Seven days later, he wrote again:—

“_March 15._ The author of the _London Magazine_ has

taken notice of ‘Theron and Aspasio,’ and, really, in a

very respectful and honourable manner. My sentence in the

_Gentleman’s Magazine_ is respited till next month. I know not

whether the _Monthly Review_ has taken me to task; but this I

know, that, if God be for us, it matters not who is against

us.”[236]

Hervey perceived his book would be attacked on the ground, that, his

doctrine of the imputed righteousness of Christ led to Antinomianism;

and he already entertained the idea of writing another work as a sort

of appendix to his former one. Under the date of March 19, 1755, he

observes:—

“I proposed to have closed the plan of ‘Theron and Aspasio’

with an explicit and pretty copious treatise on evangelical

holiness or obedience; and to have shown my true believer

in his dying moments. If your thoughts should happen to

take such a turn, be so good as to suggest what you think

the most advisable and advantageous way of managing this

important point. This would most effectually stop the mouths

of Arminians, and be the best security against the abuses of

Antinomians. I could wish, if it were the Lord’s will, that I

might live to furnish out one more volume of this kind.”

The sale of “Theron and Aspasio” proceeded with such rapidity, that,

the second edition was made larger than Hervey and his publisher had

originally agreed. Hence the following:—

“_April 5._ Our new edition goes on at a great rate. They have

finished very near half of each volume: and my publisher,

presuming that I should have no objection, took the liberty of

making the edition consist of 4,000, instead of 3,000, on which

we had agreed. I suppose he was prompted to do this, by finding

a call for the piece.”[237]

In revising the work for this second edition, he earnestly asked the

help, not only of John Ryland, the Baptist minister, but of William

Cudworth, the minister of an Independent congregation, in Margaret

Street, London. To the latter, he wrote as follows:—

“_April 22._ The doctrine, which you approve in my essay, and

have clearly displayed and fully proved in your own writings,

is not relished by everybody; no, not by many pious people. I

take the liberty to send you a couple of letters containing

objections.[238] I wish you would be so kind as to consider

them, and, in your _concise_ way, which I much admire, to make

your remarks upon them. I am not shaken in my opinion by these

attacks; but I should be glad to deliver it more clearly, and

establish it more firmly, in another edition.

“I heartily wish you success in your projected work.[239]

I assure you, it is my opinion, that, such a book, if well

executed, will be one of the most valuable services to the

present age. You will not, I hope, be too hasty. Mr. Wesley has

huddled over his performance[240] in a most precipitate, and,

therefore, most imperfect manner. One would think, his aim was,

not to select the best and noblest passages, but to reprint

those which came first to hand.”

Cudworth responded to the request of Hervey; and the two henceforward

became ardently attached and confiding friends. This, if it did not

actually create, widened the breach between Hervey and his old adviser,

Wesley. Ten years before, Wesley and Cudworth had come into collision,

by Wesley’s publication of his two Dialogues “between an Antinomian and

his friend;” partly written in answer to a “Dialogue” which Cudworth

himself had published. Wesley, rightly or wrongly, accounted Cudworth

an Antinomian, and spoke of him with a severity which he seldom used.

Cudworth resented this; angry feelings were engendered; and, beyond a

doubt, Hervey’s affection and respect for Wesley were lamentably abated.

The year 1755 was a crisis in the history of the Societies, which had

been founded by the labours of Wesley and his itinerant evangelists.

At a Conference, held at Leeds, three days were spent in discussing

the momentous question, whether the Methodists should separate from

the Established Church. It was on this occasion, that, Charles Wesley

composed and published his famous poetical “Epistle” to his brother.

Hervey heard of this, and wrote as follows:—

“_1755, July 5._ I have just now read advertised in the

magazine, the following book, ‘An Epistle from Charles Wesley

to John Wesley.’ Has your ladyship seen or heard of it? If you

have, be so good as to inform me of the design and contents. I

hope, there is no hostility commenced between the brothers. I

have no connection, nor correspondence with them, but should be

sorry for such an event.”[241]

Hervey had ceased to write to Wesley; but Wesley wrote to him. Hence the

following:—

“WESTON, _August, 1755_.

