant Episcopal church by the bishop of Virginia; and in May of that
year he was sent to Dakota Territory as a missionary among the Ponka
Indians. Characterized by an amiability that quickly won the confidence of
the Indians, possessed of unbounded enthusiasm, and gifted with remarkable
aptitude in discriminating and imitating vocal sounds, he at once took up
the study of the native language, and, during the ensuing two years,
familiarized himself with the Ponka and cognate dialects; at the same time
he obtained a rich fund of information concerning the arts, institutions,
traditions, and beliefs of the Indians with whom he was brought into daily
contact. In August, 1873, his field work was interrupted by illness, and
he returned to his home in Maryland and assumed parish work, meantime
continuing his linguistic studies. In July, 1878, he was induced by Major
Powell to resume field researches among the aborigines, and repaired to
the Omaha reservation, in Nebraska, under the auspices of the Smithsonian
Institution, where he greatly increased his stock of linguistic and other
material. When the Bureau of Ethnology was instituted in 1879, his
services were at once enlisted, and the remainder of his life was devoted
to the collection and publication of ethnologic material, chiefly
linguistic. Although most of his energies were devoted to the Siouan
stock, he studied also the Athapascan, Kusan, Takilman, and Yakonan
stocks; and while his researches were primarily linguistic, his
collections relating to other subjects, especially institutions and
beliefs, were remarkably rich. His publications were many, yet the greater
part of the material amassed during his years of labor remains for
elaboration by others. The memoir on "Siouan Sociology," which was
substantially ready for the press, is the only one of his many manuscripts
left in condition for publication. He died in Washington, February 4,
1895, of typhoid fever, at the early age of 47.
WJM.
ALPHABET
a, as in _father_.
'a, an initially exploded a.
a, as in _what_, or as _o_ in _not_.
'a, an initially exploded a.
ae, as in _hat_.
c, as _sh_ in _she_. See s.
{~LATIN SMALL LETTER OPEN O~}, a medial _sh_, a sonant-surd
c (Dakota letter), as _ch_ in _church_.
c, as _th_ in _thin_.
{~LATIN SMALL LETTER OPEN O~}{~COMBINING ACUTE ACCENT~}, a medial c, sonant-surd.
c, as _th_ in _the_.
e, as in _they_.
'e, an initially exploded e.
e, as in _get_.
'e, an initially exploded e.
g, as in _go_.
g (in Dakota), _gh_. See x.
{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED H~} (in Osage), an h after a pure or nasalized vowel, expelled through the
mouth with the lips wide apart.
h (in Dakota), _kh_, etc. See q.
i, as in _machine_.
'i, an initially exploded i.
i, as in _pin_.
j, as _z_ in _azure_, or as _j_ in the French _Jacques_.
{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED K~}, a medial k, a sonant-surd,
k', an exploded k. See next letter.
k (in Dakota), an exploded k.
{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED M~} (in Kansa), a medial m, a sound between m and b.
n (in Dakota), after a vowel has the sound of _n_ in the French _bon_. See
[n].
n, as _ng_ in _sing_.
hn, its initial sound is expelled from the nostrils and is scarcely heard.
o, as in _no_.
'o, an initially exploded o.
*d*, a medial b or p, a sonant-surd.
p', an exploded p.
q, as German _ch_ in _ach_. See h.
*s*, a medial z or s, a sonant-surd.
s (in Dakota), as _sh_ in _she_. See c.
{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}, a medial d or t, a sonant-surd.
t', an exploded t.
u, as _oo_ in _tool_.
'u, an initially exploded u.
u, as _oo_ in _foot_.
u{~COMBINING MACRON BELOW~}, a sound between o and u.
ue, as in German _kuehl_, _suess_.
x, _gh_, or nearly the Arabic _ghain_. See g.
z (in Dakota), as _z_ in _azure_. See j.
dj, as _j_ in _judge_.
tc, as _ch_ in _church_. See c.
tc', an exploded tc.
{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}{~LATIN SMALL LETTER OPEN O~}, a medial tc, a sonant-surd.
ts', an exploded ts.
{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}s, a medial ts, a sonant-surd.
ai, as in _aisle_.
au, as _ow_ in _how_.
yu, as _u_ in _tune_, or _ew_ in _few_.
The following have the ordinary English sounds: b, d, h, k, l, m, n, p, r,
s, t, w, y, and z. A superior n (n) after a vowel (compare the Dakota n)
has the sound of the French n in _bon_, _vin_, etc. A plus sign (+) after
any letter prolongs it.
The vowels 'a, 'e, 'i, 'o, 'u, and their modifications are styled
initially exploded vowels for want of a better appellation, there being in
each case an initial explosion. These vowels are approximately or
partially pectoral sounds found in the Siouan languages and also in some
of the languages of western Oregon and in the language of the Hawaiian
islands.
CONTENTS
GENERAL FEATURES OF ORGANIZATION
THE DAKOTA TRIBES
DESIGNATION AND MODE OF CAMPING
THE MDEWAKANTONWAN
THE WAQPE-KUTE
THE WAQPE-TONWAN OR WAHPETON
THE SISITONWAN OR SISSETON
THE IHANKTONWAN OR YANKTON
THE IHANKTONWANNA OR YANKTONAI
THE TITONWAN OR TETON
TRIBAL DIVISIONS
THE SITCANXU
THE ITAZIPTCO
THE SIHA-SAPA OR BLACKFEET
THE MINIKOOJU
THE OOHE-NONPA OR TWO KETTLES
THE OGLALA
THE HUNKPAPA
DAKOTA SOCIAL CUSTOMS
THE ASINIBOIN
THE OMAHA
THE PONKA
THE QUAPAW OR KWAPA
THE KANZE OR KANSA
THE OSAGE
THE IOWA
THE OTO
THE NI-U'-T'A-TCI OR MISSOURI
THE HOTCANGARA OR WINNEBAGO
THE MANDAN
THE HIDATSA
THE CROW OR ABSAROKA
THE BILOXI
THE TUTELO
THE CATAWBA
ILLUSTRATIONS
FIG. 30.--Sisseton and Wahpeton camping circle.
FIG. 31.--Sisseton camping circle.
FIG. 32.--Sitcanxu camping circle.
FIG. 33.--Oglala camping circle.
FIG. 34.--Omaha camping circle.
