#Manuscript:# Cotton Nero A 14, British Museum. See p. 355.
#Editions:# Morris, R., OEH i. 191-9 (with translation), and Specimens,
129-32 (part only); Zupitza-Schipper, AE. Lesebuch, ed. viii. 106-10.
#Literature:# Kölbing, E., ES i. 169; Lauchert, F., ES xiii. 83; xvi.
124. Marufke, W., Der älteste englische Marienhymnus, Leipzig, 1907;
Vollhardt, W. (see p. 269/19).
#Phonology:# This section should be compared with the account of MS. N
of the Ancrene Wisse, pp. 363-5, the copy of which is by the same scribe
as the Orison.
Oral #a# is _a_, hauest 9, uare 119; #a# before nasals is _o_, mon 74,
nome 126, hwon 112, 119, but me 45; #a# before lengthening groups is
_o_, londe 16, ilong 96, but and 4: þeonne 118 is influenced by heonne.
#æ# is regularly _e_, et 90, gled 54, hedde 144, nes 68, once _ea_, sead
30, and _a_ in habbe 82 (4 times), hwat 106, was 88 (4). #e# is _e_,
aleggen 133, seggen 158; before lengthening groups, engles 27, schende
92, but _i_ in siggen 134, siggeð 72, 73: in seoruwe 60, 89, 120 _eo_
represents #œ#, _i_-umlaut of #o#. #i# is _i_. #o# is _o_, uorst 38,
hopie 110, note 88; before lengthening groups, gold 34, nolde 143: þene
93, 127, 169 is LWS. #þæne#: #on# without stress is _a_ 9. #u# is _u_,
kume 117, unne 164; before lengthening groups, bunden 123, murnen 44.
#y# is _u_, agult 82, muchele 14 (7), sunne r. w. wiðinnen 92; before
lengthening groups, guldene 45, 52, welsprung 72 r. w. þing, but chelle
45: king 57, kinestol 25 have the usual _i_. #ā# is _o_, holie 126, loðe
93, one 21, but a _adv._ 129, a _art._ 150; before two consonants, wost
145: nenne 131 represents #nǣnne#. #ǣ{1}# is divided between _e_ (15),
clenenesse 163, er 66, techen 48; before two consonants, euer 54, lefdi
2 (5), neuer 30 (3), and _ea_ (10) in cleane 42 (3), todealen 95, deale
154, heale 6 (3), healen 124, leafdi 170: ilch 81 is OE. #ylc#. #ǣ{2}#
is regularly _e_, uorbere 106, greden 155, misdeden 156, were 105, but
_a_ in hwar 106. #ē# is _e_, greten 152, swete 17, but _eo_ in steoren
45, weopen 44 represents umlaut #œ̄#, and idreaued 58, 82, from
#drœ̄fan#, descends in form from #drǣfan#. #ī# is _i_, arine 127, bliðe
116, hird 51, but _u_ in hwule 12, 153, swuðe 14 (6), wummon 23, wummen
19. #ō# is _o_: #ū#, _u_: #ȳ#, _u_, kuðe 118 r. w. siðe, fulðe 94 r. w.
dweoluhðe, luðere 123, luðernesse 107, schrude 139 r. w. wide, ischrud
51.
#ea# before #r# + cons. is _e_, der 158, erme 64, ert 158, 160, herm 36,
ȝeruh 132, but ȝeirkest 49. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, al 4 &c.,
uallen 111, ualuwen 39, schalt 149: the _i_-umlaut is seen in wille 46
(#wiell#). #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, eorðe 159 r. w. wurðe, ueor
94, ȝeorne 80, 103, heorte 4 (5); to the #wur# group belong wurðie 7,
wurðeð 21, wurð 122, wurschipe 13: beornen 104, wurðe 138, 160 are
without umlaut. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _u_ in suluen 64, 66, 100.