“Pray return Mr. Wesley’s letter. I find, by private

intelligence, that, he has shown it in London; and has thought

proper to animadvert upon me, by name, from his pulpit. I am

inclined to take no notice either of his preaching or his

writing.

“My good friend, Mr. Whitefield, is now at my house. He

purposes to lift up his voice at Northampton, and proclaim the

acceptable year of the Lord.”[242]

Did Hervey get his “private intelligence” from Whitefield? Probably

he did. It is a curious fact, that, at this very time, there was a

misunderstanding between Wesley and Whitefield, respecting Methodist

affairs at Norwich;[243] and, though there was no breach of friendship,

it is not at all unlikely, that, this and cognate matters would be the

subject of conversation at the meeting which Hervey mentions.

Whitefield was at Weston-Favel on August 30; and here he wrote several

letters, remarking in one of them:—“Mr. Hervey is now writing another

volume, upon Sanctification.” This, of course, was the work which has

been already named; but which was never published. Ten days after

Whitefield’s visit, Hervey described his plan, in a long letter, from

which the following is an extract:—

“WESTON-FAVEL, _September 10, 1755_.

“MY DEAR FRIEND,—I esteem your letters as treasures. Though I

destroy almost all I receive, every one of yours is preserved.

“The grasshopper is a burden to me. Every blast blows me down,

or my continual indisposition and inconceivable languors pierce

through me. I now hang a swelled face over my paper; occasioned

only by taking the air yesterday in my chair, and finding a

sharper atmosphere, than for many weeks I had been accustomed

to. Pray for me, dear sir, that, established in Christ, and

strong in His faith, I may be looking for, and hasting to the

coming of the day of God; when this poor, enervated, crazy

body, will be made like unto Christ’s glorious body.

“I live with my mother and sister. Our method is, every morning

at nine, when we breakfast, to read a verse or two from the

Bible, and make it the subject of our conversation,” etc., etc.

“I desire your opinion concerning the plan of my new work;

which, with a weak hand and desponding heart, I have sketched

out, though with very little hope of being enabled to execute.

“The _Plan_ of the Supplement to _Theron_ and _Aspasio_.

“Pleasure and happiness of Christ’s religion (for I am of the

same mind with Mr. Marshall, in his Treatise on Sanctification,

namely, that, we must partake of the comforts of the Gospel,

before we can practise the duties of the law).—Theron oppressed

with fears, on account of his numerous sins.—Discouraged with

doubts on account of his imperfect obedience.—The cordials

of the Gospel re-administered, with some additional spirit

and strength.—Objections to assurance of faith, stated,

discussed, answered.—Vital holiness; its nature, necessity,

excellency.—Its grand efficient, the blessed Spirit.—Its

principal instrument, true faith; mixed with which, the

Scriptures, the Lord’s Supper, prayer, the divine promises, are

powerful and effectual means; disunited from which, they are

a dead letter and insignificant ordinances.—The evangelical

principles of holiness, such as, ‘I beseech you by the mercies

of God’; ‘Ye are bought with a price’; ‘Ye are the temples

of the living God’; etc.—All these privileges, though not

hereditary, yet indefeasible; or the final perseverance of

the believer.—Our friends part; renew their correspondence;

Theron desires to glorify the God of his salvation, asks

advice concerning the best method of family worship, educating

children, instructing servants, edifying acquaintance.—On each

of these particulars, Aspasio satisfies his inquiry, enlarges

on the subject of education, especially of daughters; as that

seems to be the most neglected, or the proper way of conducting

it least understood.—Letter on the covenant of grace,

comprising the substance, and being a kind of recapitulation,

of the three foregoing volumes.—Aspasio seized with a sudden

and fatal illness; his sentiments and behaviour in his last

moments.

