XXII. GENESIS AND EXODUS_Selections from Early Middle English, 1130-1250. Part 2: Notes

#Manuscript:# Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 444, former mark R 11;

on vellum, 186 × 116 mm., in one hand of the end of thirteenth or of the

beginning of the fourteenth century. It contains on 81 folios the poem

from which the present extract is made. On f. 1 r is the name of a

former owner, Richard Southwell, with a motto nearly obliterated, Sapit

qui sustinet, or suscepit (James). See further A Descriptive Catalogue

of the MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, by

M. R. James, vol. ii, p. 357.

#Editions:# Morris, R., Genesis and Exodus. E. E. T. S., O. S. 7, 1865,

revised 1873. Mätzner, E., Altenglische Sprachproben, i. 76-90.

Specimens, 153-170. Emerson, O. F., ME. Reader, 21-35.

#Literature:# Fritzsche, A., Anglia, v. 43-90 (authorship, phonology,

grammar, metre, notes); Hilmer, H., Ueber die Sprache der altenglischen

Story of Genesis and Exodus, Sondershausen, 1876; Holthausen, F., ES

xvi. 429-33, Archiv, xc. 143, 144, 295, cvii. 386-92, Anglia, xv. 191-4,

xxii. 141 (notes and emendations); Kölbing, E., ES iii. 273-334, xvii.

292-6 (notes and emendations); Schumann, W., Anglia, vi. Anzeiger, 1-32;

Stratmann, F. H., ES ii. 120, iv. 98 (notes).

#Analogue:# Die altfranzösische Histoire de Joseph, ed. W. Steuer,

Erlangen, 1903, also as L’Estoire Joseph, ed. E. Sass, Berliner

Dissertation, 1906.

#Phonology:# This section should be compared with pp. 581-586;

explanations of abnormal forms offered there are not repeated. Oral #a#

is _a_, asses 427, crauen 420; #a# before nasals is _a_, gan 8, man 446

r. w. chanaan, nam 84, quanne 14, ðanne 199; men 204 (3 times) is a

reduced form of the indefinite pronoun #man#; #a# before lengthening

groups is _o_, among 587, fond 30, but and 6 &c., handful 15, Orm’s

hanndfull, with consonant following the lengthening group. #æ# is _a_,

at 25, bad 93 (14), bar 22 (6), dale 79 r. w. bale, faste 93, 248, quat

37, ðat 9, was 1 &c.; the exceptions are fest 427 r. w. best, queðer

111, reste 82, reste 466 (5), weche 514, weches 521 (comp. ‘weciað,’

Vesp. Ps. 126/1), togider 406 r. w. hider. #e# is _e_, beden 266, beðen

501, deren 402 r. w. sheren, stede 81 r. w. dede, wel 10 &c. (#wēl#,

Bülbring, § 284); before lengthening groups, ende 588, engeles 587, feld

29, but hate 12, 32, 33, influenced by haten, #hatian# and perhaps by

OWScand. hatr, bi 150, quilke 134 (3), swilc 33, bliscing 452,

influenced by #blissung#, rejoicing, wol 384, GE 621, ‘wol wel he dede,’

id. 724, ‘ðehg wol wel,’ id. 1266, due to labial influence and weakness

of stress (Gabrielson, Influence of W-, 207, 8); seigen 548, seið 404

(#secgað#). #i# is _i_, bid 563, driuen 219, is 74 &c., ðider 55, wile

180, wliten 343 r. w. eten; before lengthening groups, bringen 213,

wilde 71, winden 502; beðen 552 is a miswriting of bidden, welin 585 of

wilen. #o# is _o_, biforen 16, on 32, soren 15, wrogt 36 r. w. nogt;

before lengthening groups, forð 190, gold 194, ‘wolde,’ GE 1418, but an

95, a 40, 108, without stress, wulde 9 (4), wurðen 517. #u# is _u_,

kuppe 101, wukes 527; before lengthening groups, grund 164, hunger 204,

murnen 107, but boden 67, storue 54, ‘domme,’ GE 2821, French writings.

#y# is regularly _i_, bigen 220, kin 240, 244 r. w. beniamin, kire 505

r. w. ȳre; before lengthening groups, kinde 129 (5), kinges 87, but

deden (#dǣdon#) 2, 154, 265 r. w. beden, 431, 504, 538 r. w. abiden,

dede 44, 82 r. w. stede, come 321, sundri 81 (3), analogy of #sundor#.

#ā# is _o_, agon 292 (#ongān#), gon 242 r. w. pharaon, 249 r. w. symeon,

non 283 r. w. symeon, on 320 r. w. symeon, ðo 13, wrot 581 r. w. mot;

with _oo_, ‘ooc,’ GE 1873, ‘wooc,’ id. 1874; but ‘loac,’ GE 1798, ‘ðoa,’

id. 3894 r. w. salmona, 4129 r. w. fasga, ‘woa,’ id. 880 r. w. oba: slo

35, slon 34 r. w. on, come from forms with #ā#; before two consonants,

homward 430, but a 81, an 58 &c., unstressed article, anoðer 43, ali

482, 493, 526, hali 492, clad 174? with shortened _a_ as if from

*#clādd#, gast 482, 492, quam 374 (#hwām#), bilef, 214, 251 (‘belāf,’

Peterborough Chron., _an._ 1131), probably by confusion with #belǣfan#,

but Kluge, Grundriss § 125, assumes a change of ablaut, ‘ða,’ GE 1901

r. w. bozra, ‘wac,’ id. 1197 r. w. ysaac. #ǣ{1}# is _e_, bilewen 287,

clene 493, leden 358 r. w. speden, 355 r. w. ðeden, segeð 286, form from

#sǣgan#, meaning from #sīgan#; before two consonants, fette 154, helðe

398, lesteð 564, but _ea_ in ear 202, 483, _a_ in ani 235 (#ā# with

shortening), ðan 212, 389, 550 (#þām# with shortening), and _o_ in most

350, 422 (l N #māst#), _ei_ in fleis 143 (= fles, comp. treweiðe 358),

_i_ in ilc 409, 410, 421 (#ylc#). #ǣ{2}# is _e_, bedden 327 (#bǣdon#

from #biddan# in form, but #budon# from #bēodan# in meaning), dede 41

(4), mel 466 r. w. wel, red 45, 191 r. w. sped, 568 r. w. dead, sel 442

r. w. wel, ðer 95 r. w. prisuner, 170 r. w. buteler, weren 255 (6), were

228, wet 342, 396 r. w. gret; before two consonants, lewse 44, 407

(#lǣswe#), redden 34, vnselðehe 370, but ðor 42 r. w. sor, 48 &c., 471

r. w. ger, ðore 324, wor 82 (#hwāra#), quuor 482 (3), quor 462, wore

139, 246, woren 434 r. w. biforen, and six other instances. #ē# is _e_,

bene 565, sped 46 r. w. red; before two consonants, kepten 25, but doðes

230. #ī# is _i_, but _y_ is written for it in yre 506. #ō# is _o_,

written _oo_ in good 121, 448, ‘booc,’ GE 4124, ‘tooc,’ id. 4123, but

cam 55 (8), bicam 202, breðere 7 (14), an umlaut form, wep (OE. #wōp#)

382 is a new formation from #wēpan#, briðere 325. #ū# is _u_, but

‘town,’ GE 2739, ‘out,’ id. 72. #ȳ# is _i_, hid 364, kid 411 r. w.

bitid, srid 73 r. w. bitid, but ðe 357 (#þȳ#).