The _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #a# is wanting in kare 120, iðauien 142; it
may possibly account for _e_ in were 71, comp. #helwearum# VP 29/4,
#Sodomwearena# VH 7/62. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e# is _eo_, dweolðe 148,
dweoluhðe 93, heouene 77 (3), heoueriche 24, 150. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of
#e# is _eo_, ueole 9. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #i# is _o_, hore 22, 42. #ea#
after palatals is _a_, schal 45, and _e_, ȝef 100. #ie# after #ġ# is
_i_, ȝiue 162, ȝif 102, 126, ȝiuest 34 (3), uorȝiuenesse 110, 132, but
_e_ in forȝelden 135. EWS. #gief# is ȝif 42, 84. #eo# after #sć# is _u_,
schulen 41, 43; #ie# after #sć#, _i_, ischild 120. #eom# is am 112, 113,
ham 98; #heom#, ham 56.
#ēa# is _ea_, deað 36, leasung 75, read 53, but _e_ in ek 87, ec 159,
edmodnesse 79, isched 88; its _i_-umlaut is _e_, aulem 94, alesed 15,
ȝeme 163, ȝemeð 42, ȝeme 121, ihere 84, but dreameð 27, without umlaut.
#ēo# is regularly _eo_, beon 113 &c., biseon 134, deoflene 15, leoue 2
(10), but looue 100, 170, apparently for lōue; the _i_-umlaut is _e_,
onsene 27. #ēo# after #g# is _eo_, ȝeomer 40: #gīet# is ȝet 109.
#a# + #g# is _aw_, drawe 128, 141. #æ# + #g# is _ei_, dei 50, feier 137,
mei 31, but daie 8, dai 166, fawe 142 (#fagen#). #e# + #g# is also _ei_,
awei 94, pleie 62, reine 58 r. w. kwene. #i# + #g# final is _i_, holi
70, i 97, 106, moniuold 61, murie 27. #i# + #ht# is _iht_, wiht 31, 47.
#u# + #g# is _uw_, muwen 65. #ā# + #g# gives _ow_, owen 13, owune 112;
#ā# + #h#, ouh 7. #ō# + #h# is _ouh_, auouh 119, brouhte 86, inouh 62.
#ū# + #g# is _uw_, buwe 3. #ie#, _i_-umlaut of #ea#, + #ht# is _iht_,
miht 133, nihte 8. #eo# + #ht# is also _iht_, briht 19, uihte 60; the
_i_-umlaut is seen in bisihð 81. #ēa# + #g# gives _ei_, beie 3, beien
18. #ēo# + #ht# is _iht_, liht 5, lihtliche 133, 135. #ēa# + #h# is seen
in þauh 82, 105. #ā# + #w#, bloweð 37, soule 5, snou 38, but iseie (?
#gesǣge#). #ēo# + #w#, kneon 3, kneouwunge 136, reoweð 101, þeoudome 98.
#Swā# is so 53. For #e#, _u_ is written in owune 112; for #o#, _e_ in
heouene 77, sumer 39: _e_ is added in clenenesse 163, heuede 108,
heuedest 107, neuere 143, but neure 111; #e# is lost in hird 51; the
suffix #ing# is _ung_ in gretunge 135. #on# is weakened to a 9. _u_ is
added in dweoluhðe 93, muruhðe 61, seoruwe 60 (3), þuruh 122 (3); comp.
‘seluðe,’ AR 354/4.
