#Manuscript:# Laud Misc. 471, Bodleian Library; on vellum, 188 × 130
mm.: consists of two manuscripts bound together; the former, mostly
Latin, has at f. 65 r, ‘Man may longe liwes wenen’ (see p. 308). The
second manuscript, of the end of the thirteenth century, begins at f. 92
with Grosseteste’s Château d’Amour; on f. 128 r is Maurice de Sully’s
sermon for January 1st in French, then follows the present article.
Other sermons in French by Sully begin on f. 138 v^2, but they do not
include the originals of these English translations.
#Facsimile:# Skeat, W. W., Twelve Facsimiles, Oxford, 1892; plate v
gives ll. 19-78.
#Editions:# Morris, R., An Old English Miscellany, pp. 26-36. Kluge, F.,
Mittelenglisches Lesebuch, pp. 19-25.
#Literature:# Danker, O., Die Laut- und Flexionslehre der
mittelkentischen Denkmäler, Strassburg, 1879; Heuser, W., Zum kent.
Dialekt im Mittelenglischen, Anglia, xvii. 73-81; *Konrath, M., Zur
Laut- und Flexionslehre des Mittelkentischen, Archiv, lxxxviii. 47-66,
157-180, lxxxix. 153-166; Reimann, M., Die Sprache der mittelkentischen
Evangelien, Berlin, 1883. =Of the French original, Manuscripts and
Text=: Meyer, P., Romania, v. 466, xxiii. 178, xxviii. 245; Documents
manuscrits, Paris, 1871, pp. 157, 158, 244; Boucherie, A., Le Dialecte
poitevin au xiii^e siècle, Niort, 1873; =the Author=: Mortet, V.,
Maurice de Sully, évêque de Paris, in Mémoires de la Société de
l’histoire de Paris, xvi. 105; Bourgain, L., La Chaire française au
xii^e siècle, Paris, 1879; Lecoy de la Marche, A., La Chaire française
au Moyen Âge, Paris 1868.
#Phonology:# Oral #a# is _a_, habbe 75, last 212; awakede 172 has its
form from #āwacian#, its meaning from #āweccan#. #a# before nasals is
_a_, fram 35 (5 times), man 120 &c., þan _conj._ 34, þanne 47, 160,
wanne 21 (4); #man# indef. pron. is man 112, me 34; apparently
lengthened in naam 237, from the plural. #a# before lengthening groups
is _o_, belongeth 86, fond 206 (3), hond 138, londes 31, longe 246, 275,
but shortened and 10, answerden 18, and amenges 217, influenced by
#gemengan#. #æ# is divided between _e_, efter 22 (3), hedde 41 (8),
hedden 11 (12), nedden 242, hest 101, smech 50, 53, þet 10 (47), wet 42,
151 and _a_, hadde 173, spac 20, 87, þat 54 (23), uastinge 57, was 6
&c., wat 26, 86, 174, 221, watere 91 (6), stressless at 84 (6), ate 229;
from OE. forms in #a#, almichti 5 (6), fader 48, habbe 67; flexion form
bak (biteres) 111; iheed 248 represents OE. #gehæfd#. #e# is _e_, be
_prep._ 39 &c., iþenche 282, wrench 275; before lengthening groups ende
161, strengþe 267; but bi 54 &c., swiche 127 (4), siche 179, wiche 145,
wyche 112; #e# is raised to _i_ in sigge 53 (11), togidere 95 from the
umlaut form togedere, wrichede 59, comp. #wrecca#; with bie _prep._ 94,
228 for bi, comp. ‘beo’ for be, Reimann § 18. 2 f; in angles 150 _a_ is
probably due to French influence, although _a_ for umlaut #e# before
nasal is characteristic of the South-Eastern area, see 439/9-13,
269/25-27. The isolated _o_ in ongel 28 beside angles may be set down to
the representation of OF. a before nasal + cons. in Southern ME.
indifferently as _a_ or _o_, so in Ayenbite, chambren, chombre, chongi
(Behrens 78), but the scribe of KS writes always sergant, serganz. #i#
is _i_, wille 22, finde 24, often written _y_, especially in contact
with #m#, #n#, agyn 212, hym 13; here 85, her, is an early instance of
the spelling with _e_. #o# is _o_, dorste 87, wolde 23, but an 71, ane
242 (#an#), a 192 through loss of stress; þane 175, 274, 281 is LWS.