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, harme 368; before lengthening groups,

forward 290, harde 94 (3), but _e_ in erd 148 (3), gerken 309, speren

248, sperd 93, 147 and wurð 116 (9). The _i_-umlaut is _e_, derne 46,

erue 44, werneden 261, but chare 444. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_,

alle 34 &c., salt 20 (3); before lengthening groups _o_, bold 13, 175,

cold 39, 584, holden 94 (3), old 3 (3), sold 4 (4), wold 40 (4), but

geld 206, ‘geald,’ GE 2581; the _i_-umlaut is _e_, eldere 483, 560,

welden 197 (see 359/7 and comp. Bülbring § 175 anm.). #eo# before #r# +

cons. is _e_, berge 583, fer 483, feren 31, herte 32 (6), sterres 17. To

the #wur# group belong wurðe 111, 128, wurðen 465, 481, wurðed 20,

wurðeden 18, wurðing 194. The _i_-umlaut is _i_, hirde 449, hirdnesse

26, but hertedin 76, smeren 496, 502 (#smierwan#), smered 509, 511,

smerles 508 are without umlaut: a #wyr# word is wurð 39 (5). The _u_-

and _å_-umlauts of #a# are wanting, as in bale 80 r. w. dale, faren 292,

misfaren 7, as are also those of #e#, werlde 288 (7), beren 138, fele

425. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, is _e_ in her 13, but biueð 334,

cliued 59, cliueð 438, liued 60, nimen 416, 532, siluer 268 (comp.

OWScand. silfr, Björkman, 112), siðen 115 (6) have no umlaut. #ea# after

palatals is _a_, sal 79 &c., shauen 174, bigat 332 r. w. get, forgaf

553, forgat 146, gaf 45 (5). #ie# after #ġ# is _e_, bigetel 88, bigeten

234, forgeten 156, geuen 452, 512, but forgiue 549 r. w. liuen, ME.

gifte 520; after #sc#, _e_, sheren 401 r. w. deren. EWS. #gief# is if 7

(3). #eo# after #ġ# is _u_ in gunge 335, gungest 214 (4); after #sc#,

_u_, sulen 22 &c., sulde 9, sulden 355, ‘suuen,’ GE 107. #eom# is am 129

(4), #heom#, hem 9 &c.

#ēa# is _e_, bed 101, bred 102, dede 519, eddi 140, gret 341, 395 r. w.

wet, lepes 132, _ee_ in neet 151; before two consonants _e_, eðimod 303,

lefful 578, but _ea_ in bead 548, bread 133, dead 1 r. w. unred, 485,

547, 567 r. w. red, dead 286, eares 158, and _a_ (shortening) before two

consonants in chapmen 85, chafare 47, gatte 531, 567 (Björkman, 109).

The _i_-umlaut is _e_, herde 107, heren 585, nede 215, 219, ned 295, 578

r. w. red, nedful 184. #ēo# is invariably _e_, bed 127, bedden 552, for

beden, ben 10 &c., dep 38 r. w. slep, leue 475, sen 26 &c., ðeden 356

r. w. leden, ðre 132 r. w. me; it is written _ee_ in seen 492, ‘teen,’

GE 1344; before two consonants _e_, fellen 326, 551, leuere 139; but

_ei_ in weis 343 (#wēox# from #weacsan#), comp. fleis 143: miswritten

_i_ in lif 481 for ‘lef,’ GE 340 (6). The _i_-umlaut is _e_, dere 301,

453, ten 51 r. w. men. #gīet# is get 39 (6). #ēa# after #ġ# is _e_, ger

1 (11).

#a# + #g# is _ag_, dragen 100, lages 500, slagen 58, but daiges 499,

509, 525, laiges 510, 526, daies 123. #æ# + #g# is _ei_, dei 141 r. w.

weilawei, freinde 107, seide 19 (6), seiden 218 (7), seid 479, 482, and

_ai_, abraid 165, dai 249, 359 r. w. wei, faire 447, mai 19 (6), waines

416, written _ay_ in may 36: fagen 321 (3) is from #fagen#: #æ# + #h# is

seen in lagt 135, ‘vnachteled,’ GE 796. #e# + #g# is _ei_, leid 284,

weie 293: agen 55 r. w. sen, 125, 304, 403 r. w. ben comes from #agēn#.

#i# + #g# is _ig_ in manige 234, 332, but the spirant is absorbed in

birien 478, biried 571, ybiried 574, and manie 446: birigeles 528,

biriele 542 (#byrgels#) are analogic: beries 116 is LWS. #berie#. Final

#ig# is _i_, eddi 140, seli 568; stiward 87, 317 is LWS. #stīweard#: #i#

+ #h# is seen in ‘sigðhe’ (#gesihþ#), GE 1630. #o# + #g#, #h# is _og_,

bogt 90, drogen 456, wrogt 78, 272, ‘dogtres,’ GE 1090, 1094, but dowter

201 (? Northern). #u# + #g#, #h# is _ug_, fugeles 135, mugen 144. #y# +

#h# is seen in ME. frigti 18. #ā# + #g# is _og_, ogen 108, but owen 40;

#ā# + #h#, _og_, ‘oget,’ GE 324, but agte 363 (? influence of #ǣht#).

#ǣ{1}# + #h# is _ag_, agte 144 (#ǣht#), bitagt 97 r. w. hagt: #ǣ{2}# +

#g#, leigen 16. #ō# + #h# is _og_, brogt 274, nogt 35 r. w. wroht, sogt

30, other spellings are ‘broghten,’ GE 1008, ‘ðohgteful,’ id. 1437,

‘sowt,’ id. 2870, ‘ðhowtes,’ id. 3544, ‘wroutis,’ id. 456. #ō# + #g# is

_og_, _ug_, ‘bog,’ GE 608, ‘ynog,’ id. 3670, buges 114, ynug 210. #ū# +

#g# is _ug_, drugte 161, ðhugte 118. #ea# + #h# is seen in sag 7 (6),

waxen 114; the _i_-umlaut in migt 504, migte 68 &c., nigt 103, 515 r. w.

rigt. #eo# + #h# is seen in rigt 15, brictest 6, but sextene 3 (comp.