Metathesis of #r# is seen in spert 140; #rr# is simplified in der 158;
#ll# in wil 62; #mm# in ȝimstones 55. #n# is lost in i 50, o 96, 114 and
medially in heoueriche 24, 150. #bb# is simplified in sib 60. #f# is
generally preserved in combination with other consonants, deoflene 15,
efter 76, lefdi 2; before _u_, ful 35, fulðe 94; finally, ȝif 126, lif
6; initially after a word ending in a voiceless sound, fawe 142, feier
137, fif 102, forboren 109, forȝelden 135. Otherwise it is _u_, _v_,
uorst 38, aulem 94, auouh 119, iureden 38; exceptions are hefedest 143
and the contract hedde 144. _t_ is added by inadvertence in þuruhtut 70;
#tt# is simplified in biset 55: #þ# is omitted in wurschipe 13, wurchipe
130. After þet, þu becomes tu 72, 84, 91, but vort þu 64, þet þe 73, 74,
bit þe 132, et ðe 90. #ts# is represented by _c_ in milce 79 (3):
#bletsung# is blescinge 162. #ss# is simplified in blisful 19. Initial
#sć# is _sch_, gledschipe 14, schende 92, but wurðscipe 141, wurchipe
130; medially it is _ssc_, englissce 167, _ssch_, wassche 139. #c# [k]
is _k_ before e, i, u, ȝeirkest 49, sike 97, kinescrud 34, kunne 9, _c_
before o, com 36, icoren 67, in other positions it is indiscriminately
_c_ or _k_, Cristes 1, krune 55, kneon 3, licame 163, kare 120, woc 40,
ek 87, ec 159. #č# is _ch_, eche 35, techen 48, stenches 44; #čč# is
_cch_, drecche 148, wrecche 130, but arechen 47: #cw# is _kw_, kwene 57,
but once queadschipe 42: #cg# is _gg_, aleggen 133, seggen 158. Palatal
#g# is written _ȝ_, ȝef 100, forȝelden 135, ȝimstones 55: the prefix
#ge-# is preserved as _i_, ilong 96. The stop #g# is doubled in singges
8. For #h#, _ch_ is written in ðurchut 142; _h_ is added in ham 98,
dweoluhðe 93, ȝeruh 132 (as at AR 394/12), lost in is 126, licame 163,
arine 127 (#ahrīnan#), lefdi 2, ringes 34, but #hw# is kept in hwar 106.
#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the
_s. n._ sune 57 represents #sunu#, gome 62 has lost final #n#. _Gen._
-es, deaðes 120, kunnes 92, but heoueriche 150 is not inflected: _dat._
-e, daie 8, deaðe 90, reine 58, siðe 101, wille 46; no exceptions. In
the _a._ schrifte 152 has added e. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in
-es, engles 27, beies 34, but were 21: neuters are þing 71, kneon 3.
Genitives are kunne 9, meidene 21, þinge 76; weak forms are deoflene 15,
englene 16 (4); there are no datives. The _fem._ nouns of the strong
declension have -e in the _s. n. a._, kwene 57, ore 73, sorinesse 36,
bene 84, except sib 60, help 116 (often _m._ in OE.). _Gen._ -e, helle
44, 104, soule 5: _dat._ -e, blisse 16 (5), fulðe 94, honde 15, mihte 7.
_Pl. dat._ are honden 32, misdeden 156, wunden 102; _a._ heorte 18,
wunden 124. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the
singular, except lefdi 2 (6): plurals are _n._ blostmen 37, _d._
wrecchen 63, uote 155. The minor declensions are represented by mon
_s. n._ 74, wummon 23, men _pl. n._ 13, ureondmen 166, wepmen _pl. a._
20, wummen 19; nihte _s. d._ 8, 59, niht _s. a._ 50; moder _s. n._ 1,
67; ureondes _pl. a._ 33.
Adjectives which in OE. end in a vowel have -e throughout, eche 35, 39,
62, 120, swete 17. Of the weak declension are _s. n._ leoue 2 (5), looue
100, 170, _d._ erme 64, fule 94, heie 66, 165, holie 126, leoue 125,
_a._ englissce 167, leoue 26, 76, loðe 93. Strong inflections are _s. d.
m._ guldene 45, _s. d. f._ hwite 51, _s. a. m._ fulle 65, _s. a. f._
fulle 110, gode 121: iliche 23, 68 is #gelīca#. The plurals of all
adjectives end in -e, holie 71, hwite 37, luðere 123, reade 37;
exceptions are gled 54, sead 30, hwit, read 53; gold-ring 34 is an OE.
combination. #mycel# is _s. n._ muchel 79, _s. d._ muchele _m._ 14, _f._
89, 140, _neut._ 49. #āgen# gives owune 112. #ān# occurs once as a 150;
#āna# is one _s. d. m._ 125, _f._ 21: #nān# is _s. n._ no 23 (9), non
24, 39 (pronominal), 47 (before heorte), 40, _s. g. neut._ none 92,
_a. m._ nenne 131. Adjectives used as nouns are god _s. a. neut._ 49,
muchel 151: superlatives are best 129, leouest 76.