#þane#. #u# is _u_, icume 216, 253, to cumene 284, luuie 74, hifunde 21,
undren 205 (3), but _o_ in awondrede 177, come 60, comme 55, cometh 22,
159, icomen 215, ffolvellet 90, fonden 208, ifonden 27, louie 243; see
269/31. #y# is _e_, spusbreche 110, chereche 149, dede 205, euele 107
(12), ferst 96 (7), uuluelden 93, manken 41, senne 61 (14), þenche 245,
werm 55, berdene 219, but forþingketh 221, due to palatal influence,
kinges 7, mirre 11, 54, as in French original, niste 98, analogy of
#wiste#, formeste 134 (#formest#). #ā# is _o_, aros 169, holi 5 &c., no
55, none 156, on _art._ 202, one 134, 199, o 14, one _numer._ 117 &c.,
doubled in aróós 171, hool 137, hóót 74, 280, noon 148, 221, 282; before
two consonants, _o_, bitockned 107 &c., gost 48, onlepi 48; but the
indef. article is mostly an, ane, a, so too anoþer 30, anoþren 34;
askede 13, 17, haleghen 146 have shortened _a_, contrast ‘oxi,’ Ayenbite
114/1; with namore 87 comp. nammore 231/14. #ǣ{1}# is regularly _e_,
anhet 115, wreþe 188, doubled in anhéét 116, 124, before two consonants,
clensed 139, euerich 122 (5), leuedi 83, leuedis 31, but aueriche 69,
lauedi 6, 87, goth 51, with _o_ from the plural. #ǣ{2}# is also _e_,
euen 206 (5), þer 60 &c., wer 13 (4), were 91 (4), ofdred 16, werefore
69 (3), but war 26 (#hwār#), ware 91, waren 215, 216. #ē# is _e_, akelþ
108, deþ 70 (3), he 15 &c., se _art._ 13 &c., wenden 216, but doþ 179,
with _o_ from the plural, ha 20 &c., a 250, 264, mostly stressless. #ī#
is _i_, hwilem 19, niþing 121, wyn 84; doubled in hij 248; before two
consonants, wyman 87, winyarde 203; the only exception is bleþeliche
182, comp. ‘blethliche,’ Seuyn Sages 503 (Kentish), ‘bleþeliche,’
Ayenbite, 20/26; according to Konrath (p. 172) #ē# in MK. had a very
close sound approaching #ī#, which led to their interchange, but there
is also ‘bluðeliche’ 119/80, OEH i. 31/4 which needs accounting for. #ō#
is _o_, comen 35 (4), into 12, to 22, sothfast 38, doubled in good 120,
183, 281, goodman 202, but _a_ in kam 12 (4) and reduced to _e_ in te 7,
20, 256, te dai 5 (4), euerte 135, neuerte 248, inte 250, 251. #ū# is
_u_, bute 279, ut 239, upward 51, doubled in uut 202, but _o_ in bote
244, don 170. #ȳ# is _e_, bredale 80, fer 112, ueréé 51, here 203, herde
208, iherde 228, iherede 232, iherd 248, prede 188, wéé 207 (#hwȳ#);
before two consonants, bredgume 99, but ihierde 236 where _ie_ may be a
writing for _ē_, or equivalent to [je], litle 143 (#litel#).
#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in art 124, 125, winyarde 203 &c., to
. . . ward 51, but _e_ in forewerde 203, 204 in syllable of minor
stress. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, al 8 &c., and its compounds,
falle 155, halt 283, before #ld#, _a_ in chald 109, schald 108, _o_ in
chold 124, itold 67, 222 (as bold, bolde in Ayenbite), but before #lde#,
_ia_ (as for #ēa#) in ialde 39, ihialde 101; this alternation of _a_
(not _o_) and _ia_, as short and long, is specifically Kentish. The
_i_-umlaut is _e_, elde 260, 268, 270. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _e_,
verrene 35, herte 45 (6), sterft 154, sterre 7 (4), werkes 50 (8),
werkmen 203 (3), before lengthening groups, erþe 82, 135, erþliche 65,
husberners 111; Kentish absence of _i_-umlaut (Bülb. § 187) in ismered
55; uerste 223. #eo# before #lf# is _e_, selue 115, seluen 123, 183.
#eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #e# is _e_, fele 224, 270, heuene 29 (9);
after #w#, _o_ in wordle 191, world 228. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of
#i# is _e_ in beneme 186, clepie 181, clepeþ 262, selure 64, here 11
(10), but hire 27, 30, 185. #ea# after palatals is _a_, sal 34 (4), yaf
158, 214. #ie# after #ġ# is _e_, yeue 210, 251, yeft 35, yefþ 272, yeue
71, 159, yef 213, yeld 211, yeftte 37. EWS. #gief# is yef 24 &c. #eo#
after #sć# is _o_, solle 271, sollen 200, 254, solde 14 (5), solden 250,
but sulle 223. #eom# is am 184, #heom#, hem 10 &c.
#ēa# is _ia_, beliaue 41 (6), diadlich 41, 264, diadliche 143 (7), diath
41, diaþe 274, griat 201, griate 234, 272, _ya_ in yare 282, but _ea_ in
beleaue 45 (6), great 141, 169, greater 267, _a_ in belaue 67, _e_ in
gret 171, grete 143: slon 24 is from a form with #ā#. The spelling with
_e_ [ē] is not Kentish, that with _a_ is probably meant for _ea_, which
is historic spelling of the same import as the specifically Kentish
_ia_, _ya_. The phonetic value of the latter is in dispute. Sweet says
probably [jaa], that is, with accent shifting; Konrath [jœ̄] for the
initial, [œ̄] for the medial position; Heuser maintains that the symbols
must have the same value wherever placed and suggests for it [eǣ]. The
_i_-umlaut of #ēa# is _e_, beleue 47, 250, bileue 75, bileued 242,
beleuede 103, iherde 14, 19, iherd 62 (4), ihere 282, ihereþ 106, 224,
onlepi 48, onlepiliche 65, but _ie_ in ihiereth 42, niedes 181, 185,
nyede 180. #ēo# initial is _ye_, yede 12 (7); medial, _ie_ bien 18, 192,
bieth 59, 68, bieþ 152 (10), bied 116, biedh 143, dieule 61, forbiet 73,
liese 16, liesed 114, liest 145, 153, forliest 154, but _e_ in betuene
9, deuel 187, deueles 241, frend 221, helden 235, iuel 84, prest 40, and
_i_ in sike 58, sikman 136; final, _ie_, _ye_, bie 178, 223, 156, 207,
ibye 219, hie 207 (#hēo#), hye 87, þrie 7 (5) and _i_, bi 14, 71, 139,
si 6 (10), hi 87, but _e_ in be (swo) 263, ibe 238, 239, 241, 246, 247.
The medial _ie_, which is characteristic of Kentish, has, according to
Sweet, the value of diphthongic [jee], according to Konrath, of the
monophthong ē; final _ie_, _ye_ is ī. The _i_-umlaut of #ēo# is _e_,
þefte 144. #ēa# after #ġ# is _e_ in yere 66, #ēo#, _e_ in yemer 114,
yemere 113, yemernesse 56, but Morsbach (Anglia, Beiblatt, vii. 326)
regards it as umlaut e. #gīet# is yet 118.