FIG. 35.--Inke-sabe gentile assembly. A, The Wacigije, Maze or Whorl, or
Wagnbe-gaxe-aka, He-who-acts-mysteriously. B, The Watanzi-jide-cataji,
Those-who-eat-no-red-corn.
FIG. 36.--Ponka camping circle.
FIG. 37.--Kansa camping circle.
FIG. 38.--Osage camping circle.
SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY
BY JAMES OWEN DORSEY
GENERAL FEATURES OF ORGANIZATION
In the study of the organization of societies, units of different orders
are discovered. Among the tribes of the Siouan family the primary unit is
the clan or gens, which is composed of a number of consanguinei, claiming
descent from a common ancestor and having common taboos; the term clan
implying descent in the female line, while gens implies descent in the
male line. Among the Dakota, as among the cegiha and other groups, the man
is the head of the family.
Several of the Siouan tribes are divided into two, and one (the Osage) is
divided into three subtribes. Other tribes are composed of phratries, and
each subtribe or phratry comprises a number of gentes. In some tribes each
gens is made up of subgentes, and these in turn of a lower order of
groups, which are provisionally termed sections for want of a better
designation. The existence of these minor groups among the Omaha has been
disputed by some, though other members of the tribe claim that they are
real units of the lowest order. Among the Teton many groups which were
originally sections have become gentes, for the marriage laws do not
affect the original phratries, gentes, and subgentes.
The state, as existing among the Siouan tribes, may be termed a kinship
state, in that the governmental functions are performed by men whose
offices are determined by kinship, and in that the rules relating to
kinship and reproduction constitute the main body of the recognized law.
By this law marriage and the mutual rights and duties of the several
members of each body of kindred are regulated. Individuals are held
responsible, chiefly to their kindred; and certain groups of kindred are
in some cases held responsible to other groups of kindred. When other
conduct, such as the distribution of game taken in the forest or fish from
the waters, is regulated, the rules or laws pertaining thereto involve, to
a certain extent, the considerations of kinship.
The legislative, executive, and judicative functions have not been
differentiated in Indian society as found among the Siouan groups. Two
tendencies or processes of opposite character have been observed among the
tribes, viz, consolidation and segregation. The effects of consolidation
are conspicuous among the Omaha, Kansa, Osage, and Oto, while segregation
has affected the social organization among the Kansa, Ponka, and Teton.
There have been instances of emigration from one tribe to another of the
same linguistic family; and among the Dakota new gentes have been formed
by the adoption into the tribe of foreigners, i.e., those of a different
stock.
Two classes of organization are found in the constitution of the state,
viz, (1) major organizations, which relate directly to government, and (2)
minor organizations, which relate only indirectly to government. The
former embraces the state functionaries, the latter comprises
corporations.
Although the state functionaries are not clearly differentiated, three
classes of such men have been recognized: chiefs, policemen or soldiers,
and young men or "the common people." The chiefs are the civil and
religious leaders of the masses; the policemen are the servants of the
chiefs; the young men are such as have not distinguished themselves in war
or in any other way. These last have no voice in the assembly, which is
composed of the chiefs alone. Among the Omaha there is no military class,
yet there is a war element which is regulated by the Elk gens. The cixida
gens and part of the Nika*d*a{~LATIN SMALL LETTER OPEN O~}na gens of the Ponka tribe are considered to
be the warriors of the tribe, though members of other gentes have
participated in war. In the Kansa tribe two gentes, the Large Hanga and
the Small Hanga, form the phratry connected with war, though warriors did
not necessarily belong to those gentes alone. In the Osage camping circle
all the gentes on the right side are war gentes, but the first and second,
reckoning from the van, are the soldiers or policemen; while all the
gentes camping on the left are associated with peace, though their first
and second gentes, reckoning from the van, are policemen or soldiers.
Among the Omaha both officers and warriors must be taken from the class of
"young men," as the chiefs are afraid to act as leaders in war; and among
both the Omaha and the Ponka the chiefs, being the civil and religious
leaders of the people, can not serve as captains, or even as members, of
an ordinary war party, though they may fight when the whole tribe engages
in war. Among the Dakota, however, chiefs have led in time of war.
Corporations among the Siouan tribes are minor organizations, indirectly
related to the government, though they do not constitute a part of it. The
Omaha, for instance, and perhaps other tribes of the family, are organized
into certain societies for religious, industrial, and other ends. There
are two kinds of societies, the brotherhoods and the feasting
organizations. The former are the dancing societies, to some of which the
physicians belong.
Social classes are undifferentiated. Any man can win a name and rank in
the section, gens, phratry, tribe, or nation by bravery in war or by
generosity in the bestowal of presents and the frequent giving of feasts.
While there are no slaves among the Siouan tribes, there are several kinds
of servants in civil, military, and religious affairs.
THE DAKOTA TRIBES
DESIGNATION AND MODE OF CAMPING
The Dakota call themselves Otceti cakowin (Oceti sakowin(1)), The Seven
Fireplaces or Council-fires. This designation refers to their original
gentes, the Mdewakantonwan (Mdewakan-tonwan), Waqpekute (Wahpe-kute),
Waqpe-tonwan (Wahpetonwan), Sisitonwan (Sisitonwan), Ihank-tonwan
(Ihanktonwan), Ihank-tonwanna (Ihanktonwanna), and Titonwan (Titonwan).
They camped in two sets of concentric circles, one of four circles,
consisting probably of the Mdewakantonwan, Waqpe-kute, Waqpe-tonwan and
Sisitonwan; and the other of three circles, including the Ihanktonwan,
Ihanktonwanna, and Titonwan, as shown by the dialectal resemblances and
variations as well as by the relative positions of their former habitats.
THE MDEWAKANTONWAN
The Mdewakantonwan were so called from their former habitat, Mdewakan, or
Mysterious lake, commonly called Spirit lake, one of the Mille Lacs in
Minnesota. The whole name means Mysterious Lake village, and the term was
used by De l'Isle as early as 1703. The Mdewakantonwan were the original
Santee, but the white people, following the usage of the Ihanktonwan,
Ihanktonwanna, and Titonwan, now extend that name to the Waqpekute,
Waqpetonwan, and Sisitonwan. The gentes of the Mdewakantonwan are as
follows:(2)
1. Kiyuksa, Breakers (of the law or custom); so called because members of
this gens disregarded the marriage law by taking wives within the gens.