The personal pronouns are ich, i 97, 106, me, we, us, þu, tu 72 (4),
after þet, þe. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ hit _neut._
63, _a._ 11; _pl. n._ heo 30 &c., _d._ ham 29, _a._ 15. Reflexives are
mi suluen 100, ðe suluen 64, 66: possessives, _s. n._ mi 6 &c., min 6,
96, 158 (pronominal), _g._ mire _f._ 5, mine 5, 157, mines _neut._ 2,
_d._ mine _m._ 117, mire _f._ 75, mine 7, 107, mine _neut._ 126, _a._
mine _m._ 152, _f._ 135, mi _neut._ 133, min 4; _pl._ mine _n._ 166,
_d._ 156, _a._ 3: _s. n._ þi 25 (3), þin 24 (7) before vowel or h, 157
(predicative), _d._ ðine _m._ 26 (4), ðire _f._ 149 (5), þine 18 (8),
þin 27, ðine _neut._ 89, _a._ þine _m._ 116, _f._ 31 (3), þi _neut._ 30;
_pl._ þine _d._ 32, 155, _a._ 33: is 126: ure 18, 86: hore 22, 42. The
definite article is _s. n._ þe 53 &c., _g._ þes 100 (pronominal), _d._
ðe _m._ 90, þere _f._ 85, 88, _a._ þene _m._ 93, 127, 169; _pl. g._ þer
24 (for þere). The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þes _m._ 78, _d._
þisse _neut._ 64, 119, _a._ ðesne _m._ 167, 170. The relative is þet 23
&c., once þe 41; ðet 12, during which; interrogative is hwat 106;
indefinites are me 45; ilch _s. d. m._ 81; sume _s. d. m._ 101; ueole
_pl. g._ 9; _s. n._ al 5, _g._ alle _neut._ 93, _d. m._ 42, _f._ 7, _a._
al _m._ 100, _neut._ 48 &c.; _pl. n._ alle 13 (6), _g._ alre 76, _a._
alle 19.
The infinitives of the second weak conjugation end in -ien, iðauien 142,
karien 43, luuien 17, except ualuwen 39; others, 32 in number, end in
-en, but without n are deale 154, singge 8, þonkie 12, wurðie 7, iseo
165: to biseonne 137, to iseonne 30 are _dat._ infinitives. Presents are
_s._ 1. beie 3, hopie 110, liuie 12, offrie 4, þonkie 11, wene 111,
wurðie 146; 2. ȝiuest 34, ȝeirkest 49; 3. hateð 145, likeð 29, wurðeð
144, contracted bisihð 81, bit 80, 132, let 56, spert 140, wurð 68, 122;
_pl._ 3. bloweð 37, wurðeð 21: _subjunctive s._ 1. habbe 116, 156, iðeo
121, 130; 2. bringe 169, ȝiue 162, kume 117, kuðe 118, makie 91,
schrude, wassche 139, werie, wite 147; 3. arine 127, derie 148, drawe
128, drecche 148, habbe 82, ihere 84, schende 92, to-drawe 141, unne
164; _pl._ 1. kumen 66: _imperative s._ 2. auouh 119, aulem 94, ȝeme
163, haue 159, ȝif 102, 126, ischild 120, iþench 100, nim 121, þole 127.
Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 1. ȝef 100; 2. iseie 105: I b. 3. com
36; _subj. s._ 2. uorbere 106: I c. _s._ 3. funde 170 (weak form): IV.
_s._ 1. uorsoc 99; 2. stode 90. Participles past: I b. forboren 109,
iboren 23, 68, ibroken 151, ikumen 112, inumen 107: I c. bunden 123,
iholpen 9, isungen 167: III. icoren 67, uorloren 74, 108: V. isched 88.
Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. heuede 108, wreðede 101; 2. heuedest 107,
143: _subjunctive s._ 3. brouhte 86, hedde 144. Participles present:
liuiinde 40 _adj._; past: agult 82, alesed 15, biset 55, ibrouht 10, 98,
idreaued 58, 82, ischrud 51, isend 16. Minor Groups: wot 1 _pr. s._ 103,
wost 2 _pr. s._ 145; ouh 1 _pr. s._ 7, owen 1 _pr. pl._ 18, owe we 17,
owen _pr. pl._ 13; kunne 1 _pr. s. subj._ 134; der 1 _pr. s._ 158; schal
1 _pr. s._ 104, schalt 2 _pr. s._ 149, schal _pr. s._ 45, 95, schulen
_pr. pl._ 41, 43; miht 2 _pr. s._ 133, mei _pr. s._ 31, 74, muwen 1 _pr.
pl._ 65; mote 1 _pr. s. subj._ 165; beon _inf._ 74, 113, to beonne _dat.
inf._ 29, 138, am 1 _pr. s._ 112, 113, ham 98, ert 2 _pr. s._ 5, 158,
160, is _pr. s._ 25, nis 23 (4), beoð _pr. pl._ 52, beo 1 _pr. s. subj._
23, 116, _pr. s. subj._ 122, 129, 138, _pr. pl. subj._ 166, was 1 _pt.
s._ 106, _pt. s._ 88, nes 68, were 2 _pt. s. subj._ 105; wulle 1 _pr.
s._ 12 (3), wule 113, wult 2 _pr. s._ 121, 133, 142, wule _pr. s._ 142;
don _inf._ 13, do 152, dest 2 _pr. s._ 149, doð _pr. pl._ 41, 56, dude 1
_pt. s._ 106.
Noteworthy are the adverb þereuore 63, 83, an early example of the
meaning, that being so, and the prepositions anunder 32, OE. #anunder#
(Morsbachs Studien, l. 171), ine 104 (4), onuppe 25 (comp. ‘anuppon’
77/46).
#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are laste 69, lasten 123, lune 126, wonteð
73, possibly trust 125. French are cherite 161, ciclatune 51, krune 52,
ikruned 52, lai 167, paradise 10, 49, 108, seruise 50, seinte 17, seynte
1, trone 22. Latin are cherubine 25, lilie 53, munuch 169, rose 53,
seraphine 26, all OE. borrowings, except the last. The inflectional -e
of cherubine, seraphine appears to be quite isolated.
#Dialect:# The Orison in its present form agrees substantially with the
copy of the Ancren Riwle in the same manuscript; both are in the dialect
of the scribe, that of the Middle South. But the Midland i for #y#, #ȳ#
is attested by the spoilt rhymes þing : welsprung 71; wiþinnen : sunne
91; kuðe : siðe 118; schrude : wide 139, which also point to an original
filðe : dwilðe 94 (the forms dweoleð, dweoluhðe, dweolðe are found only
in this manuscript), and chille : wille 45. There is nothing else in the
rhymes to help to a nearer localization of the author: it can only be
said that his dialect was Midland.
