_Being made Archbishop of Armagh, he suffers many troubles. Peace being
made, from being Archbishop of Armagh he becomes Bishop of Down._
[Sidenote: 1129]
19. (12). Meanwhile[365] it happened that Archbishop Cellach[366] fell
sick: he it was who ordained Malachy deacon, presbyter and bishop: and
knowing that he was dying he made a sort of testament[367] to the effect
that Malachy ought to succeed him,[368] because none seemed worthier to
be bishop of the first see. This he gave in charge to those who were
present, this he commanded to the absent, this to the two kings of
Munster[369] and to the magnates of the land he specially enjoined by
the authority of St. Patrick.[370] For from reverence and honour for
him, as the apostle of that nation, who had converted the whole country
to the faith, that see where he presided in life and rests in death[371]
has been held in so great veneration by all from the beginning, that not
merely bishops and priests, and those who are of the clergy, but also
all kings and princes are subject to the metropolitan[372] in all
obedience, and he himself alone presides over all. But a very evil
custom had developed, by the devilish ambition of certain powerful
persons, that the holy see[373] should be held by hereditary succession.
For they suffered none to be bishops but those who were of their own
tribe and family. And for no short time had the execrable succession
lasted, for fifteen generations (as I may call them)[374] had already
passed in this wickedness. And to such a point had _an evil and
adulterous[375] generation_[376] established for itself this distorted
right, rather this unrighteousness worthy of punishment by any sort of
death, that although at times clerics failed of that blood, yet bishops
never. In a word there had been already eight before Cellach, married
men, and without orders, albeit men of letters.[377] Hence, throughout
the whole of Ireland, all that subversion of ecclesiastical discipline,
that weakening of censure, that abandonment of religion of which we
have spoken already; hence everywhere that substitution of raging
barbarism for Christian meekness--yea, a sort of paganism brought in
under the name of Christianity. For--a thing unheard of from the very
beginning of the Christian faith--bishops were transferred and
multiplied, without order or reason, at the will of the metropolitan, so
that one bishopric was not content with one bishop, but nearly every
single church had its bishop.[378] No wonder; for how could the members
of so diseased a head be sound?
[Sidenote: 1132]
20. Cellach, greatly grieving for these and other like evils of his
people--for he was a good and devout man--took all care to have Malachy
as his successor, because he believed that by him this evilly rooted
succession might be torn up,[379] since he was dear to all, and one whom
all were zealous to imitate, _and the Lord was with him_.[380] Nor was
he deceived of his hope; for when he died Malachy was put into
occupation in his room. But not soon nor easily. For behold there is one
of the evil seed to seize the place--Murtough by name.[381] For five
years, relying on the secular power,[382] this man fastened himself
upon the church, not a bishop but a tyrant. For the wishes of the devout
had rather supported the claim of Malachy. At last they urged him to
undertake the burden according to the ordinance of Cellach. But he, who
shunned every high office as nothing else than his downfall,[383]
thought that he had found good ground of excuse, because at that time it
was impossible that he should have a peaceful entry. All were eager for
so holy a work and pressed him; especially the two bishops, Malchus[384]
and Gilbert,[385] of whom the former was the elder[386] of Lismore
mentioned above, the second he who is said to have been the first to
exercise the office of legate of the Apostolic See throughout the whole
of Ireland. These, when three years had now passed in this presumption
of Murtough and dissimulation of Malachy,[387] tolerating no longer the
adultery of the church and the dishonour of Christ, called together the
bishops and princes of the land,[388] and came, in one spirit, to
Malachy, prepared to use force. But he refused at first; pleading the
difficulty of the project, the numbers, strength and ambition of that
noble stock, urging that it was a great venture for him, a poor man and
of no account, to oppose himself to men so many, so great, of such sort,
so deeply rooted, who now for well-nigh two hundred years had _held_ as
_by hereditary right the sanctuary of God_,[389] and now also had taken
possession of it before him; that they could not be rooted out, not even
at the cost of human life; that it was not to his advantage that _man's
blood should be shed_[390] on his account; and lastly, that he was
joined to another spouse[391] whom _it was_ not _lawful for him to put
away_.[392]
21. (14). But when they persisted eagerly in the contrary opinion, and
cried out that the _word had come forth from the Lord_,[393] and
moreover ordered him with all authority to undertake the burden, and
threatened him with an anathema, he said, "You are leading me to death,
but I obey in the hope of martyrdom; yet on this condition, that if, as
you expect, the enterprise has good success, and God frees his
_heritage_ from _those that are destroying_ it,[394] all being then at
length completed, and the church[395] at peace, it may be lawful for me
to return to my former spouse and friend, poverty,[396] from which I am
carried off, and to put in my place there another, if then one is found
fit for it." Note, reader, the courage of the man and the purity of his
purpose who, for Christ's name, neither sought honour nor dreaded death.