2. Qe-mini-tcan (He-mini-can) or Qemnitca (Hemnica), literally,
"Mountain-water-wood;" so called from a hill covered with timber that
appears to rise out of the water. This was the gens of Red Wing, whose
village was a short distance from Lake Pepin, Minnesota.
3. Kap'oja (Kap{~COMBINING DOT BELOW~}oza), Not encumbered-with-much-baggage; "Light Infantry."
"Kaposia, or Little Crow's village," in Minnesota, in 1852.
4. Maxa-yute-cni (Maga-yute-'sni), Eats-no-geese.
5. Qeyata-otonwe (Heyata-otonwe), of-its-chief-Hake-wacte (Hake waste);
Qeyata-tonwan (Heyata-tonwan) of Reverend A.L. Riggs,
Village-back-from-the-river.
6. Oyate-citca (Oyate sica), Bad nation.
7. Tinta-otonwe (Tinta-otornwe), of Hake-wacte, or Tinta tonwan
(Tintatonwan) of A.L. Riggs, Village on-the-prairie (tinta).
These seven gentes still exist, or did exist as late as 1880.
THE WAQPE-KUTE
The name waqpe-kute is derived from waqpe (wahpe), leaf, and kute, to
shoot at, and signifies Shooters-among-the-leaves, i.e., among the
deciduous trees, as distinguished from Wazi-kute,
Shooters-at-or-among-the-pines. The gentes exist, but their names have not
been recorded.
THE WAQPE-TONWAN OR WAHPETON
The name of this people signifies Yillage-among-the-leaves (of deciduous
trees), the gens being known to the whites as Leaf Village or Wahpeton.
The gentes of this people, as given in 1884 by Reverend Edward Ashley, are
the following:
[Illustration: FIG. 30.--Sisseton and Wahpeton camping circle.]
FIG. 30.--Sisseton and Wahpeton camping circle.
13. Inyan-tceyaka-atonwan (Inyan-ceyaka-atonwan),
Village-at-the-dam-or-rapids.
14. Takapsin-tonwanna (Takapsin-tonwanna), Village-at-the-shinny-ground.
15. Wiyaka-otina, Dwellers-on-the-sand (wiyaka).
16. Oteqi-atonwan (Otehi-atonwan),Village-in-the-thicket (otehi).
17. Wita-otina, Dwellers-on-the-island (wita).
18. Wakpa-atonwan (Wakpa-atonwan), Village-on-the-river.
19. Tcan-kaxa-otina (Can-kaga-otina), Dwellers-in-log (-huts?).
The numbers prefixed to the names of these gentes denote their respective
places in the camping circle of the Sisseton and Wahpeton, as shown in
figure 30.
THE SISITONWAN OR SISSETON
It is evident that the Sisseton were formerly in seven divisions, the
Wita-waziyata-otina and the Ohdihe being counted as one; the Basdetce-cni
and Itokaq-tina as another; the Kaqmi-atonwan, Maniti, and Keze as a
third, and the Tizaptan and Okopeya as a fifth. When only a part of the
tribe journeyed together, the people camped in the following manner: The
Amdo-wapuskiyapi pitched their tents between the west and north, the
Wita-waziyata-otina between the north and east, the Itokaq-tina between
the east and south, and the Kap'oja between the south and west. The
following are the Sisseton gentes (figure 31):
1. Wita-waziyata-otina, Village-at-the-north-island.
2. Ohdihe (from ohdihan, to fall into an object endwise). This gens is an
offshoot of the Wita-waziyata-otina.
3. Basdetce-cni (Basdece-sni), Do-not-split (the body of a
buffalo)-with-a-knife (but cut it up as they please).
4. Itokaq-tina (Itokali-tina), Dwellers-at-the-south (itokaga). These are
an offshoot of the Basdetce-cni.
5. Kaqmi-atonwan (Kalimi-atonwan), Village-at-the-bend (kalimin).
6. Mani-ti, Those-who-camp (ti)-away-from-the-village. An offshoot of the
Kaqmi-atonwan.
7. Keze, Barbed-like-a-fishhook. An offshoot of the Kaqmi-atonwan.
8. Tcan-kute (Can kute), Shoot-in-the-woods (among the deciduous trees); a
name of derision. These people, according to Ashley, resemble the Keze,
whom he styles a "cross clan."
9. Ti-zaptan (Ti-zaptan), Five-lodges.
10. Okopeya, In-danger. An offshoot of the Ti-zaptan.
11. Kap'oja (Kapoza), Those-who-travel-with-light-burdens. (See number 3
of the Mdewakantonwan.)
12. Amdo-wapuskiyapi, Those-who-lay-meat-on-their-shoulders
(amdo)-to-dry-it (wapuskiya)-during-the-hunt.
[Illustration: FIG. 31.--Sisseton camping circle.]
FIG. 31.--Sisseton camping circle.
THE IHANKTONWAN OR YANKTON
The Yankton and Yanktonai speak the Yankton dialect, which has many words
in common with the Teton.
In 1878 Walking Elk wrote the names of the Yankton gentes in the following
order: 1, Tcan-kute (Can kute), Shoot-in-the-woods; 2, Tcaxu (Cagu),
Lights or lungs; 3, Wakmuha-oin (Wakmuha oin),Pumpkin-rind-earring; 4,
Ihaisdaye, Mouth-greasers; 5, Watceunpa (Waceunpa), Roasters; 6, Ikmun
(Ikmun), An animal of the cat kind (lynx, panther, or wildcat); 7,
Oyate-citca (Oyate-sica), Bad-nation; 8, Wacitcun-tcintca (Wasican-cinca)
(a modern addition), Sons-of-white-men, the "Half-blood band." But in 1891
Reverend Joseph W. Cook, who has been missionary to the Yankton since
1870, obtained from several men the following order of gentes (ignoring
the half-bloods): On the right side of the circle were, 1, Iha isdaye; 2,
Wakmuha-oin; 3, Ikmun. On the left side of the circle were, 4, Watceunpa;
5, Tcan-kute; 6, Oyate-citca; and, 7, Tcaxu.
THE IHANKTONWANNA OR YANKTONAI
The Yanktonai are divided into the Upper and Lower Yanktonai, the latter
being known as the Hunkpatina, Those-camping-at-one-end (or
"horn")-of-the-tribal-circle.