“If, dear sir, you see anything in this plan, that is improper;

anything that is defective, supply it; and if any thoughts

occur on any of the topics, be so kind as to suggest them.”

Hervey, certainly, had great encouragement to continue the employment of

his pen. The first edition of “Theron and Aspasio,” as already stated,

consisted of nearly six thousand copies; and the second of four thousand;

and yet, within nine months from the time when the work was first

published, a third edition issued from the press.

No wonder, that, the book obtained the attention of Hervey’s old

friend, Wesley. The first three of the Dialogues had been submitted to

him, in manuscript, for his revision, and he had sent “some important

alterations.” Now he read the whole of Hervey’s work, not only once,

but twice, and says, “I wrote him my thoughts freely, but received no

answer.” This was probably the letter which Hervey mentions, in one of

the foregoing pages, under the date of “August, 1755.” In a little more

than a year afterwards, Wesley wrote again; and this letter, he himself

subsequently published; though, he says,—

“At the time I wrote, I had not the least thought of making

it public. I only spoke my private thoughts, in a free, open

manner, to a friend dear as a brother,—I had almost said, to a

pupil,—to a son; for so near I still accounted him.”

No doubt this second letter contained the substance of the former one.

There is much in Hervey’s book which Wesley heartily commends: the

chief points of animadversion are two. (1) He begs that Hervey will

lay aside the phrase “the imputed righteousness of Christ,” adding,

“it is not scriptural, it is not necessary, it has done immense hurt.”

Unprejudiced readers must allow that this position is impregnable. Many

of Wesley’s critiques are so brief as to be almost blunt, but they

serve to show that Hervey’s interpretation of scriptural texts, in

support of his favourite idea of the Imputed Righteousness of Christ

is, in many instances, at least, arbitrary and incorrect; and, in all

instances, insufficient for his purpose. To this part of Wesley’s letter

no exception ought to have been taken. True, it destroys the pivot

on which the whole of Hervey’s book is made to turn; but all that is

said is relevant, and there is nothing that is disrespectful. Wesley’s

remarks were pointed, but not intended to be impolite. (2) The other

section of Wesley’s criticisms, while correct in sentiment, are perhaps

hardly pertinent Hervey, to some extent, was undoubtedly a Calvinist;

but he never taught, or held the doctrines of unconditional election and

reprobation. Remembering this, Wesley was scarcely fair in such comments

as the following:—

“‘The righteousness wrought out by Jesus Christ is wrought out

for all His people, to be the cause of their justification,

and the purchase of their salvation. The righteousness is the

cause, and the purchase.’ So the death of Christ is not so much

as named! ‘For all His people.’ But what becomes of all other

people? They must invariably perish for ever. The die was cast

or ever they were in being. The doctrine to pass them by has—

“‘Consigned their unborn souls to hell,

And damned them from their mother’s womb.’

“I could sooner be a Turk, a deist, yea, an atheist, than

I could believe this. It is less absurd to deny the very

existence of God, than to make Him an almighty tyrant.

“‘The whole world and all its seasons are rich with our

Creator’s goodness. His tender mercies are over all His works.’

Are they over the bulk of mankind? Where is His goodness to the

non-elect? How are His tender mercies over them? His temporal

blessings are given to them. But are they blessings to them at

all? Are they not all curses? Does not God know they are? that,

they will only increase their damnation? Does He not design

they should? And this you call goodness! This is tender mercy!

“‘May we not discern pregnant proofs of goodness in each

individual object?’ No; on your scheme, not a spark of it, in

this world or the next, to the far greater part of the work of

His hands.

“‘This is His tender complaint, They will not come unto me!’

Nay, that is not the case; they cannot. He Himself has decreed

not to give them that grace without which their coming is

impossible.

“‘The grand end which God proposes in all His favourable

dispensations to fallen man is to demonstrate the sovereignty

of His grace.’ Not so: to impart happiness to His creatures is

His grand end herein. Barely to demonstrate His sovereignty is

a principle of action fit for the Great Turk, not the Most High

God.”