#a# + #g# is _agh_, daghen 252, laghe 17 (3), but _ai_ in daies 66: mowe
53, 260, moue 72, muee 33 represent the subjunctive form #mugon#: seith
183, 242, seiþ 184, seyth 201, seid 113, 274 come from #segeþ#. #æ# +
#g# is _ai_, dai 5 &c., day 33 (5), mai 148 &c., may 58 (5), maidene
237, vaire 177, but deai 219: seide 20 &c., seyde 88 (6), seiden 172,
seyden 217, iseid 19 represent #segde# &c.: sede 86, seden 230 descend
from #sǣde#, #sǣdon#. #e# + #g# is _ei_, ileid 170, weye 30: ayen 30,
206, agenes 269 descend from #ongēn#, so toyenes 235; tojanes 8
(influence of _n_), from #tōgēanes#, comp. 428/37. #i# + #g# final is
_i_, bodi 60, mani 118, peni 251; lauedi 87, leuedi 83 represent
#hlǣfdī#; the spirant is lost in bodie 158. #u# + #g#: mowe 75. #ā# +
#g# is seen in oghe 112, #ǣ{1}# + #h# in tachte 249 (shortened #tāhte#),
#ō# + #h# in ibrocht 99, nocht 23 (5); in cróós 90 the spirant has been
absorbed; nacht 65, 104, 146 comes from shortened #nāht#. The _i_-umlaut
of #ea# + #ht# is _e_ in the specifically Kentish manslechtes 111 (Bülb.
§ 180 b), but _i_ in almichti 5, micht 137, michte 24, nicht 28. #ēo# +
#ht# is _i_ in bricht, brichtnesse 44, richt 209, unricht 221: wesse 92
is #wēoscon#. #ēo# + #g# is _e_ in legheþ 275; #īe# + #ht#, #i# in licht
46. #e# + #w#: iseghe 176 comes from #gesegen#. #ā# + #w# is _au_, saule
159, saulen 191: seghe 105, seghen 25, 215 come from #sǣgon#. #ī# + #w#:
newe 134. #ēa# + #w# is seen in feaue 224, seaweth 199, seawede 37, 39,
seauede 237, seaude 249, seauinge 8, seywinge 32, miswriting, perhaps
for sewinge. #ēo# + #w# occurs in biknewe 8, furti 266 shortened, yure
64, final yu 89, 210, yw 174, 251. Accents are more sparingly used than
in piece v, 275/40; they appear to emphasize the length of a vowel
already doubled to indicate length in anhéét 116 (anheet 124), aróós 171
(aros 169), cróós 90, hóót 74, 280 (hot 88, 279), wéé 207; in beleauéé
230, icornéé 224, ueréé 51, séé 169, 175 short inflectional e is
doubled and accented, possibly to point out that it is not silent, but
muee 33 is without accent; similarly iléke 61 (ileke 72, 73, ilke 59),
offréde 38 (offrede 38): in galiléé 78 (Vulgate Cana Galilaeae) separate
pronunciation of the vowels is indicated.
In godespelle 5, 32, 199, haleghen 146, iherede 232, ileke 61, leuedis
31, leuedi 83, lauedi 6, moreghen 202 a glide _e_ has been inserted, a
final _e_ added in ate 229, ofte 275; #e# is lost in icornéé 224, mor
34. For #e#, _ie_ is written in sollie 160, #o# is _e_ in sikerliche
187. The prefix in akelþ 108 is #a-# intensive; in agyn 212, alast 236,
anhet 115 &c., #an-#, #on-#; in astrengþed 179 #a-# from #ar-#; in
answerden 18, #and-#; in awondrede 177, #of-#: #be-# is mostly _bi-_,
but betokned 116 (3), #ge-#, _i-_, ihende 55, iwil 114, but it is lost
in bore 71. The suffix in sothfast 38 is #-fæst# (in the Ayenbite it
appears as -uest), in felarede 147, #-rǣden#, in childhede 262, #-hǣd#;
the termination of verbal nouns is -ing, as in ME. gauelinge 144; in
baþieres 92 the suffix is Fr. -ière.
#w# is written _u_ in betuene 9, suo 135, uilleth 200; it has
disappeared in siche 179, so 59: vrefore 246 is miswritten for werfore.
Metathesis of #r# is seen in undren 205, in loruerde 103 the scribe has
added #r# by anticipation. #ll# is simplified in ffolvellet 90,
uuluelden 93, godspel 242, iwil 114 &c.; Kentish wordle 191 &c.
alternates with world 228. #m# is doubled in comme 55; #mm# simplified
in wyman 87. The preposition in is reduced to i 5 &c.; #nn# is
simplified in clenesse 92, cumene 284, done 191, heþenesse 8; #n# is
lost in heueriche 252, 256, 281. #bb# is simplified in habeþ 259.