The Upper Yanktonai geutes are as follows: 1, Tcan-ona (Can ona),
Shoot-at-trees, or Wazi-kute, Shooters-among-the-pines; from these the
Ho-he or Asiniboin have sprung. 2, Takini, Improved-in-condition (as a
lean animal or a poor man). 3, Cikcitcena (Siksicena),
Bad-ones-of-different-sorts. 4, Bakihon (Bakihon),
Gash-themselves-with-knives. 5, Kiyuksa, Breakers (of the law or custom);
see Mdewakantonwan gens number 1. 6, Pa-baksa, Cut-heads; some of these
are on Devils Lake reservation, North Dakota. 7, Name forgotten.
The following are the gentes of the Lower Yanktonai, or Hunkpatina: 1,
Pute-temini, Sweat-lips; the gens of Maxa-bomdu or Drifting Goose. 2,
Gun-iktceka (Sun ikceka), Common dogs. 3, Taquha-yuta (Tahuha-yuta),
Eat-the-scrapings-of-hides. 4, San-ona (San-ona),
Shot-at-some-white-object; this name originated from killing an albino
buffalo; a Hunkpapa chief said that refugees or strangers from another
tribe were so called. 5, Iha-ca (Iha-sa), Red-lips. 6, Ite-xu (Ite-gu),
Burned-face. 7, Pte-yute-cni (Pte-yute-sni), Eat-no-buffalo-cows.
THE TITONWAN OR TETON
TRIBAL DIVISIONS
The Teton are divided into seven tribes, which were formerly gentes. These
are the Sitcanxu (Sicangu), Itaziptco (Itazipco), Siha-sapa, Minikooju
(Minikoozu), Oohe-nonpa (Oohe-nonpa), Oglala, and Hunkpapa.
THE SITCANXU
The Sitcanxu, Bois Brules or Burned Thighs, are divided locally into (1)
Qeyata-witcaca (Heyata wicasa), People-away-from-the-river, the Highland
or Upper Brule, and (2) the Kud (Kuta or Kunta)-witcaca, the Lowland or
Lower Brule. The Sitcanxu are divided socially into gentes, of which the
number has increased in recent years. The following names of their gentes
were given to the author in 1880 by Tatanka-wakan, Mysterious
Buffalo-bull: 1, Iyak'oza (Iyakoza), Lump (or wart)-on-a-horse's-leg. 2,
Tcoka-towela (Coka-towela), Blue-spot-in-the-middle. 3, Ciyo-tanka
(Siyo-tanka), Large grouse or prairie chicken. 4, Ho-mna, Fish-smellers.
5, Ciyo-subula (Siyo-subula), Sharp-tail grouse. 6, Kanxi-yuha
(Kangi-yuha), Raven keepers. 7, Pispiza-witcaca (Pispiza-wicasa),
Prairie-dog people. 8, Walexa-un-wohan (Walega un wohan),
Boil-food-with-the-paunch-skin (walega). 9, Watceunpa (Waceunpa),
Roasters. 10, Cawala (Sawala), Shawnee; the descendants of a Shawnee chief
adopted into the tribe. 11, Ihanktonwan (Ihanktonwan), Yankton, so called
from their mothers, Yankton women; not an original Sitcanxu gens. 12,
Naqpaqpa (Nahpahpa), Take-down (their)-leggings (after returning from
war). 13, Apewan-tanka (Apewan tanka), Big manes (of horses).
In 1884 Reverend W.J. Cleveland sent the author the accompanying diagram
(figure 32) and the following list of Sitcanxu gentes, containing names
which he said were of very recent origin; 1, Sitcanxu proper. 2, Kak'exa
(Kakega),Making-a-grating-sound. 3a, Hinhan-cun-wapa (Hinhan-sun-wapa),
Toward-the-owl-feather. 3b, Cunikaha-napin (Sunkaha napin),
Wears-a-dogskin-around-the-neek, 4, Hi-ha kanhanhan win (Hi-ha kanhanhan
win), Woman (win) -the-skin (ha) -of-whose-teeth (hi) -dangles
(kanhanhan). 5, Hunku-wanitca (Hunku-wanica), Without-a-mother. 6,
Miniskuya-kitc'un (Miniskuya kicun), Wears salt. 7a, Kiyuksa,
Breaks-or-cuts-in-two-his-own (custom, etc; probably referring to the
marriage law; see Mdewakantonwan gens number 1). 7b, Ti-glabu,
Drums-iu-his-own-lodge. 8, Watceunpa (Waceunpa), Boasters. 9, Wagluqe
(Wagluhe), Followers, commonly called loafers; A.L. Riggs thinks the word
means "in-breeders." 10, Isanyati (Isanyati), Santee (probably derived
from the Mdewakantonwan). 11, Wagmeza-yuha, Has corn. 12a, Walexa-on-wohan
(Walega-on-wohan), Boils-with-the-paunch-skin. 12b, Waqna (Wahna), Snorts.
13, Oglala-itc'itcaxa (Oglala-icicaga), Makes-himself-an-Oglala. 14,
Tiyotcesli (Tiyocesli), Dungs-in-the-lodge. 15, Wajaja (Wazaza), Osage
(?). 16, Ieska-tcintca (Ieska-cinca), Interpreter's sons; "half-bloods."
17, Ohe-nonpa (Ohe-nonpa), Two boilings or kettles. 18, Okaxa-witcaca
(Okaga-wicasa), Man-of-the-south.
[Illustration: FIG. 32.--Sitcanxu camping circle.]
FIG. 32.--Sitcanxu camping circle.
THE ITAZIPTCO
The Itaziptco (Itazipco), in full, Itazipa-tcodan (Itazipa-codan),
Without-bows or Sans Arcs, had seven gentes, according to Waanatan or
Charger, in 1880 and 1884: 1, Itaziptco-qtca (Itazipco-hca), Real
Itaziptco, also called Mini-cala (Mini-sala), Red water. 2, Cina-luta-oin
(Sina-luta-oin), Scarlet-cloth-earring. 3, Woluta-yuta, Eat-dried-venison
(or buffalo meat) -from-the-hind-quarter. 4, Maz-peg-naka, Wear
(pieces-of) -metal-in-the-hair. 5, Tatanka-tcesli (Tatanka-cesli),
Dung-of-a-buffalo-bull. 6, Cikcitcela (Siksicela),
Bad-ones-of-different-kinds. 7, Tiyopa-otcannunpa (Tiyopa-ocannunpa),
Smokes-at-the-entrance-to-the-lodge.