Mercian #sex#, #sexta#, Bülbring § 319 anm.); fe 89 represents #feoh#,

dat. #fēo#. #ēa# + #g# is _eg_, bege 194; hegest 196 may represent

#hēahsta#, but is more probably a new formation from #hēh#; #ēa# + #h#,

‘ðehg,’ GE 1266. #ēo# + #g# is also _eg_, drege 262; #ēo# + #h# is seen

in wex 211; wexen 158, 556; the _i_-umlaut in ligten 79 (#līhtan#). #ā#

+ #w# is _ou_, _ow_, sowen 401, soules 578, sowle 579. #ī# + #w#, newe

412 is Anglian #nēowe#. #ēa# + #w# is _ew_, shewed 67, ðewed 10. #ēo# +

#w# is also _ew_, knewen 31, 216, reweli 382, rewðe 393, trewthe 390,

but gure 232 (5), final, gu 314 &c., knew 221, 222, wintre 113; without

umlaut are trewið 91, trewed 439.

In syllables without stress #a# is levelled to _e_, moneð 516, vten 460,

so _o_ in hunger 230; ofrigt 104, 279 representing #āfyrht# has been

influenced by ME. offriȝt: #on# is an 95. An _e_, often unmetrical, has

been inserted in bodẹward 336, bodẹwurd 548, breðere 7 &c., briðẹre 325,

coren 158 (9), engẹles 587, manigẹfold 556, gadẹren 188, eldẹre 483,

560, fugeles 135, 143, leuelike 329, leuere 139, reweli 382 (but rewli

64), vnselðẹhe 370, similarly _ei_, _i_ in trewẹịðe 358, birịgeles 528

(#byrgels#); an irrational _e_ is added finally in ðogẹ 24, towardẹ 49;

#e# is omitted in bettre 44, biforn 326, first 185, forward 88, 318, gur

314, herdne 127 (#ǣrende#), mor 260 r. w. or: _i_ is written for #e# in

michil 260, and inserted in eðimod 303 (#ēaþmōd#), sinịgeden 259. The

prefix in tawnen 180 is #æt#; #be-# is regularly _bi_, biforen 16,

biment 256, bitwen 23; #ge-# is generally lost, kinde 129, lefful 578,

seli 192, writ 70, but it survives in gede 43, 341 (yet g may be merely

parasitic), yoten 470, ynug 210, it is disguised in to ful in wis 575

(comp. 196/637); the suffix #ung# is regularly _ing_, ending 283,

wurðing 194.

Metathesis of #r# takes place in wrigtful 258, wrigteleslike 130; #rr#

is simplified in chare 444 r. w. fare, charen 490 r. w. faren, duren

293, fer 483, feren 31. #ll# is simplified in al 167 &c., handful 15,

wil 28 (3), wilen 358. _n_ is added in dalen 27, against metre, and lost

in a 40, 108, o 103, 177, 280 for #on#; #nn# is simplified in gunen 432,

mankin 460 (#manncynn#), quane 4, 356. _p_ is inserted in dempt 92, ME.

drempte 37, 103, and lost in ME. chafare 47. #f# between vowels and

vowellikes is _u_, crauen 420, erue 44, louerd 237, luue 18, ouer 541,

wiue 201, written _w_ in bilewen 287, wiwes 91, but ‘wifwes,’ GE 857,

‘wifuede,’ id. 1588 and even ‘wifes,’ id. 453 also occur; otherwise it

is _f_, fare 85, lif 493; it is doubled in off 476, and lost in lord

226. #t# is doubled in bettre 44, lutten 217, lost in best 350 and

finally in an 122, 575 (the original had ant), ða 128, 244, 372, ef 391,

GE 3081, ‘hef,’ id. 4019, ‘flig,’ id. 3084; #tt# is simplified in fet

152; for #t#, _þ_ is written in anð 218, and _th_, ‘soth,’ GE 3685,

‘leth,’ id. 3385: #ts# is _sc_ in bliscing 452; a curious letter

substitution is _p_ for #t# in waspene 6, GE 1440 (#wæstm#). #d# is

doubled in bedden 327, 552, eddi 140 (? shortening); _b_ is written for

it in glaðe 351 r. w. scaðe, wurðen 517 and frequently elsewhere: #dd#

is simplified in fordred 245. For #þ#, _th_ appears in trewthe 390,

‘tholen,’ GE 508; it is often written _ðh_, biðhogte 169, ðhenke 126,

ðhing 476, ðhogt 165, 221, 308, ðhogte 24 (3), ðhugte 118, ðhurg 246,

welðhe 428, but ðinkeð 457, ðogte 448. Initial #þ# in pronominal words

is seldom assimilated after #t#, #s#, so, ðat ðin 189, ‘malt ðat,’ GE

1017, ‘salt ðu,’ id. 1043, but ‘at te,’ GE 2756, ‘and (for ant) te,’ id.

615, ‘and tin,’ id. 926, ‘is tis,’ id. 334. For #þ#, _d_ is written in

dan 54, dat 70, 534, de 97, dogt 486, dor 45, endede 575 (#endeð#),

helped 77, kude 168, quad 35 (4), wid 41 (4), and _t_ in quat 77, 383,

‘Betel,’ GE 760. #þþ# is simplified in siðen 115 &c., _d_ is substituted

for it in siden 509. Noteworthy is derke 291, 399 with _rk_ for #rþ#.

#sć# is mostly _s_, sal 79, salt 20, soren 15, srid 73, srud 61, 421,

sulde 9, sulen 22, finally, fleis 143, weis 343 (#cs#), doubled in

wassen 345, but shauen 174, sheren 401, shewed 67, schilde 579; she 21,

‘sche,’ GE 235, ‘sge,’ id. 1444, ‘che,’ id. 1227 are equivalent. The

stop #c# is _k_ before _e_ and _i_ and in combination with other

consonants, biwaken 498, wukes 527, kid 411, drink 106, often before

_u_, kumen 31, 48, kuppe 101, kude 420, but cloðes 73, folc 82, ranc

159, cumen 123 &c., cuppe 364, 372, cuðe 208, and the proper names

‘Cedar,’ GE 1257, ‘Ceturam,’ id. 1446; otherwise it is _c_, cam 55,

comen 75, coren 158 &c., spac 395, woc 165. For #c#, _g_ is written in

‘ðig,’ GE 564, ‘swing,’ id. 566, ‘ðengen,’ id. 1571. #č# is _ch_, chare

444, childes 61, lich 495 (5), michel 89, riche 324, but biseken 546,

euerilk 379, ic 21, swilc 33 &c., are not palatalized: swil 442 has lost

c; similarly ‘Qwel,’ GE 170, ‘quil,’ id. 3631. #čč# is _ch_, drechen 42,

fechen 417, rechen 140, 176, rechede 178, reching 112, wech 514, weches

521: smaken 497 is a ME. formation. #čǧ# is _g_ in bigen 220, 300, comp.