What could be purer or what braver than this purpose, that after
exposing himself to peril and labour he should yield to another the
fruit--peace and security itself in the place of authority? And this he
does, retaining for himself according to agreement a free return to
poverty when peace and freedom are restored to the church. When they
gave the pledge, at length he assented to their will; or rather to the
will of God, who, he remembered, had long foreshown to him this
occurrence, at the fulfilment of which he was now grieved. For indeed
when Cellach was already ailing there appeared to Malachy--far away and
ignorant [of Cellach's condition]--a woman of great stature and reverend
mien. When he inquired who she was, the answer was given that she was
the wife of Cellach.[397] And she gave him a pastoral staff which she
held in her hand, and then disappeared. A few days later, Cellach, when
he was dying, sent his staff to Malachy, indicating that he should
succeed him: and when he saw it he recognized that it was the same which
he had seen [in vision]. It was the remembrance of this vision which
specially put Malachy in fear, lest if he still refused he might seem to
_resist_ the Divine _will_, which he had ignored long enough.[398] But
he did not enter the city as long as that intruder lived, lest by such
act it should happen that any one of those should die to whom he came
rather to minister life. Thus for two years (for so long the other
survived), living outside the town, he strenuously performed the
episcopal office throughout the whole province.[399]
[Sidenote: 1134, Sept. 17]
22. (15). When that person, then, had been removed by sudden death,[400]
again one Niall [_Nigellus_] (in truth _nigerrimus_, very black)[401]
quickly took possession of the see. And in appointing him as his
successor, Murtough, while he was still alive, _made provision for his
life_:[402] he was going forth to be damned, but in the person of Niall
he would go on adding to the works of damnation.[403] For he also was
of the damned race, a relative of Murtough.[404] But the king[405] and
the bishops and faithful of the land nevertheless came together that
they might bring in Malachy. And lo, there was an _assembly of the
wicked_[406] to oppose them.[407] A certain man of the sons of Belial,
ready for _mischief, mighty in iniquity_,[408] who _knew the place_
where they had decided _to come together_,[409] gathered many with him
and secretly seized a neighbouring high hill opposite to it, intending,
when they were engaged with other things, suddenly to rush upon them
unawares and _murder the innocent_.[410] For they had agreed to butcher
the king also with the bishop, that there might be none to _avenge the
righteous blood_.[411] The plan became known to Malachy, and he entered
the church, which was close by, and lifted up his hands in prayer to
the Lord. Lo, there came _clouds and darkness_,[412] yea also _dark
waters and thick clouds of the skies[413] changed the day into
night_,[414] _lightnings and thunderings_[415] and _an horrible spirit
of tempests_[416] presaged the last day, _and all_ the elements
_threatened_ speedy _death_.[417]
23. But that you may know, reader, that it was the prayer of Malachy
that roused the elements, the tempest fell upon those _who sought his
life_,[418] the _dark whirlwind_[419] enveloped only those who had made
ready _the works of darkness_.[420] Finally, he who was the leader of so
great wickedness was struck by a thunderbolt and perished with three
others, companions in death as they had been partners in crime; and the
next day their bodies were found half-burnt and putrid, clinging to the
branches of trees, each where the wind[421] _had lifted him up and cast
him down_.[422] Three others also were found half dead; the rest were
all scattered in every direction. But, as for those who were with
Malachy, though they were close to the place, the storm _touched them
not at all, neither troubled them_.[423] In that fact we find fresh
proof of the truth of that saying, _The prayer of the righteous pierceth
the heavens._[424] It is also a new example of the ancient miracle, by
which in former times, when all Egypt was in darkness, Israel alone
remained in light, as the Scripture says, _Wheresoever Israel was there
was light._[425] In this connexion occurs to me also what holy Elijah
did, at one time bringing clouds and rain from the ends of the
earth,[426] at another, calling down fire from heaven on the
revilers.[427] And now in like manner _God is glorified in_[428] His
servant Malachy.