Initial #f# is _u_, _v_ in vaire 177, uastinge 57, velaghes 218, ueréé
51, verrene 35, uerste 223, uuluelden 93 and medially between vowels and
vowellikes, ffolvellet 90, iuel 84, over 26, senuulle 142, with
exceptions bifore 25, 104, underfonge 254, þerefore 254, werefore 238,
vrefore 246, otherwise _f_ occurs under all conditions. #f# is
assimilated in hedde 41, lost in hest 101, iheed 248, lordes 32,
lordinges 31. For #t#, _th_ appears in wath 102 (comp. ethe in
Ayenbite), and _td_ in hotestd 266: #t# is doubled in yeftte 37, lost in
beste 100, last 212 and finally in þa 82, 180, þe 39, 280. #d# is
doubled in risindde 8; #dd# simplified in ofdred 16. For #þ#, _th_ is
often written in verbal terminations, _t_ occurs in habbet 62, 64, 85,
maket 121, _d_ in bied 116, bitockned 107, bitokned 142, betokned 116,
143, 152, 266, drinked 115, hatied 278, _tþ_ in habbetþ 219, _dh_ in
biedh 143, clepiedh 185, hatedh 73, mudh 113. Initial #þ# is _t_ twice,
to 58, 175 after and; the scribe must have had ant in mind or in his
exemplar. A parasitic #þ# has been inserted in alþer 266, OE. #ealra#,
an early instance of a form common in the South. For voiced #s#, _z_
occurs in sechez 21, serganz 88, 89, signefiez 142, but it is not used
initially. #ss# appears as _sc_ in blisce 70. #sc# is _s_, sal 34,
seawede 37, solle 271, sulle 223, srifte 159, flesliche 43, fles 237,
but ssipe 168 (4), wesse 92, flesce 56, flessce 59. The stop #c# is _k_
before _e_, _i_, akelþ 108, wakie 57, before _a_, _u_, kam 12, kuþe 17,
in combination with consonants, biknewe 8, tokningge 141, folk 135,
except _cl_, _cr_, clenesse 92, croos 90: it is _c_ before _o_, cometh
22. Finally it is _c_ or _k_, spac 20, bak 111, tok 139, 175: #c# is
written _ck_ in betockneþ 225, bitockneþ 268, bitockned 107, and _gk_ in
forþingketh 222. The graph #xp# (= χρ) is used in xpisteneman 107 &c.,
xpisteman 109: the Latin text has chana 78 for Cana. #č# is _ch_, besech
125, bisecheth 182, chald 109, chold 124, chereche 149, child 21,
euerich 122, -lich 41 &c., michel 15, kingriche 16, seche 36, speche 33,
swiche 127, techinge 231, þenche 245, wiche 145, wrench 275, _sch_ in
schald 108, but hic 22 &c., besekeþ 68: #čč# is _ch_, smech 50, wrichede
59. Palatal #g# is written _y_, ayen 30, toyenes 235, (wyn)yarde 203,
yaf 158, ye 21, yemer 114, yere 66, yeue 210, yeftte 37, the doubling in
winyyarde 272 was without intention: _y_ is lost in iyue 133,
#gegiefen#. It has developed to _w_ in mowe 53, moue 72 and is lost in
muee 33; other spellings are seen in tojanes 8, hye 64: yu 89, yure 64
have imitated ye, #gē#. #g# is lost finally in words ending in #-ig#.
#čǧ# is _gg_ in sigge 53 &c. The guttural stop is written _g_, gold 11,
king 15, doubled in tokningge 141: for #ng#, _nk_ appears in kink 38,
offrinke 34, 36, þinkes 74, 112. The spirant is _gh_, daghen 252,
haleghen 146, laghe 17, legheþ 275, oghe 112, seghe 105, moreghen 202,
sorghen 185. Similarly the guttural spirant #h# is represented by _ch_,
ibrocht 99, nacht 65, nocht 23, þurch 119 &c., but þurh 188; palatal are
bricht 44, licht 46, michte 24, nicht 28, richt 209. _h_ is added in hac
87, hic 66 &c., hifunde 21, his 218, hure 178, 198, hut 279, hye 64: #h#
is lost in i 43, 250, is 232, ise 168, 246. #hr# is _r_, raþe 140, as
already in OE., #hw#, _w_, wee 207, wer 13, vrefore 246, wiche 145, wo
48, wylem 38, but hwilem 19, 258, hwylem 117.
#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the
_s. n._ sune 48 represents sunu. _Gen._ -es, domes 192, liues 275;
heueriche 252, 256, 281 is a composition form: _d._ -e, bodie 158, with
short stem vowel, daye 69, daie 220, 227, gode 49 (10), marcatte 206,
ueréé 51; exceptions are god 47, gost 72, iwil 157; peny 203 is probably
accusative: the time words dai 5 (11), midday 205 (3), euen 235,
moreghen 202 (5), undren 205 (3) are treated as accusatives, as
occasionally in OE. #tō-dæg#, #on mid-dæg#, #on undern#. In the _acc._
bodi 60, peny 213, 215, 216, peni 251, 255, 281 have lost final #g#. The
_pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, bakbiteres 111, lordinges 31,
daies 66, but husberners 111, croos 90; neuters are _n._ þinges 59, 61;
_a._ þinges 73, 74, þinkes 74, werkes 50 (5), faten 91, 93. _Pl. d._
-es, angles 150, londes 31, 36, werkes 68 (4), writes 183, but daghen
252, wyntre 266 (comp. _nom._ #wintru#). All feminine nouns of the
strong declension have -e throughout the singular, except _n._ lauedi
87, leuedi 83; _d._ lauedi 6, world 228, 238, 258, 263, wordl 230 (but
wordle 191, 236, 243); _a._ hond 138. Plurals are _n._ deden 111, saulen
191, sennen 145, leuedis 31, tides 227; _d._ hertes 72, niedes 181, 185,
offringes 63, wordles 259, sennen 147, sorghen 185; _a._ sennen 142,
143, 160. Nouns of the weak declension have -e throughout the singular,
_n._ sterre 7, tunge 282, yare 282; _d._ bredgume 99, sunne 44, time
168; _a._ beliaue 41; plurals are _d._ haleghen 146; _a._ time 228. The
minor declensions are represented by man _s. n._ 123, sikman 136,
xpistenman 69, goodman 202, wyman 87, mannes _s. g._ 147, cristenemannes
45, men _s. d._ 260, manne 46, 120, cristenemanne 52, 69, man 265, 267,
268, _s. a._ 120, men _pl. n._ 15, _pl. d._ 153, _pl. a._ 142, werkmen
203; fader _s. n._ 48; frend _s. n._ 221; child _s. a._ 21; nicht
_s. d._ 28. The French nouns have -es in the _pl._, except geus 15, gyus
13, paens 245, 247, serganz 88, 89.