481/7, 8. #cw# is regularly _qu_, quad 35 &c. Palatal #ġ# is written

_g_, geld 206, ger 1, gunkeste 5; #ġe# is _y_ in yoten 470, ynug 210; it

is lost in if 7 &c. An interpolated _y_ sound appears to be indicated by

_g_ in ‘digere’ (#dīere#), GE 3483, ‘tgen’ (#tēon#), id. 3824, ‘tgen’

(#tīen#), id. 3413, 3418, ‘tgelt,’ id. 1840, the second and third also

appear as ‘then,’ GE 1514, 3305 (h pronounced separately), similarly

‘thaunen,’ GE 32: comp. 365/23. The guttural spirant is _g_ in swolgen

72, sorge 74 (comp. Orm’s bollȝhenn, sorrȝhe); later forms are sorwe 59

(3), morwen 359; it is lost in sorfull 380. The voiceless spirant is

also written _g_, frigti 325, nigt 103, sogt 30, sag 7, ðog(e) 24, ðurg

577, so probably drugte 161 (#drūgað#, in Orm, druhhþe), other

representations of the same sound are seen in brictest 6, ‘brocte,’ GE

237, ‘hicte,’ id. 713: ‘sagt,’ GE 1301, ‘burgt,’ id. 727 have added an

irrational _t_ by analogy of sogt &c. Noteworthy is the insertion of the

spirant in the French words haigre 73, ‘olige,’ GE 1624, ‘astronomige,’

id. 792, where ig may be written for ī, but olie 512. #ǧ# appears in

egypte 86 &c. #h# is lost in adde 14 (5), adden 504, 505, ali 482 (3),

aue 442, aueð 523, e 39, 395, 476, is 14 (9), om 324, yoten 470, also by

coalescence in fonde 29, madim 62, weli 582, wexem 11. _h_ is added in

halle 394, herdes 464, herdne 127, hunne 303, hure 260, 549. #hl# is

_l_, lene 153, lord 226: #hr#, _r_, rad 535, raðe 367, rem 58, ring 193:

#hw#, _qu_, quane 4, quan 190, quat 37, queðer 111, quiles 37, quilke

134, quam 374, quor 462 and _quu_, quuan 365, quuor 482, but #nā-hwǣr#

is ‘nogwer,’ GE 1271.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the

_s. n. a._ hate 12, stede 43, 81, sune 5, 72, wlite 342, kire 505, mete

138, bale 80, erue 44, herdne 127 have e corresponding to their OE.

vocalic ending, bege 194, bode 69, 437 (#gebod#, comp. #boda#,

messenger), liche 542, 569 (but lich 495), weie 305 have added e, wliten

343, GE 3614, n, fe 89 represents #feoh#, drugte 402, #drūgaþ#. Gen.-es,

flodes 150, kinges 87, wiwes 91, but louerdis 326: dat. -e, bale 92,

579, come 321, ende 588, here 533, mete 348, stede 468, 521, sune 443,

with vowel termination in the nominative, dale 79 (dalen 27 has added n,

against metre), gilte 463, harme 368, kinge 235 (but king 451), liue 471

(but lif 493), londe 386, 572 (but lond 129 &c.), ofspringe 236, tune

365, wastme 6, wedde 252, weie 293, 534, wiue 201; without inflection

are fulsumhed 182, grund 164, strem 150, ðogt 384 and a large number of

others, mostly with long stem vowel or of more than one syllable; yre

506 has lost n, tre 113 is an Anglian nominative form #trēo#, wo 458 is

indeclinable. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines end in -es, fugeles 135,

sunes 2 (7), lepes 132, muðes 270, but meten 133, 309, r. w. eten

(translating cibos, panes; at GE 363 it is probably singular with added

n), sunen 229 r. w. cumen: neuters are der 71, folc 498, 505, ger 181

(7), ?kin 556, neet 151, srud 421, gere 190, bones 566, geres 207,

liches 501, wiues 417. Genitive is teres 342, 396, datives, engeles 587,

semes 427, teres 410. Of the _fem._ nouns of the strong declension helpe

83, herte 339, luue 340 have original e in the nominative, bene 565,

bere 535, blisse 122, dede 41 (3), rewðe 393, sonde 367, trewðe 513,

vnselðehe 370, sinne 36, sorwe 59, sorge 74 (3), wede 68 have added e,

without it are ending 474 and other verbal substantives in -ing, ned

295, sped 192. Genitives are drugte 161, soules 578, werldes 494; helle

pine 584, helle dale 79 may be regarded as composition forms. Dative -e,

blisse 586, helðe 398, lewse 44, nede 215, 219, werlde 288 (7); onsagen

99, ðeden 356 have added n; but bering 232, hond 197 (3), as often in

OE., ned 578, smerles 508, sped 46, 275, wurðing 194 are without

inflection. _Acc._ -e, fare 85, hirdnesse 26; gifte 520, kinde 490 have

added e; without inflection are bimening 538, bliscing 452, ending 283,

forward 88 (3), stund 95, 163 and, as in OE., hond 117, migt 504. _Pl.

n._ are blisses 404, dedes 513, hertes 13, lages 500, sondes 219, agte

144; _d._ laiges 526; _a._ agtes 278, laiges 510, agte 198, weden 423.

Nouns of the weak declension have -e in the _nom._, bode 529, bredwrigte

131, wille 388; _d._ wune 6; _a._ kuppe 101, time 474; genitive is

weches 521, but ‘sterre,’ GE 134. _Pl. n._ are sterres 17, wukes 527;

_d._ wunes 347, but ‘feren,’ GE 1275; _a._ asses 427, beries 116, feres

532, but ‘wunen,’ GE 3137. The minor declensions are represented by fot

_s. d._ 326, 551, ‘fote’ _pl. d._, GE 376; man _s. n._ 167, _s. d._ 302,

men _pl. n._ 184, chapmen 85, hirdemen 449, men _pl. d._ 587, _pl. a._

47; moneð _s. a._ 516; boc _s. n._ 576; biri _s. d._ 311; nigt _s. d._

103, _s. a._ 515, _pl. a._ 501 (5), nigtes 499; fader _s. n._ 19,

faderes _s. g._ 229, fader _s. d._ 8; broðer _s. n._ 110, _s. a._ 244,

breðere _pl. n._ 21 (9), briðere 325, breðere _pl. g._ 267, _pl. d._

429, _pl. a._ 7; moder _s. d._ 338; dowter _s. a._ 201; childes _s. g._

61, childre _pl. n._ 282, _pl. a._ 304, childer 203; eares _pl. n._ 158;

bred _s. a._ 102, bread 133.

Adjectives which in OE. end in a vowel have e throughout, bliðe 413,

429, riche 324, 327, 408; those in #-ig# lose g and are invariable, miri

312, sundri 81, 408, 468, similarly rewli (#hrēowlic#) 64. Weak

inflections are gunge _s. n. m._ 335 (insert þe before it), leue _s. a.

m._ 475, wis[e] _s. d. m._ 461 (similarly ‘ðe strong[e] god of israel,’

GE 1846 is to be read). All others are uninflected in the singular; they

either belong to the classes mentioned above, or are predicative, or

come after the noun qualified. #mycel# is michil _s. n. f._ 281, michel

_s. n. neut._ 89, #lȳtel#, litel _s. a. f._ 95. The plural has -e, fette

158, fulle 400, glaðe 351, gode 513, harde 108, smale 161; the

exceptions, mostly dissyllabic or predicative, are bold 13, fulsum 207,

nedful 184, niðful 13, ranc 159, 162, sorful 380, wis 533 (read wisẹ),

wrigtful 258. #ān# as article without stress is before consonants, a,

an, 58, 64, 81, 149, 159 &c., once on 469, before h, an 455, 555, as

elsewhere before a vowel. The numeral and pronoun is on, 101, 179, 227,

233 &c.; #nān#, pronoun and adjective is mostly non, but the adjective

is twice no, 296, 352. Adjectives used as nouns with inflections are

_pl. n._ fette 164, _d._ dede 519, fette 154, _a._ fette 155, sibbe 557.