24. (16). In the thirty-eighth year of his age,[429] the usurper having
been driven out, the poor man, Malachy, entered Armagh, pontiff and
metropolitan of all Ireland. But when the king and the others who had
brought him in returned home,[430] he remained _in the hand of
God_;[431] and there remained for him _without fightings, within
fears_.[432] For, lo, the viperous brood, raging and crying out that it
was disinherited, aroused itself in full strength, within and without,
_against the Lord and against His Anointed_.[433] Moreover, Niall,
seeing that flight was inevitable,[434] took with him certain insignia
of that see, to wit, the copy of the Gospels, which had belonged to
blessed Patrick,[435] and the staff covered with gold and adorned with
most costly gems, which they call "the staff of Jesus," because the Lord
himself (as report affirms) held it in His hands and fashioned it;[436]
which are deemed of the highest honour and sanctity in that nation. They
are, in fact, very well known and celebrated among the tribes, and so
revered by all, that he who is once seen to have them is held by the
_foolish and unwise people_[437] to be their bishop. That man--a
vagabond[438] and another _Satan_--_went to and fro in the land and
walked up and down in it_,[439] bearing round the holy insignia; and,
displaying them everywhere, he was for their sake everywhere received,
by them winning the minds of all to himself, and withdrawing as many as
he could from Malachy. These things did he.
25. But there was a certain prince, of the more powerful of the
unrighteous race,[440] whom the king before he left the city, had
compelled to swear that he would maintain peace with the bishop, taking
from him, moreover, many hostages. Notwithstanding this, when the king
left he entered the city, and took _counsel_ with his kinsmen and
friends _how they might take_ the holy man _by subtlety and kill him;
but they feared the people_;[441] and having conspired to slay
Malachy[442] they fixed a place and day, and a traitor _gave them a
sign_.[443] On that very day, when the prelate was now celebrating the
solemnity of Vespers in the church with the whole of the clergy and a
multitude of the people, that worthless man sent him a message in _words
of peace with subtlety_,[444] asking him that he would deign to come
down to him, so that he might make peace. The bystanders answered that
he should rather come to the bishop, and that the church was a more
suitable place for establishing peace; for they foresaw guile. The
messengers replied that this was not safe for the prince; that he
feared for his head, and that he did not trust himself to the crowds
who, some days before, had nearly killed him for the bishop's sake. As
they were contending in this way, these saying that he should go, those
that he should not go, the bishop, desiring peace and not afraid to die,
said, "Brethren, let me imitate my Master.[445] I am a Christian to no
purpose if I do not _follow_ Christ.[446] Perhaps by humility I shall
bend the tyrant; if not, yet I shall conquer by rendering, a shepherd to
a sheep, a priest to a layman, that duty which he owed to me. You also,
as far as in me lies, I shall edify not a little by such an example. For
what if I should chance to be killed? _I refuse not to die_,[447] in
order that from me you may have an example of life. It behoves a bishop,
as the prince of bishops says, not _to be lord over the clergy, but to
become an example to the flock_[448]--no other example[449] truly than
that which we have received from Him _who humbled himself and became
obedient unto death_.[450] Who will give me [the opportunity] to leave
this [example] to [my] sons, sealed with my blood? Try, at any rate,
whether your priest has worthily learnt from Christ not to fear death
for Christ." And he arose and went his way, all weeping, and praying
that he would not so greatly desire to die for Christ that he should
leave desolate so great a flock of Christ.