Adjectives which in OE. end in e retain it throughout; those in #-ig#
lose g and are invariable in the singular, so stille, newe, holi, onlepi
48. Weak inflections are _s. n. m._ euele 107, 109, gode 44, 45, vaire
177, _f._ gode 52, _s. g. m._ gode 45, _s. d. m._ euele 120, gode 46,
52, _f._ griate 272, ialde 39, _neut._ wrichede 59; strong, _s. g.
neut._ longe 275, _s. d. m._ gode 67, 230, _f._ diadliche 150, 153, 154,
157, 189, 278, griate 234, _neut._ euele 157, _s. a. m._ gode 173. Not
inflected are weak _s. a. neut._ heþen 239; strong, _s. d. f._ diadlich
264, _neut._ good 183, yemer 114, _s. a. m._ god 234, good 120, hool
137, _s. a. f._ gret 171, griat 201. French words have no inflection.
The plural ends in -e, bitere 59, diadliche 143, euele 109, 156,
senuulle 142, verrene 35, but heþen 252 and the predicative idel 207,
238, 241, 246 are uninflected. #litel# is litle, _s. d. m._ 174, _pl.
d._ 147, _pl. a._ 143; #āgen#, oghe, _s. n. m._ 112. #ān# _adj._ is _n._
an before vowel 28, a before consonant 80, 136, 169, o 14, _d._ ane _f._
81, _neut._ 168, _a._ ane 203, 213, 214, 216, emphatic form on _n._, a
certain, 202, one _d._ 134, _a._ 199: the numeral and pronoun is _d._
one 117, 118, 168, on 221, _a._ on 218: #nān# _adj._ is _s. n._ no 55,
148, 273, noon 282, _d. f._ no 263, _neut._ none 157, _a. neut._ noon
before vowel 221, no 85, _pl. d._ none 156: the pronoun is _n. s._ noon
148, non 247, 274. Adjectives with inflection used as nouns are euele
_s. d._ 126, 138, gode 126, eueles _pl. d._ 190, godes 65, gode _pl. a._
58; euel 186, good 281, unricht 221 are _s. a. neut._ Comparatives are
greater _s. d. f._ 267 (2); more 217, namore 87 used as nouns:
superlatives, formeste 134, beste 100, 102; used as nouns are ferste
_pl._ 213, uerste _pl._ 223, laste _pl._ 218, 224; predicative are
hotestd 266, ferst 224, last 223.
The personal pronouns are hic 22 (8), i(ne) 104, 221, me, we, us, þu,
þe, ye, hye 64, yu, yw 174, 251. The pronoun of the third person is
_s. n._ he _m._ 15 &c., ha 20 (21) often stressless, a 250, 264, ha in
has 69, hi 26 for he, hi _f._ 87, hye 87, hit _neut._ 18, with _m. f._
nouns 50, 175; _d._ him _m._ 11, hire _f._ 86; _a._ hine _m._ 172, 283,
hyne 10, hin 27 before vowel, hym 13 (possibly dative), hit _neut._ 21;
_pl. n._ hi 8 &c., hie 207, i 43, 250; _g._ here 216; _d._ hem 10; _a._
hi 185, 204, hij 248, hem 17 (possibly dative), is in has 69, his 218.
Reflexives are hine 148, him 170, him seluen 123, hem _pl. d._ 217, _pl.
a._ 25, 92, 177; definitive are himselue _s. d. neut._ 115, himseluen
183: possessives, mine _s. d. m._ 209, 250, 251, _f._ 137, _neut._ 138,
min _s. a. neut._ 222; þine _s. d. m._ 219; his _s._ 211 &c., is 232,
_pl._ hise 15, 83, 171, ise 168, 246, his 103, 146, 150, 233; here 85;
ure 5, 68, 280, hure 178, 198; yure 64; here 11 (10), hire 27, 30, 185.
In the following account of the article and demonstrative the translator
is assumed to have taken the genders of French nouns from the French
original. The definite article is _s. n._ se _m._ 13 (15), þe 211, þe
commencement 102, þe miracle 140, þo 265, si _f._ 31 (6), and with
_masc._ nouns 6, 12, 45, si miracle 31, 177, þe 141, 255, þe custome 93,
þe nature 266, þet _neut._ 32 (12); _g._ þes _m._ 214 (perhaps
miswritten for his); _d._ þo _m._ 9 (17), þe 50 (13), þo _f._ 8 (18), þe
45 (6), þe cite 6, þo _neut._ 5 (12), þe 33 (8); _a._ þane _m._ 175,
274, 281, þan 206, 235, þo 25, 269, þo miracle 176, þe 44 (7), se 107,
þo _f._ 70 (11), (and) to 175, þe 53 (7), þet _neut._ 21 (8);
_instrumental_ þe 105, 178: _pl. n._ þo 24 (17), þe 226, 247; _d._ þo 7
(11), þe 183; _a._ þo 56 (12), (and) to 58, þe 58, 89, 228, 229, 245.
Þet is demonstrative _adj._ 42 (3), 49, 54 (2), 281, also þa _s. d. m._
82, _s. d. neut._ 82, 180, þo _s. d. m._ 267; the plural is þo 59, 72,
73, 74 (2), 145, 147, 176, þa _d._ 252: þet is demonstrative pronoun 22,
68, 281, þat 150, 152, 161, þe[t] 280; for þet 15, 23, 24 means because,
be þet 37, by that that: the plural is þo, mostly with relatives, þo þet
108 &c., those who, 231, those to whom, 283, for those who: other
pronominal uses of the article are seen in se þet 96, 154, 180, he who,
for þan 272, on that account, er þane 171 (read þan), before. The
compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þes _m._ 225, þis, þis commencement
102, þis miracle 140, 177, þis _f._ þis signefiance 122, þis tempeste
171; _d._ þise _m._ 210, _f._ 152 (4), þis 229 (6), þise _neut._ 84, 97;
_a._ þise _f._ 204, 222, þis _neut._ 20: _pl. n._ þos 210, 217, _a._ 90,
91. The relative is þet and þat; it means that which in 43, 209, 243,
278, 279, 280, in which 82, anyone who 208. Interrogative are wat 86,
174, 221, wet 42, 151, wiche 145, wyche 112; the correlative is swiche
_s. d. m._ 179, siche _s. a. m._ 179, swiche _pl._ 127, 191, 262: #ilca#
is ilke _pl._ 59, ileke 61, 72, 73, ilek 74. Indefinites are wo so 48;
me 34, 38, 58, 145, man 112, 274; oþer 188, oþre _pl._ 111, 121, 210,
oþer 100, 153; anoþer _s. d. m._ 30, anoþren 34; euerich 122, 216,
eueriche _s. d. m._ 213, 260, aueriche 69, euerich 214; mani 118, 234;
fele 224, 270; feaue _pl._ 224; al _s._ 243 &c., alle _pl._ 15 &c., _pl.