If Hervey had taught the doctrines of ultra-Calvinism, such strictures,

though strongly worded, would not have been unjust. But the question is,

did Hervey hold the tenets of unconditional election and reprobation? If

he did, Wesley was not unfair; if otherwise, Wesley’s remarks are not

applicable. Hervey probably clung to the doctrine of election; and, it

may be said, this inevitably involves the doctrine of reprobation; but

there is no evidence that Hervey regarded it in such a light. On this

subject, the man must be allowed to be his own exponent. In a letter,

written to Lady Frances Shirley, immediately after Wesley had sent him

his criticisms on “Theron and Aspasio,” Hervey observes:—

“WESTON, _November 25, 1755_.

“There is, doubtless, abundance to be said against

Predestination. And abundance has been said, with great force

of argument, for its support, and that by men of the most

eminent learning and exalted piety. As this is the case, and

as it is not necessary to faith and salvation either that we

should embrace or that we should reject the doctrine, I think

we may prudently and safely acquiesce in the advice of a great

scholar and a great saint: ‘Let a man go to the grammar-school

of faith and holiness before he enters the university of

election and predestination,’ I am at the grammar-school; and

there, perhaps, I shall continue, till I hear the voice from

heaven, saying, ‘_Come up hither, and I will show thee_ what

thou couldest not comprehend in the regions below. Madam,

shall I have the honour of your ladyship for a form-fellow?

_You_ shall be the head-scholar; only be content to allow us

your company, and do not leave us for a higher class. Let

_us_ study the glories of Christ’s person, and the love of

His heart; let _us_ contemplate His infinite satisfaction and

everlasting righteousness. May the knowledge of these grand

doctrines be revealed in our hearts by the blessed Spirit! May

the faith of these unspeakable privileges comfort our souls,

purify our affections, and _work by love_! Then we shall, ere

long, see every dark, mysterious point cleared up to our full

satisfaction. We shall see, without a veil, the shining and

adorable perfections of our God. We shall know His unsearchable

counsels and wonderful ways, _even as we are known_.

“In the meantime, I would beg leave to decline all controversy.

I can very freely converse or correspond with persons who

either adopt or discard Predestination; provided, they will not

drag in the litigated proposition, and force me to engage in

disputation. But, if they are determined to obtrude the bone

of contention, I had much rather remain alone and in silence;

for, I readily confess, that I am not master of the subject.

Therefore it would be very unadvised in me to undertake either

its establishment or refutation.

“I believe, I must desire your ladyship to return this letter,

with your free remarks upon it, because I do not know but I

shall be obliged to explain myself on this subject before

the public. Because a person,[244] who makes a great figure

in the religious world, has sent me some critical remarks

and pretty keen censures on my late work, but inveighs

particularly against my predestination principles; at which I

am somewhat surprised, because I have (whatever my sentiments

are) studiously avoided this peculiarity; I have but barely

mentioned it, in the apostle’s own words; only in an incidental

manner; and without explaining, enlarging upon, or inculcating

it.”

On receiving Wesley’s letter, Hervey wrote to his friend Ryland as

follows:—

“_1756, November 29._ Herewith, you have the grand attack from

Mr. Wesley, of which I apprised you some time ago. Examine it

closely; return it speedily; and, if you please, confute it

effectually; demolish the battery, and spike up the cannon. I

have not answered in any shape, and, when I do answer with my

pen, I propose nothing more than a general acknowledgment, and

an inquiry, whether he proposes to print his animadversions.”

Wesley’s strictures were printed in 1758; and till then we must leave the

subject.