Comparatives have -e, bettre 53, more 420, leuere 139, eldere 483, but

bet 420 (adverb form); superlatives are mostly without it, best 350 (3),

brictest 6, first 185, gungest 214, 239, hegest 196, most 350, but

gunkeste 5, gungeste 244 have weak inflection: boðen is _pl. n._ with

added n, 179, _pl. d._ 103.

The personal pronouns are ic 21 (4), ‘hic,’ GE 34, rarely i, id. 309,

me, we, ur _pl. g._ 316, us, ðu, (‘redes)tu,’ GE 2934, ðe, ge _pl. n._,

gure _g._ 372, gu _d._ 314, _a._ 561, ge 406. Dual forms occur

elsewhere, ‘wit,’ GE 1775, ‘unc,’ id. 1776, ‘gunc,’ id. 2830. The

pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 4 &c., e 29 (4), (wel) i

582, she _f._ 21, ‘sche,’ GE 235, ‘sge’ id. 1444, ‘che,’ id. 1227, ghe

203, ‘ge,’ GE 1024, it _neut._ 12, (was)t 53, (‘stod)et,’ GE 590, with

_pl._ verb, id. 1770, _g._ ‘hire’ _f._ id. 2035, _d._ him _m._ 60,

(mad)im 62, ‘hin,’ GE 47, ‘hire’ _f._, id. 322, ‘it’ _neut._, id. 6,

_a._ him _m._ 37, ‘hine,’ GE 3468 r. w. dine, ‘hin,’ id. 3004, ‘in,’ id.

3887, ‘hire’ _f._, id. 971, it _neut._ 63, (‘tell)et,’ GE 3526; _pl. n._

he 31 &c., once ‘ðei,’ GE 573, _g._ here 263, 410, 421, ‘ere,’ GE 2855,

her 312, _d._ hem 14, (wex)em 11, _a._ hem 26 &c., is 184, 458, 503

(‘warp)es,’ GE 3025, ‘hes’ (= he them), id. 911, 943. Reflexives are ‘ðe

self,’ GE 934, gu 358, him 169, hem 256, 355, ‘himseluen,’ GE 1338,

‘hemseluen,’ id. 537; definitive is self _s. d. m._ 235; possessives, mi

_s. n. m._ 110, mine _f._ 565, in other cases min 72, 80, 371; _pl.

n. a._ mine 566, min 282, 304, 404; ði _s. n. f._ 388, _s. a. neut._

143, in other cases ðin 110, 125, 189, 436; _pl. n._ ðine 21; his 8 &c.

as general form for the singular, written is 15 (6), but hise 91, 191,

236, 396, 474, 475, 490, 495, 569, 579, at all these places his is

metrically admissible; _pl._ hise as the general form 25 &c., but his

40, 73, 75, is 14, 410, 429, hise being in all these places metrically

admissible; ‘hire’ _f._, GE 333; ‘his’ _neut._, GE 120, ‘is,’ id. 327;

ure 315, 547, 560, hure 260, 549, ur 226; ‘gunker,’ GE 398, gure 232

(4), gur 314; here 16 (8), ‘ere,’ GE 3773, her 13. The definite article

is ðe 82 &c., de 97, ‘(at) te,’ GE 2756, miswritten ðo 164,

instrumental, ðe 357, for ði 11; ðat 169 &c., ða 244, _pl._ ðo 98 &c.

are demonstratives: wið ðan ðat _conj._ 389, miswritten wið ðanne ðat

550. The compound demonstrative is _s._ ðis 19, 131, ðes 166; _pl._ ðise

185, ðis 179, 186, ðes 253, in the last three places ðise is admissible.

The relatives are ðat 22, 185 (= that which), ðe 102. Interrogatives are

‘quo,’ GE 2821, ‘quase,’ id. 2870, quam 374, quat 107 (5), ‘Queðer,’ GE

1471, quilc _s._ 474, ‘quil,’ GE 3631, quilke _pl._ 134, 404, ‘qwel,’ GE

170; the correlative is swilc _s._ 33, 59, 393, swil 442, _pl._ swilke

234, swilc 236, 500 (metre requires swilke in the latter place).

Indefinites are quat so 37, 40, 388, quat so euere 386; men 204, 232,

277, ‘man,’ GE 1, 3; sum 515, 516, 517, ‘summe’ _pl._, GE 399, 401; ani

235; oðer _s._ 202, oðere _pl._ 183 (5), toðere 394, oðer 133, 510 (read

oðre); anoðer 43, 157; ilc 410, euerilc 152, euerilk on 379; ‘mani,’

_s._, GE 696, manie 446 (read mani), manige _pl._ 234, 332, ‘manie,’ GE

4068; fele 425; fo 457; al _s._ 167, but allẹ _s. d. f._ 428, _pl._ alle

16 &c., halle 394, al 250, 325 (read alle).

Only two verbs, fare 443, reste 82, have infinitive in -e; all others,

including thirteen of the second weak conjugation, end in -en. Contract

verbs are bisen 195, sen 19 (5), seen 492, ten 9. The dative infinitive

is not inflected, it has for prefix mostly to, but for to with bigen

300, cumen 123, geuen 452, slon 34. Presents are _s._ 1. bid 563, chare

444, rede 187; 2. findes 374, ‘betes,’ GE 3974, ‘haues,’ id. 360 and

others in -es, ‘tregest,’ GE 3975 is isolated; 3. bimeneð 280, liueð

437, cliued 59, endedẹ 575, haued 92, helped 77, liued 60, ðinked 461,

trewið 91; contracted are bitid 235, bit 292, hað 560, lið 12 (‘ligeð,’

GE 889, against metre), wurð 39 (5); _pl._ 1. holden 290, drege we 262;

2. senden 294, cume ge 225, haue ge 369; 3. hauen 72, wunen 518:

_subjunctive s._ 2. friðe 389; 3. berge 583, helpe 582, leue 586, wurðe

111, deren 534 r. w. here, with irrational added n; _pl._ 1. liuen 550:

_imperative s._ 2. bed 127, tel 110, forgiue 549, ðhenke 126; _pl._ 2.

bereð 297, hoteð 564, seið 404. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. bad

93, 175, bigat 332, forgaf 553, forgat 146, gaf 45, quad 35, quat 77,

quað 121, sag 7, spac 395; _pl._ 3. bedden 327, leigen 16: I b. _s._ 3.