THE SIHA-SAPA OR BLACKFEET
The following are the gentes of the Siha-sapa or Blackfeet as given by
Peji or John Grass, in 1880: 1, Siha-sapa-qtca, Real Blackfeet. 2,
Kanxi-cun-pegnaka (Kangi-sun-pegnaka), Wears-raven-feathers-in-the-hair.
3, Glagla-hetca (Glagla-heca), Untidy, slovenly ("Too lazy to tie their
moccasins"). 4, Wajaje (Wazaze; Kill Eagle's band; named affcer Kill
Eagle's father, who was a Wajaje of the Oglala tribe). 5, Hohe, Asiniboin.
6, Wamnuxa-oin (Wamnuga-oin), Shell-ear-pendant. In 1884 Reverend H. Swift
obtained the following from Waanatan or Charger as the true list of
Siha-sapa gentes: 1, Ti-zaptan (Ti-zaptan), Five lodges. 2,
Siha-sapa-qtca, Heal Blackfeet. 3, Hohe, Asiniboin. 4, Kanxi-cun-pegnaka
(as above). 5, Wajaje (as above). 6, Wamnuxa-oin (as above). Mr Swift
stated that there was no Siha-sapa division called Glagla-hetca.
THE MINIKOOJU
In 1880 Tatanka-wanbli, or Buffalo-bull Eagle, gave the author the names
of numbers 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, and 8 of the following list of the Minikooju
(Minikoozu), Minikanye-woju (Minikanye-wozu), or Minneconjou gentes. These
were given in 1884, with numbers 4 and 9, to Reverend H. Swift by No Heart
(Cante-wanica): 1, Unktce-yuta (Unkce-yuta), Eat-dung. 2, Glagla-hetca
(Glagla-heca), Slovenly. 3, Cunka-yute-cni (Sunka yute-sni), Eat-no-dogs.
4, Nixe-tanka (Nige-tanka), Big-belly. 5, Wakpokinyan (Wakpokinyan),
Flies-along-the-creek (wakpa). 6, Inyan-ha-oin (Inyan-h-oin),
Musselshell-earring. 7, Cikcitcela (Siksicela),
Bad-ones-of-different-sorts. 8, Wagleza-oin, Watersnake-earring. 9,
Wan-nawexa (Wan-nawega), Broken-arrows. The Wannawexa are nearly extinct.
THE OOHE-NONPA OR TWO KETTLES
Of the Oohe-nonpa (Oohe-nonpa), Two Boilings or Two Kettles, Charger knew
the names of only two gentes, which he gave to Reverend H. Swift in 1884,
as follows: 1, Oohe-nonpa, Two-boilings. 2, Ma-waqota (Ma-wahota),
Skin-smeared-with-whitish-earth.
THE OGLALA
The first list of Oglala gentes was obtained in 1879 from Reverend John
Robinson and confirmed in 1880 by a member of the tribe. These gentes are
as follows: 1, Payabya, Pushed-aside. 2, Tapicletca (Tapisleca), Spleen
(of an animal). 3, Kiyuksa, Breaks-his-own (marriage custom). 4, Wajaja
(Wazaza. See the Siha-sapa list of gentes). 5, Ite-citca (Ite-sica),
Bad-face, or Oglala-qtca (Oglala-hca), Real Oglala. 6, Oyuqpe (Oyuhpe);
identical with Oiyuqpe of the next list. 7, Wagluqe (Wagluhe). Followers
or Loafers. These were probably the earlier divisions of the Oglala, but
by 1884 considerable segregation had been accomplished, as shown by the
following list furnished by Reverend W.J. Cleveland: 1, Ite-citca
(Ite-sica), Bad-face, under Maqpiya-luta, Scarlet Cloud ("Red Cloud"). 2,
Payabyeya, Pushed-aside (under Tasunka-kokipapi, They-fear-even-his-horse;
wrongly rendered Man-afraid-of-his-horses). 3, Oyuqpe (Oyuhpe), Thrown
down or unloaded. 4, Tapicletca, Spleen (of an animal). 5, Pe-cla
(Pe-sla), Baldhead. 6, Tceq-huha-ton (Ceh-huha-ton), Kettle-with-legs. 7,
Wablenitca (Wablenica), Orphans. 8, Pe-cla-ptcetcela (Pe-sla-ptecela),
Short-baldhead. 9, Tacnahetca (Tasnaheca), Gopher. 10, I-wayusota,
Uses-up-by-begging-for, "Uses-up-with-the-mouth." 11, Wakan (Wakan),
Mysterious. 12a, Iglaka-teqila (Iglaka-tehila), Refuses-to-move-camp. 12b,
Ite-citca, Bad-face (as number 1). 13, Ite-citca-etanhan
(Ite-sica-etanhan), "From-bad-face," Part-of-bad-face. 14, Zuzetca-kiyaksa
(Zuzeca kiyaksa), Bit-the-snake-in-two. 15, Watceonpa (Wace-onpa),
Boasters. 16, Watcape (Wacape), Stabber. 17, Tiyotcesli (Tiyocesli),
Dungs-in-the-lodge. 18 and 19, Wagluqe, Followers or Loafers. 20, Oglala,
Scattered-her-own. 21, Ieska-tcintca (Ieska-cinca), Interpreter's sous,
"Half-bloods."
According to Mr Cleveland the whole Oglala tribe had two other names,
Oyuqpe, Thrown-down or unloaded, and Kiyaksa, Bit-it-in-two.
THE HUNKPAPA
The name Hunkpapa (sometimes corrupted into Uncpapa, Oncpapa, etc), should
be compared with the Yanktonai name Hunkpatina; both refer to the hunkpa
or ends of a tribal circle. A Hunkpapa man in 1880 gave the following as
the names of the gentes: 1, Tcanka-oqan (Canka-ohan) Sore-backs (of
horses), not the original name. 2, Tce-oqba (Ce-ohba), in which tce (ce)
has either a vulgar meaning or is a contraction of tceya (ceya), to weep,
and oqba (ohba), sleepy. 3, Tinazipe-citca (Tinazipe-sica), Bad-bows. 4,
Talo-nap'in (Talo-napin), Fresh-meat-necklace. 5, Kiglacka (Kiglaska),
Ties-his-own. 6, Tcegnake-okisela (Cegnake-okisela), Half-a-breechcloth.