The only pieces published by Hervey in 1756, were a “Recommendatory

Letter,” prefixed to his favourite book, “Marshall’s Gospel Mystery of

Sanctification”; and a “Preface” to “Jenks’s Meditations,” the latter of

which was reprinted, in two volumes, by Hervey’s expressed desire.[245]

Besides these, however, he preached three sermons, which he subsequently

committed to the press, with the titles,—“The Time of Danger;” “The

Means of Safety” and “The Way of Holiness.”[246]

Hervey’s published sermons are few in number, principally because the

sermons he preached were never written.

“I have never,” said he, “since I was minister at Weston, used

written notes; so that all my public Discourses are vanished

into air; unless the blessed Spirit has left any traces of

them, on the hearts of the hearers. And, though I have many

Discourses, that were written before I discontinued the use of

notes, they are all penned in short-hand, and are intelligible

to none but the writer. I sometimes speak to my people an hour

together; but I always blame myself for it. It detains the

congregation too long. It renders the Discourse tiresome to be

heard, and almost impossible to be remembered. This is one of

the inconveniences attending the extempore method of preaching.

We forget how the time passes away.”[247]

The reason, why he wrote and published the three sermons above mentioned,

he states in a letter to Lady Frances Shirley,—

“I am inclined,” said he, “to print two or three Sermons,

preached on the late _Fast-Days_. These, for some particular

reason, I happened to take down in short-hand. As I have

seen no Discourses, on this occasion, that were sufficiently

_evangelical_, I have a strong desire, for the supply of this

_one_ defect _only_, to appear on the stage.” “Here,” he

observed to Mr. Ryland, “I shall make a sacrifice of all my

reputation (if I ever had any), with the elegant and polite;

and let it go, freely let it go, if any honour may redound to

the Lord our Righteousness.”

At the time, England was at war with France; and many of the sermons

preached on the day of national humiliation were published; but Hervey

was not satisfied. He writes:—

“The author pretends to nothing refined or extraordinary;

he affects neither brilliant thought, nor polished style;

equally remote from nice criticism and profound learning, his

Discourses are studiously _plain_, and brought down to the

level of the meanest capacity. ‘What then is his motive?’ This

is the very truth. In several of the sermons, published on

this occasion, the _one thing needful_ seems to be overlooked.

Christ and His free grace,—Christ and His great salvation,—are

either totally omitted, or but slightly touched. Till these

doctrines are generally inculcated, the most eloquent harangues

from the pulpit, or the most correct dissertations from the

press, will be no better than a pointless arrow, and a broken

bow.”

Space forbids giving an outline of Hervey’s sermons.[248] Suffice it

to say, that, they are able and eloquent, and intensely earnest and

faithful. If such were a fair specimen of his pulpit performances,

Hervey’s preaching must have been as remarkable as his writings; and, had

he possessed Whitefield’s voice and elocution, the effects would have

been something marvellous. Mr. Ryland, who visited him at Weston-Favel

twice a year, observes,—

“He loved simplicity in his _manner_ of preaching. He had no

complicated and perplexed conceptions; no crowd of thoughts

to overwhelm his own understanding, or the conceptions of his

hearers. In all his sermons, you might discern a clear and

easy arrangement; nothing tedious; no long-winded periods;

no perplexing parentheses; no tiresome circumlocutions; but

everything adapted to the weakest memory of his auditors.

He despised and avoided all boisterous noise,—all rude and

violent vociferation in the pulpit. His subjects were always

serious and sublime; they might well be ranged under three

heads,—Ruin, Righteousness, and Regeneration. He always steered

a middle course, between a haughty positivity, and a sceptical

hesitation. He made it an invariable rule to be thoroughly

convinced of the truth and importance of his subject, before

he proceeded to state and defend it; but, when he was once in

possession of a truth, he held it with the greatest fortitude

and tenaciousness. He considered very minutely the state of all

his hearers. He did not preach to a promiscuous auditory, as

though they were all converted to Christ; nor did he treat true

believers as though they were in an unregenerate state.”