bar 22, bicam 202, cam 55, nam 84, tobar 200; _pl._ 3. comen 75, nomen

61: I c. _s._ 1. gan 459, wrong 118, wurð 116; 3. abraid 165, bigan 462,

fond 30, gan 8, geld 206, unbond 277, wurð 145, freinde 107 (weak form);

_pl._ 3. funden 69, gunnen 546, gunen 432, gunne 49 (if the word

following ends in n, there is a tendency to drop the verbal n, comp. 10,

420), wurðen 104: _subjunctive s._ 1. wurðe 128; 3. wurðe 272, wurð[e]

477: II. _s._ 3. bilef 214, 251, ros 32, wrot 578; _pl._ 3. abiden 537,

smiten 163: III. _s._ 3. bead 548, bed 101, gret 71; _pl._ 3. boden 67,

lutten 217: IV. _s._ 1. stod 113; 3. stod 15, swor 487, understod 264,

woc 165; _pl._ 3. foren 536, token 254: V. IV. _s._ 3. wex 13, 291, weis

343; _pl._ 3. wexen 158: V. _s._ 3. forlet 494, het 419, knew 221, let

222, slep 37; _pl._ 3. fellen 326, knewen 31. Participles present:

‘sigande,’ GE 1436, ‘betende,’ id. 2713, ‘stondende,’ id. 3149; past: I

a. beden 266, ?forgeten 233, freten 155, geuen 512: I b. bicumen 281,

boren 214, cumen 190, forholen 371, fornumen 282, numen 32, ouercumen

162, stolen 129, soren 15, vndernumen 189: I c. bunden 270, swolgen 72,

worpen 39, wurðen 517: II. driuen 375: III. drogen 456, forloren 565:

IV. dragen 100, grauen 485, shauen 174, slagen 58, sworen 530: V. IV.

waxen 114: V. fordred 245, holden 94, hoten 239, yoten 470, inflected,

hotene _s. d._ 562. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. hadde 117; 3. bitagte

193, gatte 531, herde 107, likede 353, made 580, seide 19, missed 57,

trewed 439, set 58, told 177, ðoht 352, went 543; _pl._ 1. sinigeden

259, werneden 261; 3. chidden 23, ferden 360, leiden 65, luueden 206,

maden 88, senten 66, skinden 85, hertedin 76, biried 571, shewed 67,

stunden 83. Participles present: ‘tuderande,’ GE 164, ‘wuniende,’ id.

2742; past: maked 524, smered 509, ðewed 10, bitid 74, mad 469, seid

479, sperd 93, srid 73, biment 256, ?fest 427, filt 361, ligt 306,

ofrigt 104, went 365, inflected, welkede 161. Minor Groups: ‘witen’

_inf._, GE 328, wot 1 _pr. s._ 231, _pr. s._ 166, ‘witen’ _pr. pl._, GE

74, wiste 2 _pt. s._ 383, _pt. s._ 316, wisten _pt. pl._ 271; hunne _pr.

s. subj._ 303; og 1 _pr. s._ 241, ‘oc’ _pr. s._, GE 197, ogen _pr. pl._

108, owen 40, ‘agtes’ 2 _pt. s._, GE 1762, agte _pt. s._ 363, ‘oget,’ GE

324; duren _pr. pl._ 293, ‘durste’ _pt. s._, GE 2593, ‘dursten’ _pt.

pl._, id. 1863; can _pr. s._ 176, ‘cunen’ _pr. pl._, GE 4054, cuðe _pt.

s._ 208, kude 168, ‘cuðen’ _pt. pl._, GE 2996, kude 420, ‘kuð’ _pp._, GE

2666; sal 1 _pr. s._ 79, salt 2 _pr. s._ 20, ‘sal,’ GE 1815, ‘saltu,’

id. 1041, sal _pr. s._ 126, sulen 1 _pr. pl._ 22, 2 _pr. pl._ 408, sule

ge 242, sulen _pr. pl._ 143, ‘sule’ GE 305, ‘suldes’ 2 _pt. s._, id.

3984, sulde _pt. s._ 24, sulden _pt. pl._ 355, sulde 10; ‘munen’ _inf._,

GE 1622, ‘mune,’ id. 972, ‘to munen’ _dat. inf._, id. 197, ‘for to

munen,’ id. 687, muneð _pr. s._ 463, ‘munen’ 1 _pr. pl._, GE 558, mune

?_pr. s. subj._ 476, ‘mune’ 2 _pr. s. imp._, GE 45; ‘mugen’ _inf._, GE

1818, mai _pr. s._ 19 &c., may 36, ‘muwen’ 1 _pr. pl._, GE 3316, ‘mugen’

_pr. pl._, id. 3017, ‘mogen,’ id. 3227, mugen _pr. pl. subj._ 144, migte

1 _pt. s._ 137, _pt. s._ 68, migt he 238, ‘migten’ _pt. pl._, GE 573;

mot _pr. s._ 582, ‘mote’ 1 _pr. s. subj._, GE 1621, _pr. s. subj._, id.

2645, ‘muste’ _pt. s._, id. 2624; ben _inf._ 10, for to ben _d. inf._

196, am 1 _pr. s._ 129, ‘best’ 2 _pr. s._, GE 2884, ‘beas,’ id. 365,

‘art,’ id. 356, is _pr. s._ 74, ‘beð,’ GE 182, ben 1 _pr. pl._ 258, 2

_pr. pl._ 223, _pr. pl._ 123, be 454, aren 282, ‘arn,’ GE 16, be _pr. s.

subj._ 388, 565, ben _pr. pl. subj._ 566, beð 2 _pr. pl. imp._ 317, was

1 _pt. s._ 120, ‘wore’ 2 _pt. s._, GE 1759, was _pt. s._ 1, wast (= was

it) 53, were we 1 _pt. pl._ 228, weren _pt. pl._ 255 (6), woren 100 (7),

‘worn,’ GE 61, wore _pt. s. subj._ 139, 246; wile _pr. s._ 180, nile 59,

wilen 2 _pr. pl._ 358, welin (for wilen) _pr. pl._ 585, wulde _pt. s._

9, ‘wolde,’ GE 912, ‘wulden’ _pt. pl._, id. 1075, ‘wolden,’ id. 3756,

‘nolden,’ id. 3029; ‘don’ _inf._, GE 194, vndon 168, to don _d. inf._

28, doð(es) _pr. s._ 230, don 2 _pr. pl._ 285, _pr. pl._ 519, do _pr. s.

subj._ 568, 2 _pr. s. imp._ 387, doð 2 _pr. pl. imp._ 405, dede _pt. s._

44 (9), deden _pt. pl._ 2, dede 82, don _pp._ 41, 128, 315, 477, 542, do

142; gon _inf._ 238, ouergon 340, ‘to gon’ _d. inf._, GE 3078, ‘gon’ 2

_pr. pl._, id. 3124, ‘go’ 2 _pr. s. imp._, id. 2815, ‘goð’ 2 _pr. pl.

imp._, id. 3585, gede _pt. s._ 43, ‘geden’ _pt. pl._, GE 1034, gon _pp._

291.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are ai 287, aren 282, blomede 115, boðen 103,