26. (17). But as for him, _setting his whole hope_ in the Lord,[451] he
went with all speed accompanied only by three disciples who were _ready
to die with him_.[452] _When he crossed the threshold_[453] of the house
and suddenly came into the midst of the armed men--himself protected by
the _shield of faith_[454]--the _countenances_ of them all _fell_,[455]
for _dread fell upon them_,[456] so that the bishop could say, _Mine
enemies which trouble me became weak and fell._[457] This _word is
true_.[458] You might see the victim standing, the slaughterers
surrounding him on all sides, with weapons in their hands; and there was
none to sacrifice him. You might suppose their arms were benumbed; for
there was none to stretch out a hand. For even that one also, who seemed
to be the head of the evil, rose up, not to assail him but to show him
reverence. Where is the sign, O man, which you had given for the death
of the pontiff? This is a sign rather of honour than death; this
postpones, it does not hasten death. Wonderful result! They offer peace
who had prepared slaughter. He cannot refuse it who had sought it at the
risk of life. Therefore peace was made--a peace so firm that from that
day the priest found his foe not merely appeased, but obedient,
devoted.[459] When they heard this, all the faithful rejoiced, not only
because _the innocent blood was saved in that day_,[460] but because by
the merits of Malachy the souls of many wrongdoers escaped to salvation.
And fear took hold on all that were round about when they heard how God
had laid low, with sudden power, those two of His enemies who seemed
most ferocious and powerful _in their generation_:[461] I refer to him
with whom we are now concerned, and the other of whom I spoke
above.[462] For in a wonderful manner He _took them_ both--one terribly
punished in the body,[463] the other mercifully changed in
heart[464]--_in the devices that they had imagined_.[465]
[Sidenote: 1135, July(?)]
27. These matters so accomplished, the bishop now began to dispose and
order in the city all things pertaining to his ministry with entire
freedom, but not without constant risk of his life. For though there was
no one now who would harm him openly, yet the bishop had no place that
was safe from plotters, and no time when he could be at ease; and armed
men were appointed to guard him day and night, though he rather _trusted
in the Lord_.[466] But his purpose was to take action against the
schismatic already mentioned, forasmuch as he was seducing many by means
of the insignia which he carried about, persuading all that he ought to
be bishop, and so stirring up the congregations[467] against Malachy and
the unity of the church.[468] And thus he did; and without difficulty in
a short time he so _hedged up_ all _his ways[469] through the grace
given unto him by the Lord_,[470] and which he had toward all, that that
evil one was compelled to surrender, to return the insignia,[471] and
henceforth to be quiet in _all subjection_.[472] Thus Malachy, albeit
through many perils and labours, prospered day by day and was
strengthened, _abounding_ more and more _in hope and the power of the
Holy Ghost_.[473]
28. (18). And God swept away, not only those who did evil to Malachy,
but also those who disparaged him. A certain man, for example, who was
in favour with the princes and magnates, and even with the king
himself,[474] because he was a flatterer and garrulous and _mighty in
tongue_,[475] befriended Malachy's opponents in all things, and
impudently maintained their contention. On the other hand, when the
saint was present, he _withstood him to the face_,[476] and when he was
absent he disparaged him. Moreover he accosted him rudely everywhere,
and especially when he knew that he was engaged in the more frequented
assemblies. But he was soon visited with a suitable reward of his
impudent tongue. The evil-speaking tongue swelled, and _became putrid
and worms swarmed_ from it[477] and filled the whole blasphemous mouth.
He vomited them forth incessantly for well-nigh seven days, and at
length with them spued out his wretched soul.
29. Once when Malachy was speaking before the people and exhorting
them, a certain unhappy woman dared to interrupt his discourse with evil
cries, showing no respect to the priest _and the Spirit which
spake_.[478] Now she was of the impious race; and having _breath in her
nostrils_[479] she vomited out blasphemies and insults against the
saint, saying that he was a hypocrite, and an invader of the inheritance
of another, and even reproaching him for his baldness. But he, modest
and gentle as he was, _answered_ her _nothing_;[480] but the Lord
answered for him. The woman became insane by the judgement of the Lord,
and crying out many times that she was being suffocated by Malachy, at
length by a horrible death she expiated the sin of blasphemy. So this
wretched woman, taking up against Malachy the reproach that had been
made against Elisha,[481] found to her cost that he was indeed another
Elisha.