7, Cikcitcela (Siksicela), Bad-ones-of-different-sorts. 8, Wakan (Wakan),
Mysterious. 9, Hunska-tcantojuha (Hunska-cantozuha),
Legging-tobacco-pouch.
[Illustration: FIG. 33.--Oglala camping circle.]
FIG. 33.--Oglala camping circle.
The real foundation for the totemic system exists among the Dakota, as
well as among the other Siouan tribes and the Iroquois, in the names of
men often being taken from mythical animals, but, in the opinion of Dr
S.R. Riggs, the system was never carried to perfection.
DAKOTA SOCIAL CUSTOMS
Among the eastern Dakota the phratry was never a permanent organization,
but it was resorted to on special occasions and for various purposes, such
as war or the buffalo hunt. The exponent of the phratry was the tiyotipi
or "soldiers' lodge," which has been described at length by Dr Riggs.(3)
While no political organization has been known to exist within the
historic period over the whole Dakota nation, the traditional alliance of
the "Seven Council-fires" is perpetuated in the common name Dakota,
signifying allied, friendly.
Among the Dakota it is customary for the rank and title of chief to
descend from father to son, unless some other near relative is ambitious
and influential enough to obtain the place. The same is claimed also in
regard to the rank of brave or soldier, but this position is more
dependent on personal bravery. While among the Omaha and Ponka a chief can
not lead in war, there is a different custom among the Dakota. The
Sisseton chief Standing Buffalo told Little Crow, the leader of the
hostile Santee in the Minnesota outbreak of 1862, that, having commenced
hostilities with the whites, he must fight it out without help from him,
and that, failing to make himself master of the situation, he should not
flee through the country of the Sisseton.
Regarding chieftainship among the Dakota, Philander Prescott(4) says:
The chieftainship is of modern date, there being no chiefs hefore
the whites came. The chiefs have little power. The chief's band is
almost always a kin totem which helps to sustain him. The chiefs
have no votes in council; there the majority rules and the voice
of the chief is not decisive till then.
On the death of a chief, the nearest kinsman in the right line is
eligible. If there are no kin, the council of the band can make a
chief. Civil chiefs scarcely ever make a war party.
The Dakota woman owns the tipi. If a man has more wives than one, they
have separate tipis, or they arrange to occupy different sides of one.
Sometimes the young man goes to live with his wife's kindred, but in such
matters there is no fixed rule. To purchase a wife was regarded the most
honorable form of marriage, though elopement was sometimes resorted to.
THE ASINIBOIN
The Asiniboin were originally part of the Wazi-kute gens of the Yanktonai
(Ihanktonwanna) Dakota. According to the report of E.T. Denig to Governor
I.I. Stevens,(5) "the Asiniboin call themselves Dakota, meaning Our
people." The Dakota style them Hohe, "rebels," but Denig says the term
signifies "fish eaters," and that they may have been so called from the
fact that they subsisted principally on fish while in British territory.
Lists of the gentes of this people have been recorded by Denig,
Maximilian, and Hayden, but in the opinion of the present writer they need
revision.
_Asiniboin gentes_
_Denig_ _Maximilian_ _Hayden_
We-che-ap-pe-nah, Itschcabine, Les Wi-ic-ap-i-nah,
60 lodges, under gens des filles. Girls' band.
Les Yeux Gris
E-an-to-ah, Stone Jatonabine, Les I'-an-to'-an.
Indians, the gens des roches, Either Inyan
original the Stone Indians tonwan, Stone
appellation for of the English. Village or
the whole nation; Call themselves Ihanktonwan, End
50 lodges, under "Eascab." village or
Premier qui Voile. Yankton. J.O.D.)
Wah-to-pan-ah, Otaopabine, Les Wah-to'-pap-i-nah
Canoe Indians, 100 gens des canots.
lodges, under
Serpent.
Wah-to-pah-han-da-toh, Watopachnato, Les Wah-to'-pah-an-da-to,
Old Gauche's gens, gens de l'age. Gens du Gauche or
i.e., Those who Left Hand.
row in canoes; 100
lodges, under
Trembling Hand.
Wah-ze-ah we-chas-ta, O-see-gah (of Wah-zi-ah, or
Northern People (so Lewis and Clark, To-kum-pi, Gens du
called because they Discoveries, p. Nord.
came from the north in 43, 1806).
1839); 60 lodges,
under Le Robe de Vent.
The following gentes have not been collated: Of Maximilian's list,
Otopachgnato, les gens du large, possibly a duplication, by mistake, of
Watopachnato, les gens de l'age; Tschantoga, les gens des bois;
Tanin-tauei, les gens des osayes; Chabin, les gens des montagnes. Of
Hayden's list, Min'-i-shi-nak'-a-to, gens du lac.
The correct form in the Yankton dialect of the first name is Witcinyanpina
(Wicinyanpina), girls; of the second, probably Inyantonwan (Inyan tonwan);
the third and fourth gentes derive their names from the verb watopa, to
paddle a canoe; the fifth is Waziya witcacta (Waziya wicasta). Tschan in
Tschantoga is the German notation of the Dakota tcan (can), tree, wood.
Cha in Chabin is the German notation of the Dakota word he, a high ridge
of hills, a mountain.
In his report to Governor Stevens, from which the following information
respecting the Asiniboin is condensed, Denig used the term "band" to
denote a gens of the tribe, and "clans" instead of corporations, under
which latter term are included the feasting and dancing societies and the
orders of doctors, shamans, or theurgists.
These bands are distinct and occupy different parts of the country,
although they readily combine when required by circumstances, such as
scarcity of game or an attack by a large body of the enemy.
The roving tribes call no general council with other nations; indeed, they
are suspicious even of those with whom they have been at peace for many
years, so that they seldom act together in a large body. With the
exception of the Hidatsa, Mandau, and Arikara, who are stationary and live
in a manner together, the neighboring tribes are quite ignorant of one
another's government, rarely knowing even the names of the principal
chiefs and warriors.