g._ alþer 266.
Verbs in #-an#, except the contract slon 24, have infinitive in -e,
bidde 75, bileue 75, yeue 251 and twenty-five other examples; those in
#-ian# with short stem vowel have -ie, luuie 74, hatie 72, makie 34,
137, wakie 57, with long stem vowel, -i, loki 148. French verbs with
consonant stems follow the latter, acumbri 187, anuri 22, onuri 24,
serui 75 (3), somoni 16, suffri 41, targi 273, uisiti 57, with these is
associated offri 10. The _dat. infinitive_ is inflected in to cumene 284
only; it has -en in to siggen 123, 152, 231, otherwise -e, with prefixed
for te, habbe 256, here 203, liese 16, wende 273; with to, seche 36,
sigge 90 (3), slepe 170; Fr. for to anuri 10, to serui 273. Presents are
_s._ 1. beneme 186, habbe 67, sigge 104; Fr. sucuri 185; 2. makest 218,
syncopated hest 101; 3. belongeth 86, betockneþ 225, luueþ 279 and
twelve others in -eþ, bitockned 107, betokned 116, 143, 152, 266,
bitokned 142, luued 74, maked 119, hatedh 73, loket 60, maket 121; Fr.
ofserueth 112, signefieth 40 (4), turneþ 265, amuntet 52, defendet 54,
ofseruet 70, signefiet 55, 57, signified 50, 113, signefiez 142;
syncopated are akelþ 108, anhet 115, forbiet 73, forliest 154, liest
145, 153, halt 283, hath 48, hot 88, 279, hóót 74, 280, licht 46, seith
183 (4), seid 113, 274, sent 264, sterft 154, telþ 32 (5), yefþ 272; the
syncopated forms are thus as numerous as the full forms: _pl._ 1.
bisecheth 182, habbeth 219 (3), redeth 5, habbetþ 219, hopieþ 256 (verbs
in #-ian# with short stem vowel have -ieþ in _pr. pl._, -ie in _subj._);
Fr. perisset 173; 2. habbeth 21, 106, habbet 62, 64, 151, luuieþ 278,
hatied 278, syncopated dret 174; Fr. ofserueþ 281; 3. betockneþ 226,
habbeþ 100, 218, drinked 115, liesed 114, habbet 85, luuieþ 283,
clepiedh 185, syncopated yeft 35; Fr. defendet 60: _subjunctive s._ 3.
helpe 182, loke 122, wende 126, yeue 71, 159, yef 191 before vowel,
luuie 244; Fr. deliuri 190, granti 284, serui 244, sucuri 181; _pl._ 1.
beleue 47, loke 152, grede 186, 189, offre 42, 47, sigge 189, clepie
181; Fr. perissi 190; 2. falle 155: _imperative s._ 2. agyn 212, besech
125, yef 213, yeld 211, clepe 211; Fr. saue 172, sauue 189; _pl._ 2.
bereth 96, cometh 22, 159, ihiereth 42, lokeþ 155, offreth 65,
ffolvellet 90, forleted 159, greded 158, sechez 21; Fr. anuret 22,
moveth 95. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. spac 20, 87, yaf 158, 214;
_pl._ 3. seghen 25, 215, seghe 105, speken 13: I b. _s._ 3. kam 12 (4),
naam 237; _pl._ 3. comen 35 (4), nomen 9: I c. _s._ 3. fond 206 (3);
_pl._ 1. fonden 208: II. _s._ 3. aros 169, 174, aróós 171: IV. _s._ 3.
tok 139, 175: V. IV. _pl._ 3. wesse 92: V. _s._ 3. het 29, iuel 84;
_pl._ 3. biknewe 8, helden 235. Participles present: II. risindde 8;
past: I a. iseghe 176, iyue 133: I b. ibore 6 (4), bore 71, icume 216,
253, icomen 215: I c. idrunke 97, hifunde 21, ifonden 27: III. icornéé
224: V. behote 19, ihialde 101, underfonge 254, ofdred 16. Past of Weak
Verbs: _s._ 3. ansuerede 220, answerde 86, clepede 89, makede 118, made
103, 135, offrede 38, seauede 237, seaude 249, hedde 97 (5), iherde 14
(5), iherede 232, seide 20 &c., sente 204, tachte 249; Fr. aperede 28,
apierede 7, aresunede 245, failede 84, onurede 136, sucurede 180, paide
214; _pl._ askede 13, awakede 172, beleuede 103, offrede 40 (4), seawede
37, 39, hadde 173, hedde 41 (3), seyde 208, answerden 18 (3), hedden 11
(9), nedden 242, maden 63, seiden 172, 217, seden 230, uuluelden 93,
wenden 216, wenten 25; Fr. anurede 27, gruchchede 217, seruede 88, 230,
serueden 258. Participles past: astrengþed 179, bileued 242, clensed
139, icleped 81, _pl._ iclepede 91, 224, imaked 81 (3), maked 119, imad
204, ioffred 64, ismered 55, istrengþed 106, iþoled 219, iheed 248,
iherd 62 (5), ileid 170, iseid 19, 259, itold 67, 222, anheet 116, 124,
ibrocht 99, iwent 94; Fr. anud 15, anured 71, aparailed 11, asoiled 160,
deseiurd 147, deseuerd 156, deseurd 148, 149, ientred 254, isauued 192,
iserued 96, itravailed 218, iwarisd 140. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._ 274,
wiste _pt. s._ 173, _pt. pl._ 98, niste 98; kuþe _pt. pl._ 17; dorste
_pt. s._ 87; sal 1 _pr. s._ 210, 251, _pr. s._ 34, 178, sollen 1 _pr.