#Metre:# This is in dispute. Schipper sees in it a mixture of
septenaries, alexandrines, and alliterative verse. He regards l. 28,
pléieð and swéieð and síngeð bitwéonen as the only indubitable example
of the last, but first half-lines have two accents only in, to þé ich
búwe 2; and þónkie wúlle 12; ne wéopen ne múrnen 44, 72, 77, and second
half-lines in, þi uéir to iséonne 30; mid gúldene chélle 45; mid énglene
wílle 46, 52, 70. The alexandrine is a French verse of six stresses
equally divided into two half-verses by a caesura; the ending of each
half-line may be masculine or feminine; each half-line may also take a
prelude. The scheme of the verse is accordingly (x)x́xx́xx́ (x) ||
(x)x́xx́xx́(x). Such is held to be the rhythm of nís no | wúmmon i|bóren
|| þét ðe | béo i|líche 23; þíne | blísse ne | méi || nó wiht |
únder|stónden 31, where the stress on ‘þet’ and ‘no’ is forced. It is
found necessary to employ all the licences of English prosody in
scanning this foreign metre, which moreover in its native form is never
mixed with other metres, and rhymes, not in couplets, but only in
‘laisses’ or fours. Scanned as septenaries are, biuór|en ðín|e léo|ue
súne || wiðín|nen sér|aphíne 26; þú ham | ȝíuest | kíne | scrúd || beíes
| and góld|ringes 34. But a line like vor heo neúer ne beoð séad . þi
ueír to iséonne 30 may be scanned as an alliterative long line as
marked, or as a septenary, vór heo | néuer | né beoð | séad || þi uéir |
tó i|séonne, or as an alexandrine, vor heo neú|er ne béoð | séad || þi
uéir | tó i|séonne. On the other hand, Kaluza refuses to admit such an
admixture of metres: he regards the poem as written throughout in
septenaries. So the first line is to be scanned, Crístes | mílde |
mód|èr || séynte | Már|íè. The unstressed syllable in a foot is often
wanting; sometimes all the syllables of a word are stressed, as in the
first half of l. 55, Mid bríht|e ȝím | stòn|ès. It is very artificial
and unconvincing.
The matter is complicated by the fact that the Orison is only a copy,
probably a copy of a copy, perhaps one of a succession of copies. A
scribe dealing with an older text was generally little concerned about
the form and much about the matter and the transcription of its language
into his own dialect and idiom. That the text of the Orison has suffered
from this preoccupation is evident from the rhymes; it is fairly certain
that the author wrote lefdie 2, 11, 17, 170, sorinisse 36,
mildheortnisse 78, 149, 164, edmodnisse 79, luðernisse 107, rene 58,
leste 69, leasinge 75, gretinge 85, þas 100, seggen 134, and it may be
inferred that alterations, including substitution of words, have been
made within the verse. But even taking this into account, it is very
doubtful whether the poet meant to write syllabic verse at all. Rather
his metre exhibits the alliterative long line in the last stage of its
dissolution, in which systematic rhyme has largely displaced the older
and once essential elements of the verse. If rhythms occur, which can
with some violence be forced into the moulds of purely syllabic verse,
they are not of the author’s express purpose; precisely the same
phenomenon is seen in Layamon (464/5). Moreover the alliterative element
is considerable; the poet starts with two perfect lines, and ll. 60, 94,
101, 115, 153, 157, 171 have each three alliterating words; l. 3 is up
to the Layamonic norm, and there are twenty-seven others equally good.
But the development of the verse towards rhyme is complete and no
longer, as in Layamon, occasional and for the most part imperfect
(464/16).
#Introduction:# The author speaks of himself as a monk and of his
composition as an English lay, as though it were an original production.
He shows acquaintance with the earlier English literature, his manner is
English, and the French element in his vocabulary is remarkably small.
The highly conventional character of his language makes it difficult to
speak with any confidence of his reading, but he would find much of it
in his service books, and he was probably acquainted with Adgar’s Mary
Legends and the long series of Orationes ad Sanctam Mariam Virginem with
the Psalterium S. Virginis of S. Anselm (ed. Gerberon, pp. 276-87,
303-8), the enthusiastic promoter of the cult of the Virgin Mary in
England. For the same reason it is impossible to give much weight to the
series of parallels from the writings of S. Edmund of Pontigny (Edmund
Rich, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1234-40), by which Marufke has sought to
prove his authorship of the Orison.
In #ureisun# of the title, both pretonic and tonic _u_ are
characteristic of early Anglo-French: _ei_ is historic spelling, and at
this time alternates in AF. with phonetic _e_.
1. Comp. 134/67; ‘O mater alma Christi charissima,’ York Brev. ii. 182;
‘virgo singularis: inter omnes mitis,’ id. ii. 477; ‘La duce mere al
Salueur,’ Adgar 131/39.
2. #mi leoue lefdi#: comp. ll. 11, 17, 63, 115, 170; ‘ma douce dame,’
Wright, Lyric Poetry, 55/1.