In all these tribes there is no such thing as hereditary rank. If a son of
a chief is wanting in bravery, generosity, or other desirable qualities,
he is regarded merely as an ordinary individual; at the same time it is
true that one qualification for the position of chief consists in having a
large number of kindred in the tribe or gens. Should there be two or more
candidates, equally capable and socially well connected, the question
would be decided on the day of the first removal of the camp, or else in
council by the principal men. In the former case, each man would follow
the leader whom he liked best, and the smaller body of Indians would soon
adhere to the majority.
Women are never acknowledged as chiefs, nor have they anything to say in
the council. A chief would be deposed for any conduct causing general
disgust or dissatisfaction, such as incest (marrying within his gens) or
lack of generosity. Though crime in the abstract would not tend to create
dissatisfaction with a chief, yet if he murdered, without sufficient
cause, one whose kindred were numerous, a fight between the two bodies of
kindred would result and an immediate separation of his former adherents
would ensue; but should the murdered person be without friends, there
would be no attempt to avenge the crime, and the people would fear the
chief only the more. To preserve his popularity a chief must give away all
his property, and he is consequently always the poorest man in the band;
but he takes care to distribute his possessions to his own kindred or to
the rich, from whom he might draw in times of need.
The duties of a leading chief are to study the welfare of his people, by
whom he is regarded as a father, and whom he addresses as his children. He
must determine where the camp should be placed and when it should be
moved; when war parties are advisable and of whom they should be
composed--a custom radically different from that of the Omaha and
Ponka,--and all other matters of like character. Power is tacitly committed
to the leading chief, to be held so long as he governs to general
satisfaction, subject, however, to the advice of the soldiers. Age,
debility, or any other natural defect, or incapacity to act, advise, or
command, would lead a chief to resign in favor of a younger man.
When war is deemed necessary, any chief, soldier, or brave warrior has the
privilege of raising and leading a war party, provided he can get
followers. The powers of a warrior and civil chief may be united in one
person, thus differing from the Omaha and Ponka custom. The leading chief
may and often does lead the whole band to war; in fact, it devolves on him
to lead any general expedition.
The Akitcita (Akicita), soldiers or guards (policemen), form an important
body among the Asiniboin as they do among the other Siouan tribes. These
soldiers, who are chosen from the band on account of their bravery, are
from 25 to 45 years of age, steady, resolute, and respected; and in them
is vested the power of executing the decisions of the council. In a camp
of 200 lodges these soldiers would number from 50 to 60 men; their lodge
is pitched in the center of the camp and is occupied by some of them all
the time, though the whole body is called together only when the chief
wishes a public meeting or when their hunting regulations are to be
decided. In their lodge all tribal and intertribal business is transacted,
and all strangers, both white men and Indians, are domiciled. The young
men, women, and children are not allowed to enter the soldiers' lodge
during the time that tribal matters are being considered, and, indeed,
they are seldom, if ever, seen there. All the choicest parts of meat and
the tongues of animals killed in hunting are reserved for the soldiers'
lodge, and are furnished by the young men from time to time. A tax is
levied on the camp for the tobacco smoked there, which is no small
quantity, and the women are obliged to furnish wood and water daily. This
lodge corresponds in some degree to the two sacred lodges of the Hanga
gens of the Omaha.
Judging from the meager information which we possess concerning the
Asiniboin kinship system, the latter closely resembles that of the Dakota
tribes, descent being in the male line. After the smallpox epidemic of
1838, only 400 thinly populated lodges out of 1,000 remained, relationship
was nearly annihilated, property lost, and but few, the very young and
very old, were left to mourn the loss. Remnants of bands had to be
collected and property acquired, and several years elapsed ere the young
people were old enough to marry.
The names of the wife's parents are never pronounced by the husband; to do
so would excite the ridicule of the whole camp. The husband and the
father-in-law never look on each other if they can avoid it, nor do they
enter the same lodge. In like manner the wife never addresses her
father-in-law.
A plurality of wives is required by a good hunter, since in the labors of
the chase women are of great service to their husbands. An Indian with one
wife can not amass property, as she is constantly occupied in household
labors, and has no time for preparing skins for trading. The first wife
and the last are generally the favorites, all others being regarded as
servants. The right of divorce lies altogether with the husband; if he has
children by his wife, he seldom puts her away. Should they separate, all
the larger children--those who require no further care--remain with the
father, the smaller ones departing with the mother. When the women have no
children they are divorced without scruple.
After one gets acquainted with Indians the very opposite of taciturnity
exists. The evenings are devoted to jests and amusing stories and the days
to gambling. The soldiers' lodge, when the soldiers are not in session, is
a very theater of amusement; all sorts of jokes are made and obscene
stories are told, scarcely a woman in the camp escaping the ribaldry; but
when business is in order decorum must prevail.
The personal property of these tribes consists chiefly of horses.
Possession of an article of small value is a right seldom disputed, if the
article has been honestly obtained; but the possession of horses being
almost the principal object in life of an Indian of the plains, the
retention of them is a matter of great uncertainty, if he has not the
large force necessary to defend them. Rights to property are based on the
method of acquirement, as (1) articles found; (2) those made by themselves
(the sole and undisputed property of the makers); (3) those stolen from
enemies, and (4) those given or bought. Nothing is given except with a
view to a gift in return. Property obtained by gambling is held by a very
indefinite tenure.
Murder is generally avenged by the kindred of the deceased, as among the
Omaha and Ponka. Goods, horses, etc, may be offered to expiate the crime,
when the murderer's friends are rich in these things, and sometimes they
are accepted; but sooner or later the kindred of the murdered man will try
to avenge him. Everything except loss of life or personal chastisement can
be compensated among these Indians. Rape is nearly unknown, not that the
crime is considered morally wrong, but the punishment would be death, as
the price of the woman would be depreciated and the chances of marriage
lessened. Besides, it would be an insult to her kindred, as implying
contempt of their feelings and their power of protection. Marriage within
the gens is regarded as incest and is a serious offense.
THE OMAHA
The gentes keeping the sacred pipes and those having the sacred tents are
designated among the Omaha by appropriate designs. The sacred tent of the
Wejincte was the tent of war, those of the Hanga were the tents associated
with the buffalo hunt and the cultivation of the soil. The diameter of the
circle (figure 34) represents the road traveled by the tribe when going on
the buffalo hunt, numbers 1 and 10 being the gentes which were always in
the van. The tribe was divided into half tribes, each half tribe
consisting of five gentes. The sacred tents of the Omaha and all the
objects that were kept in them are now in the Peabody Museum of
Archaeology and Ethnology at Cambridge, Massachusetts.