179, (bi)calleð 368, fo 457, fro 31, geren 495, grot 74, groten 80, hagt

98, heil(nesse) 122, eðen 242, ille 12, kides 63, lages 500 laiges 526,

laðes 188, lit 64, liðeð 131, lote 382 loten 312, nai 35, oc 229, or 1,

orest 115, raken 186, ransaken 377, rapen 430 rapeð 403, scaðe 352, seck

363, semet 223, skinden 85, (ouer)takeð 367, tiding 412, til 60, ðeden

84, ðog 24, 217, ðral(dom) 376, wante 298, witter 6, witter(like) 374,

wopnede 533; probably busk 159, vnhillen 8; possibly bond 130, cartes

416, twinne 421; in sonderemen 65, er is probably due to Scandinavian

influence. French are butuler 109 buteler 169, cisterne 38, feið 241,

feste 524, fin 424, flum 540, fruit 301, graunte 590, haigre 73, hardi

175, lettres 581, merci 237, messe(song) 520, offiz 125, olie 512, paid

269, pais 589, plates 52, poure 233, present 327, pris 301, prisun 94,

prisunes 98, prisuner 96, scite 469, seruede 105, spices 48, spice(like)

497, spies 223, spien 226, strif 494; possibly the interjection A 237,

rospen 186 (OF. rosper). Latin are crisme 512, elmesse 520.

#Dialect:# East Midland of the Southern border. Its general character is

definitely East Midland, but #ā# as occasionally _oa_ in rhymes like ðoa

: salmona GE 4129, woa : oba GE 880, the occurrence of hine : dine GE

3468, hin, id. 3004, yoten 470 beside hotene 562, wuniende GE 2472 as

assured by the metre, #æ# + #g# as _ei_ beside _ai_ testify to contact

with the South. The large proportion of French words may point in the

same direction. Evidence of transmission through a North Midland copy is

furnished by #ā# as occasionally _a_, #sć# as _s_, the pronouns ghe, ge

beside she, ðei beside he _pl._, the 2 _pr. s. ind._ of verbs in -es,

the _pres. part._ in -ande, and occasional aren beside usual ben. It was

probably at this stage that the metre suffered by loss of final -e; some

feminine endings may have become masculine. The scribe of our manuscript

was probably faithful to his exemplar, for he was imperfectly acquainted

with the language.

#Metre:# The short rhymed couplet, as in ON. It is not so skilfully

handled here as in ON, but it was no less regular in its construction

before the copyists tampered with the text. Skeat’s description of it as

a verse of four accents, ‘the unaccented syllables being left, as it

were, to take care of themselves’ is misleading, for it is a verse of

four feet with the regulation number of accented and unaccented

syllables. It differs from the verse of ON in the predominance of

masculine endings, in the larger proportion of trisyllabic feet, and in

the number of fourth feet with an additional syllable. The types, as in

ON (see pp. 564, 565), are i. ðat hé | wel ðéw|ed súld|e bén, 10; so 11,

33, 46, 63, 64, 70, 73, 75, 89, 93 &c.: i a. Naí quad | rubén | slo wé |

him nógt, 35; so 45, 72, 101, 110, 145, 202, 221, 297, 302, 331, 387,

408, 422, 435, 459, 460 &c.: i b. ðát | ðu sált | ðus wúrð|ed bén, 20;

so 23, 30, 36, 222, 272, 295, 578: ii. He knéw|en hím | fro fér|en

kúmen, 31; so 47, 80, 85, 87, 92, 100, 123, 124, 133, 137, 156, 157,

181, 207, 218, 230, 265, 299, 322, 324, 337, 344, 351, 355, 371, 405

&c.: ii a. Wúrðed|en hím | wið frígt|i lúue, 18; so 333, 334, 343: ii b.

móre, 323. The unstressed element in a foot, and especially in the third

foot, is often doubled; one of the syllables often admits of being

slurred: i. Twelwe gér | or ýs|aác | was déad, 1; so 246, 363, ðo wéx |

her hért|es niðfúl | and bóld, 13; so 28, 34, 42, for thrít|ti plát|es

to ðó | chapmén, 52; so 57, 71, 96 &c., Wið ðó | prisún|es to líu|en in

hágt, 98, Jacób|es sún|es déd|en unréd, 2; so 29, 39, 40, 62, 84, 97,

leíd|en ón, 65; so 69, Goód is | quað jós|eph to drém|en of wín, 121; so

184, féllen | bifórn | ðat lóu|erdis fót, 326; so 436, 439, 451, 564: i

rém, 58; so 328, ðát | ðe bár | sulen lút|en ðé, 22; so 78, 83, 127,

148, 171, 193, 200, 228, 254, 286, 289, 301, 308, 350, 427, 440, 452,

453, 487, Jác|ob ðús | him bimén|eð o rígt, 280; so 383, 391, 403: ii.

súnes, 348, Jc réd|e ðe kíng | nu hér | bifóren, 187; so 235, 270, 288,

294, 321, 338, 374, 437, 502, 537, He wás | iacób|es gunkést|e súne, 5;

so 81, 88, 155, 162, 217, 220, 281, 367, 431, 463, 530, 565, 585, Jn tó

| egípt|e lédd|en ðat wáre, 86; so 309, 357, 400: ii a. Tóward | here

wáre, 48, Gáf he | is bréð|ẹre wið hért|e blíðe, 429: ii b. Ór | for

15; so 79, 185, 219, 300, 362, 385, 402, 538. The light syllable is

omitted in ii. Ne wíst|e he nógt | quát | he wóren, 434: ii b. Húr|e

sínn|e ðú | hím | forgíue, 549, with good effect. Inversion of the

accent is infrequent, i. ðu sált | áfter | ðe ðríd|de deí, 141, 517:

and waín|es nímen, 416, Quuor ié|su críst | wúlde | ben bóren, 484, He

hím | bifóren, 557. Synizesis occurs in olie 512, birigeles 528, biriele

542. Syncope of the syllable after the accent in trisyllabic words is

certain in breðẹre 21, 325, 429, blomẹde 115, rechẹde 178, euẹrilc 268,

lerẹde 354, eldẹre 483, luuẹde 554, and similarly in arẹn 282, comẹn

356, wilẹn 358; it is probable, though not assured by the metre in

seruede 105, wrigteles 130, leuere 139, fugeles 143, euerilc 152 &c.,

gaderen 188, faderes 229, 347, oðere 253 (oðre 573), breðere 51 &c.,

werneden 261, wunede 471, eldere 560, hotene 562; the medial e in words

of this type is nowhere necessary for the scansion. The verbal

termination -eþ has probably full syllabic value everywhere, as it has

at 77, 92, 286, 367, 523. Elision takes place in allẹ 16, wantedẹ 209,

sentẹ 213, listnedẹ 276, ðhogtẹ 347, witterlikẹ 479, hiatus in 153, 155,

233, 246, 252, 262, 367, 378, 425, 551, 586: in a large number of lines

there is a choice between elision and hiatus; in view of the author’s

liking for trisyllabic feet, the preference should perhaps be given to

the latter.