“He preached without notes,” says his friend, Dr. Stonehouse,

“excepting that he had before him a small leaf of paper, on

which were written, in short-hand, the general heads and

particulars of the sermon, which he sometimes looked at, and

sometimes not. He was very regular in his plans, nor was he

very long; from thirty to forty minutes was his usual time;

rarely longer. His weakness rendering him, for several months

before his death, incapable of speaking any length of time

to his congregation, he shortened his discourses, and took a

most useful method of inculcating his instructions. After he

had expounded his text, and divided his sermon into two or

three heads, he would speak briefly, and, at the conclusion

of each head, enforce what he had said by a pertinent text of

Scripture, desiring his congregation to turn to their Bibles,

and double down that text. ‘Now,’ he added, ‘my dear brethren

if you forget my sermon, you cannot forget God’s word in this

text, unless you wilfully throw aside your Bibles. Show this

to your children, or the absent part of your family, when you

return home.’ Then he gave a striking exhortation, and, at the

end of it, another text for them to double down; so that they

always had three texts, in order to their finding of which he

paused in the pulpit for two or three minutes. This method had

another good effect; it obliged the generality to bring their

Bibles along with them, for those who were without Bibles lost

the benefit of the texts, and were unemployed, while the great

majority, who had theirs, were busy looking for the texts

referred to in the sermon.”

“My acquaintance with Mr. Hervey,” writes the Rev. Dr. Haweis,

“was only of one day. He was removing from his ministerial

labours, just as I was ready to enter upon mine; and, being

very desirous of seeing him before his departure to glory, I

rode from Oxford to Weston-Favel, a distance of about fifty

miles, for that purpose. I found him tall and much emaciated.

His preaching was purely evangelical, and very similar to his

writings, in beautiful comments on the Scriptures he quoted;

but his manner of delivery, in the tone of voice and action,

far from the elegance I expected. His church was very small;

and, though full, was not remarkably crowded; but the people

were very attentive to hear him.”

These are mere glimpses of Hervey as a preacher; but they are of some

importance, as being furnished by those who saw and heard him.

Hervey had become famous, and some of his friends wished for a formal

recognition of the fact. The following refers to this, and also to

Wesley’s strictures on his “Theron and Aspasio”:—

“Now for the affair, relating to Mr. Ogilvie’s proposal.

Tell our amiable and benevolent friend, that, I am deeply

sensible of his kindness; but I must beg of him to lay aside

all thoughts of procuring for me so undeserved a distinction.

I assure you, it would make me blush, and give me much

uneasiness, to be addressed under the character of _doctor_.

Never, no never, should I have taken as much as a _master’s_

degree, if I had not been obliged to it, in order to hold what

we call ecclesiastical preferment. Preferment? Yes, if rightly

understood, it is rightly so called. For what can be a more

honourable or exalted office, than to labour for Christ? O that

my brethren and I may always understand the word _preferment_

in this truly precious and noble sense!

“It is a great uncertainty, whether I shall be enabled to

add another volume. I am told, a very formidable attack

is going to be made upon ‘Theron and Aspasio,’ by a hand

not well affected to the imputed righteousness of our Lord,

but remarkably zealous for the inherent righteousness and

_perfection_ of man.”[249]

In this world, no man basks in unclouded sunshine. Upon the whole, the

reviews of Hervey’s “Theron and Aspasio,” had been favourable; those of

his later publications[250] had been otherwise.

“Have a care,” he wrote, in a letter, dated November 21, 1757,

“Have a care, you do not depreciate your works by inserting

anything of mine. My poor character is going to execution.

The Reviewers have already put the halter about its neck; if,

therefore, you would obtain distinction, or are a candidate

for fame, stand clear and detached from such a contemptible

scribbler.”

Besides this, he suffered increasingly from enfeebled health.

“Incessant and insuperable languors,” he wrote, “unfit me for

every business; render every enjoyment unrelishing; and, what

is more deplorable, make my temper like the sore, inflamed,

ulcerated flesh. Anything that comes unexpected, alarms me;

anything that goes cross, vexes me: I am sadly inclined to a

peevish humour.”

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