[Illustration: FIG. 34.--Omaha camping circle.]
FIG. 34.--Omaha camping circle.
The two groups of gentes forming the half tribes or phratries, sometimes
composed of subgentes or sections, are as follows:
_Hangacenu gentes_--1, Wejincte, Elk. 2, Inke-sabe, Black shoulder, a
Buffalo gens; the custodian of the real pipes of peace. 3, Hanga or
Ancestral, a Buffalo gens; the regulator of all the so-called pipes of
peace and keeper of two sacred tents. 4, catada, meaning uncertain; in
four subgentes: _a_, Wasabe hit'aji, Touch-not-the-skin-of-a-black-bear;
_b_, Wajinga cataji, Eat-no-small-birds; Bird people; _c_, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}e-*d*a it'aji,
Touch-no-buffalo-head; Eagle people; _d_, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED K~}e-'in,
Carry-a-turtle-on-the-back; Turtle people. 5, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED K~}anze, Wind people.
_Ictasanda gentes_--6, Mancinka-gaxe, Earth-lodge-makers; coyote and wolf
people. 7, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}e-sinde, Buffalo-tail; a Buffalo-calf people. 8, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}a-*d*a,
Deer-head; Deer people. 9, Ingce-jide, Red dung; a Buffalo-calf gens. 10,
Icta-sanda, meaning uncertain ("gray eyes"?), said to refer to the effect
of lightning on the eyes. This last gens consists of Thunder and Reptile
people.
The Inke-sabe formerly consisted of four subgentes. When the gens met as a
whole, the order of sitting was that shown in figure 35. In the tribal
circle the Wacigije camped next to the Hanga gens, and the other Inke-sabe
people came next to the Wejincte; but in the gentile "council fire" the
first became last and the last first.
The Iekice or Criers.
The Naqceit'a-baji, Those-who-touch-no-charcoal.
The three subgentes here named sat on the same side of fireplace.
The Hanga formerly had four subgeutes, but two of them, the Waciitan or
Workers, and the Ha-{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}u-it'aji, Touches-no-green(-corn)-husks, are extinct,
the few survivors having joined the other subgentes. The remaining
subgentes are each called by several names: 1, {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}csanha-{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}acican, pertaining
to the sacred skin of an albino buffalo cow, or Wacabe, Dark buffalo; or
Hanga-qti, real Hanga; or {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}e-ceze-cataji, Do-not-eat-buffalo-tongues. 2,
Janha-{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}acican, pertaining to the sacred (cottonwood) bark; or
Waqcexe-acin, Keeps-the-"spotted-object" (the sacred pole); or
Jan-waqube-acin, Keeps-the-sacred-or-mysterious-wood (pole); or
{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}a-waqube-cataji, Does-not-eat-the-sacred (mysterious)-buffalo-sides; or
Minxa-san-cataji-ki *P*etan-cataji, Eat-no-geese-or-swans-or-cranes.
[Illustration: FIG. 35.--Inke-sabe gentile assembly. A, The Wacigije,
Maze or Whorl, or Wagnbe-gaxe-aka, He-who-acts-mysteriously. B, The
Watanzi-jide-cataji, Those-who-eat-no-red-corn.]
FIG. 35.--Inke-sabe gentile assembly. A, The Wacigije, Maze or Whorl,
or Wagnbe-gaxe-aka, He-who-acts-mysteriously. B, The
Watanzi-jide-cataji, Those-who-eat-no-red-corn.
In the tribal circle the Wacabe camped next to the Inke-sabe, and the
Waqecxe-acin were next to the Wasabe-hit'aji subgens of the catada; but in
the Hanga gentile assembly the positions were reversed, the Wacabe sitting
on the right side of the fire and the Waqcexe-acin on the left.
The Wasabe-hit'aji subgens of the catada was divided into four sections:
Black-bear, Raccoon, Grizzly-bear, and Porcupine. The only survivors are
the Black-bear and Raccoon (Singers).
The Wajinga cataji subgens was divided into four sections: 1, Hawk people,
under the chief Standing Hawk (now dead). 2, Blackbird people, under the
chief Wajina-gahiga. B, Starling or Thunder people. 4, Owl and Magpie
people.
The {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED K~}anze gens was divided into at least two subgentes, the Keepers of the
pipe and the Wind people. Lion, of the Deer-head gens, said that there
were four subgentes, but this was denied in 1882 by Two Crows of the Hanga
gens.
The Mancinka-gaxe subgentes, as given by Lion, were: 1, Coyote and Wolf
people. 2, In'e-waqube-acin, Keepers-of-the-mysterious-stones. 3,
Niniba-t'an, Keepers-of-the-pipe. 4, Minxa-san-wet'aji.
Touch(es)-not-swans. Cange-ska, White Horse, chief of the Mancin-ka-gaxe
(in 1878-1880) named three subgentes, thus: 1, Qube, Mysterious person, a
modern name (probably including the Mi{~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED K~}asi and In'e-waqube-acin, and
certainly consisting of the descendants of the chief Wa-jinga-sabe or
Blackbird). 2, Niniba-t'an. 3, Minxa-san-wet'aji.
The {~LATIN SMALL LETTER TURNED T~}a-*d*a were divided into four parts: 1, Niniba-t'an,
Keepers-of-the-pipe, under Lion. 2, Naqce-it'aji, Touches-no-charcoal,
under Boy Chief. 3, Thunder-people, under Pawnee Chief. 4, Deer-people,
under Sinde-xanxan (Deer's-)tail-shows-red-at-intervals
(-as-it-bounds-away).
The Ictasanda gens also was in four parts: 1, Niniba-t'an,
Keepers-of-the-pipe. 2, Real Ictasanda people, (Numbers 1 and 2 were
consolidated prior to 1880.) 3, Wacetan or Reptile people, sometimes
called Keepers-of-the-claws-of-a-wildcat. 4, Real Thunder people, or
Those-who-do-not-touch-a-clamshell, or
Keepers-of-the-clamshell-and-the-tooth-of-a-black-bear.
The social organization of the Omaha has been treated at length by the
author in his paper on Omaha Sociology.(6)
THE PONKA