pl._ 200, 254, sollie 2 _pr. pl._ 160, sulle _pr. pl._ 223, solle 271,
solde _pt. s._ 14 (4), _pt. pl._ 30, solden 250; micht 2 _pr. s._ 137,
mai _pr. s._ 148 (3), may 58 (5), mowe 1 _pr. pl._ 53, 260, moue 72,
muee 2 _pr. pl._ 33, mowe 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 75, michte _pt. s._ 24; mote
2 _pr. s. subj._ 127, _pr. pl. subj._ 192; bi _inf._ 14, 71, bie 178,
223, bien 18, 192, am 1 _pr. s._ 184, art 2 _pr. s._ 124, 125, is _pr.
s._ 31 &c., his 122, nis 146, 148, bieþ 1 _pr. pl._ 152 (3), 2 _pr. pl._
155 (5), bie ye 207, bieth _pr. pl._ 59 (5), biedh 143, bi 2 _pr. s.
subj._ 139, be (swo) _pr. s. subj._ 263, bie 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 156, be
_pr. pl. subj._ 263, bieþ 2 _pr. pl. imp._ 160, was _pt. s._ 6 (6), were
_pt. pl._ 91 (3), weren 176, ware 91, waren 215, 216, ibe _pp._ 238 (5),
ibye 219; wille 1 _pr. s._ 22, 139, wilt 2 _pr. s._ 137, wille _pr. s._
182, 187, wile 180, nel 55, uilleth 1 _pr. pl._ 200, wolde _pt. s._ 23
(3), wolden _pt. pl._ 10; do _inf._ 58 (6), misdo 62, don 200, to done
_d. inf._ 191, for to done 241, to do 58 (_nominative_), do 1 _pr. s._
221, 222, deþ _pr. s._ 70 (3), doþ 179, 2 _pr. pl._ 279, 280, _pr. pl._
100 (3), do _pr. s. subj._ 125, 126, 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 279, doþ 2 _pr.
pl. imp._ 89, dede _pt. s._ 16 (5), deden _pt. pl._ 235, ido _pp._ 50,
101; go _inf._ 22, 57, gon 10, 192, goth _pr. s._ 51, go 2 _pr. s. imp._
212, goþ 2 _pr. pl. imp._ 20 (3), yede _pt. s._ 12 (5), _pt. pl._ 210,
yeden 252, igo _pp._ 239.
Noteworthy adverbs are al 8, 11, 212, alast 236, euerte 135, neuerte
248, ihende 55, 60, onlepiliche 65, also in Ayenbite; prepositions, the
alternatives an 71, ane 242, a 192; at 84, ate 229; for 41, fore 67,
105; in 81 (11) mostly before vowels, ine 18 (33) mostly before
consonants, inne 154, i 5 (5) followed by the definite article; to 22,
te 5 &c. stressless, inte 250, 251, and amenges 217, an early instance,
wath 102; conjunctions, ase so 110, 144 translating si cume, al wat 26,
þe 39 for þet, þo þet 242, 246 meaning inasmuch as.
#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are velaghes 218, fela(rede) 147, scab 142,
and probably bakbiteres 111, as a compound. French are †acumbri 187,
†age 265, †amonestement 61, †amuntet 52, †anud 15, †anuri 10, onuri 24,
†anvie 188, †aparailed 11, †aperede 28, apierede 7, apostles 246,
†aresunede 245, †asoiled 160, auenture 84, †bunte 272, chaste 120, cite
6, †commandement 214, †commencement 102, †compainie 149, conseil 9,
†contrarie 101, †cors 55, custome 93, †cuuenable 37, deciples 84,
†defendet 54, deliuri 190, †deseiurd 147, deseuerd 156, deseurd 148,
†diuers 259, †ensample 35, failede 84, folies 121, geus 15, gyus 13,
†glorius 31, glutunie 144, grace 72, granti 284, gruchchede 217,
†hasteliche 94, †ientred 254, †iwarisd 140, large 121, lecherie 110,
lechur 120, lepre 137, leprus 136, †maladie 140, manere 188, merci 158,
miracle 98, montayne 134, †moveth 95, †nature 267, †naturel(liche) 115,
nature(liche) 108, offrendes 12, 27, (of)serueth 112, †orgeilus 120,
†paens 245, paide 214, †painime 71, †pardurable(liche) 148, patriarches
229, †pelrimage 57, peril 180, †perissi 190, poure 58, prechur 249,
profetes 19, prophete 249, religiun 92, roberie 110, †sacrefise 39,
sarmun 135, saue 172, sauue 189, seinte 6, sergant 211, serui 75,
seruise 200, †signefiance 62, †signefieth 40, somoni 16, spus(breche)
144, †sucuri 181, suffri 41, †targi 273, †tempeste 170, †trauail 212,
†itravailed 218, †umble 120, ure 218, urisun 67, †verray 39, uertu 126,
uisiti 57, †ydres 90. The words marked † appear for the first time in
English. marcatte 206 is probably a post-Conquest borrowing: offri 10 is
French in form, but its meaning is the restricted one of OE. #offrian#.