Proper names of three syllables have, with few exceptions, two accents,

those of two syllables are very often stressed on the second, according

to the current clerical use, for Mammotrectus says ‘nulla dictio de

natura acuit ultimam nisi . . . hebraica · ut David ⁊ Jacob.’ So

ábrahám, adád, béniamín (10), but béniamin 422, chánaán, ‘cánahán,’ GE

726, dotáym, ebrón, éffraým, gálaád, génesís, gersén, iurdón, mánassén,

pháraón 119 (7), pháraún 172 r. w. prisun, but pháraon 191, 465, pharáon

411, pútifár 87, 199, but pv́tifar 91, rámesé, sichém 25, but síchem 29,

sýmeón, ýsaác. Otherwise egípte, once egípt 213, iácob, ácob 445,

jacóbes, iésu, jóseph, jósep, ósep (18), iosép 92, 266, joséph 139 r. w.

swep, in many other places the metre admits of either accentuation,

josépes, júdas 387, elsewhere indeterminate, as Vdas 45, móyses, pháran,

rúben 55, elsewhere rubén is possible; adjectives are cristéne 510,

ebrísse. The spelling of the proper names mostly follows Comestor or the

Vulgate, but ebron, egipte, jurdon, pharaon are French, and probably

ramese; in view of the variants, no conclusion can be drawn from initial

j in Jacob, Judas, and Joseph; for the last the author probably wrote

iosep throughout.

The corruptions of the text consist mostly of inversions of the word

order and additions which aim at greater clearness or emphasis. Line 6,

read witter of wune (H = Holthausen); l. 7, hise breðere sag (H); l. 8,

gan it; l. 24, ðog ðhóg|te iác|ob it súl|de bén; l. 53, was it; l. 60,

Til he him; l. 77, it helpeð (H); l. 82, Wor sé|li fólc | hem rést|e

déde, comp. GE 257; l. 91, his; l. 108, Harde drém|es óg|en a wóld|e

ðát; l. 118, ðorin, comp. GE 3634; l. 130, And wrígt | ẹleslík|e hóld|en

in bónd; l. 134, omit ðe; l. 149, read ðo drémp|te phá|raón | a drém;

comp. 200/119, 127; l. 159, ránkẹ on | an búsk | and wél | tidí; l. 163,

To sám|en smít|en and ón | a stúnd; l. 172, omit ðe king; l. 173, omit

ðo; l. 180, omit king; l. 182, read In fúl | sumhéd | súlen | ben númen,

comp. 207/351, 208/400; l. 183, And séu|e súl|en áft|er bén; l. 186,

v́nd|er númen; l. 190, omit forð (H) and read ger; l. 191, omit king; l.

ðe feíð | ic og phár|aón (H); l. 269, H would read here for ðe, but

?pai-ed; l. 275, omit so; l. 279, omit ðanne; l. 285, read If bén|iamín

| ge; l. 287, Aí | sal hé | wið mé | biléwen; l. 290, omit non; l. 293,

read Óc | he ne dúr|en weí | cumen ín, comp. 206/305; l. 310, omit alle;

l. 311, omit alle; l. 312, read Here nón | ðo lót|en hád|den míri; l.

317, Béð | nu stíll|e quád | þe stiwárd; l. 341, Sone gé|de he út; l.

358, If gé | gu wíl|ẹn wið tréw|ðẹ léden, comp. 212/512; l. 361, omit

alle; l. 370, read Grét | vnsélð|e is gú | cumen ón; l. 384, ðát | ic ám

198/37, 40, 208/388, GE 270; l. 394, he dé|de ut áll|e ðe tóð|ẹre gón;

súl|en ben númen; l. 411, omit king, and in line 412, newe; l. 421, omit

here; l. 438, read Al egípt|e ín | his wíll|e clíueð; l. 446, Ánd | of

477, read wurðe; l. 492, Hál|i gást | it him déd|e sén; l. 495, read

his; l. 498, And egípt|e fólc | him faír|e biwáken; l. 500, read

swíl|ke; l. 514, ðo bén | ðam ál | ðat wéch|e déde; l. 528, scan get

ádd|e jác|ob bír|{y}els nón; l. 529, omit king; l. 531, omit it; l. 542,

scan ðor ís | ðat lích | in bír|{y}els dón; l. 545, read Hise bréð|ẹre

ðán|ne cóm|en him tó; l. 546, omit alle; l. 550, read Wið ðán | ðat wé |

ðe v́nd|er líuen; l. 577, ðe móy|ses eár | ðurg gód|es réd; l. 579, read

his; l. 587, éngẹles | amóng | and sé|li mén, comp. GE 700, 785. In ll.

66, 67, it, though metrically admissible, is superfluous: l. 68 may be

scanned, Jf his chíld|es wéd|e it mígt|e bén: ll. 250, 251 are

unrhythmical and al in the former, ungrammatical, perhaps, álle but |

here bróð|er sým|eón might be read, for l. 251 Holthausen proposed,

improve the rhythm, as ure for ur in l. 316: scan l. 470, ðe wás |

y-ót|en rám|esé. A considerable use is made of alliteration.

#Introduction:# The author tells us that his song is drawn out of Latin

and written in simple language for those who are not book-learned. He

was probably a secular priest, for there is no reference to the monastic

life in his work. His source was almost exclusively the Historia

Scholastica of Peter Comestor (here quoted from the edition printed by

Crespin at Lyons in 1526), but he occasionally referred to the Vulgate.

As his purpose was narrative, he leaves out most of Comestor’s learned

disquisitions, but he retains those at ll. 81-4, 501-21 and somewhat

enlarges the latter. The source of ll. 354-58 has not been discovered;

it may have been an interpolated Comestor. The addition of ‘ouer pharan’

in l. 541 is probably due to the author.

2. #unred#, folly, an ill-advised thing; OE. #unrǣd#: comp. ‘He has me

don oft vnresun,’ CM 3747; ‘vnwit,’ Laud Troy Book, 4285.

3. #For# &c. is the remnant of a calculation in Comestor of Jacob’s age

at the time when Joseph was sold. See Gen. xxxvii. 2.

6. ‘prestantior corpore et sapientior ceteris,’ Comestor. #wastme# is

Mätzner’s emendation; Morris suggested wasteme: the same scribal error,

‘of faiger waspene’ occurs at GE 1440. OE. #wæstm, wæstem# means growth,

stature; the sense here is, countenance: comp. ‘hire wliti westum,’ SK

310, answering to ‘vultus ipsius claritas.’ #of witter wune#, discreet

in behaviour: the explanations of Mätzner, ‘of intellectual capacity,’

and of Morris, ‘of good ability,’ seem to force the meaning of wune,

which is, custom, use, so ‘for kinde wune,’ GE 1405, by family custom,

usage. Comp. 208/384; ‘witter of figt,’ GE 864; ‘o resun . . . rijf,’ CM

14837; ‘o reson . . . ranc,’ id. 21024.

Selections from Early Middle English, 1130-1250. Part 2: Notes · 第 801 / 959 题