Latin are Architriclin 96 (pre-Conquest), probably clerekes 17, the
French original has clers, possibly religiun 92. The French borrowings
are often Anglo-French in form. The prefix in acumbri is en-, in
ofseruet, English of-, with meaning for the compound, gains by serving;
anud (enuier) and ensample for essample show an exchange of prefixes; in
anvie _a_ is written for e before a nasal; anuri is a contamination of
aorer and honorer; in contrarie the affix is AF. -arie for OF. -aire, in
manere, AF. -ere for OF. -iere, so -ur for -eor in lechur, prechur; OF.
-ee (Latin -āta) is _e_ in contre. In grant, OF. graanter, _a_ is lost,
in age, _e_ initially, and after ai in painime, also between l and r in
pelrimage. In sarmun, e becomes _a_ before r + cons., but not in
serganz; _ie_ for e in apierede, as often in AF. texts, is probably here
Kentish interchange of e, ie; _u_ for o before n appears in amuntet,
bunte, religiun, urisun, but not in commandment, commencement, the same
substitution takes place in suffri; ai before s is phonetic _e_ in
aresunede; ai followed by e is _ae_ in paens; ai + n _mouillé_ is simple
_ai_, _ay_ in compainie, montayne; ei before vr is _e_ in deseuered,
deseur[e]d, but deseiur[e]d 147; ei before l _mouillé_ is _ai_ in
aparailed; OF. juiu, later giu, is represented by geus, gius, as in MS.
A; OF. ue is _o_ in moveth; the regular representation of L. ŏ + l
_mouillé_ is seen in asoiled, but orgeilus is an isolated spelling, the
usual diphthong being oi, ui, perhaps the writer was influenced by
English orgel. OF. üi is _u_ in anu[e]d. _ch_ for c before i is doubled
in gruchchede; n is lost in cuuenable, as in MS. A; r is doubled in
verray; z has the value of _ts_ in serganz; the spelling deciple is in
MS. A.
#Dialect:# A scribe, not Kentish but probably South Midland, has copied
with tolerable fidelity a Kentish manuscript, but alien forms such as
aueriche 69, lauedi 6, war 26, ware 91, waren 215, spac 20, yaf 158
intrude; chold 124, as a compromise between chald of the exemplar and
cold is significant.
#Introduction:# Maurice de Sully, bishop of Paris from 1160 to 1196,
composed in Latin a series of sermons on the gospels for the Sundays and
other festivals of the Christian year, which were intended for the use
of the priests in his diocese. The French versions of these are, in the
opinion of Bourgain and Lecoy de la Marche, free reproductions by
various preachers. That they were exceedingly popular is shown by the
large number of manuscript copies which have survived. These have been
classified by Meyer in two redactions. Our translator has used a
manuscript of class A, and indeed one differing little from MS. Douce
270, Bodleian (D), written in England early in the thirteenth century.
It has, however, a _plus_ not represented in the English translation,
which occasionally rather resembles MS. Ashmole 1280, Bodleian (A) also
of the thirteenth century.
The translator gives a very literal rendering of his original; it
influences his idiom, order and choice of words, even to the borrowing
of an occasional inflection, as in sechez 251/21 (= querrez) and
probably in signifiez 218/42 (= signefie). As the French sermons are not
easily accessible, the fourth is here printed from D, with some variants
from A. ‘Nos trouon lisand (lisons) en saint eu{a}ngille dui . ke n·s·
dex entra une fiez en une nef ⁊ si disciple le siuirent. Et si cu{m} il
furent en la mier . si leua un g{ra}nt torment ⁊ n{ost}re sire se esteit
cochiez dormir . en la nief . deua{n}t ceo ke li tormenz comencast. Et
si disciple eurent g{ra}nt pour[;] del torment . sil esueillerent . ⁊ si
li distrent . Sire sauue nos[;] ke (k{ar}) n{os} p{er}isons . ⁊ il
estoit chose de ce . kil nauoent c{re}ance (bone fiance) `i´ oi
c{re}ance ne fiance en lui . ⁊ il lor dist . Que c{re}mez u{us} gent de
petite fei? si leua sus . si chosa deliurem{en}t les uenz . ⁊ la m{er} .
semp{re}s se furent appeisie. Et cum li hom q{ui} erent en la m{er}
(nef) eurent ueu le miracle . si sesm{er}ueill{er}ent mout. Ceo `est´ li
bo{n}s (beaus) miracles ke leu{a}ngille dui nus reconte . si en duit
estre afferme n{ost}re c{re}ance. Car bien deit len c{re}ire en celui
seignor q{ui} tel miracle pot fere . ⁊ fet q{ua}nt il ueut. OR nus
besoigne q{ue} cil q{ui} securut ses desciples en icel p{er}il[;] quil
n{us} suc{ur}re en noz perilz . ⁊ il le fra uolentiers se nus len
c{ri}on merci . p{ar} bone uolentie. Si cum il meisme dist par la sainte
esc{ri}pture . Je sui fet il la saluetie del pople . q{ua}nt il
mapeleront en lor besoig{ne} . [e]t en lur angoises . Jo les orroj . ⁊
serrai lur deu p{ar}durables. Prion lui donc m{er}ci seureme{n}t se
diable n{us} uout enconbrer . par peche . par orgoil . ⁊ par enuie . o
p{ar} ire . . . c{ri}ons li m{er}ci . ⁊ si li disons . Sire saluez nos .
ke n{us} ne p{er}isons . . . ⁊ q{ue} il nus deliure de tuz mals . ⁊
q{ui}l n{us} doinst tot bien . ⁊ n{us} dont tels oures a faere en cest
siecle q{ue} les almes ⁊ les cors (cors de nus) poisent estre sauuie .
al ior del ioise.’
The French quotations without reference are from the Douce MS.
1. The text is from the beginning of the gospel for the feast of the
Epiphany, S. Matt. ii. 1, 2. D has a wrong heading, _In die nat.
domini_.