30. Further, because on account of a certain pestilence which arose in
the city, he had solemnly led out a multitude of the clergy and people
with the memorial of the saints,[482] neither is this to be passed over,
that when Malachy prayed the pestilence immediately ceased.
Thenceforward there was none to murmur against him, for those who were
of the _seed of Canaan[483] said, Let us flee from the face of_ Malachy,
_for the Lord fighteth for him_.[484] But it was too late, for the
wrath of the Lord, coming everywhere upon them, pursued them _even unto
destruction_.[485] How, in a few days, _is their memorial perished with
resounding noise;[486] how are they brought into desolation, they are
consumed in a moment, they are punished for their iniquity_.[487] A
great miracle to-day is the extinction of that generation, so quickly
wrought, especially for those who knew their pride and power.[488] And
_many other signs truly_[489] were there by which God glorified His name
and strengthened His servant amidst labours and dangers. Who can
worthily recount them? Yet we do not omit them all, though we have not
ability to describe all. But that the sequence of the narrative may not
be interrupted we reserve to the end some that we propose to mention.
[Sidenote: 1137]
31. (19). So then Malachy, when within three years[490] _a reward was
rendered to the proud_[491] and liberty restored to the church,
barbarism driven out and the customs of the Christian religion
everywhere instituted anew, seeing that all things were at peace, began
to think also of his own peace. And mindful of his design he appointed
in his own place Gelasius,[492] a good man, and worthy of so great an
honour, the clergy and people tacitly assenting, or rather supporting
him because of the agreement.[493] For apart from that it seemed
altogether cruel. And when he had been consecrated and earnestly
commended to the kings and princes, Malachy himself, renowned for
miracles and triumphs, returned to his parish;[494] but not to Connor.
Hear the cause, which is worth relating. It is said that that diocese in
ancient times had two episcopal sees, and that there were two
bishoprics; an arrangement which seemed to Malachy preferable to the
existing one. Hence those bishoprics which ambition had welded into
one,[495] Malachy divided again into two, yielding one part to another
bishop and retaining the other for himself. And for this reason he did
not come to Connor, because he had already ordained a bishop in it;[496]
but he betook himself to Down, separating the parishes _as in the days
of old_.[497] O pure heart! O dove-like eye![498] He handed over to the
new bishop the place which seemed better organized, which was held to be
more important, the place in which he himself had sat. Where are they
that fight about boundaries, carrying on perpetual hostilities against
one another for a single village? I know not if there is any class of
men whom that ancient prophecy touches more than those: _They have
ripped up the women with child of Gilead that they might enlarge their
border._[499] But this at another place.[500]
32. When Malachy was made bishop of Down, immediately according to his
custom he was at pains to take to himself from his sons, for his
comfort, a convent of regular clerics.[501] And lo, again he girds
himself, as though a new recruit of Christ, for the spiritual conflict;
again he puts on the _weapons_ that are _mighty through God_,[502] the
humility of holy poverty, the rigour of monastic discipline, the
quietness of contemplation, continuance in prayer. But all these things
for a long time he was able to maintain rather in will than in deed. For
all men came to him; not only obscure persons, but also nobles and
magnates, hastened to commit themselves to his wisdom and holiness for
instruction and correction. And he himself meanwhile went about; _he
went out to sow his seed_,[503] disposing and decreeing with all
authority concerning ecclesiastical affairs, like one of the Apostles.
And none _said unto him, By what authority doest thou these
things_?[504] inasmuch as all _saw the miracles_ and wonders _which_ he
did,[505] and because _where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is
liberty_.[506]
FOOTNOTES:
[365] That is, while Malachy was in Iveragh.
[366] Cellach is here mentioned by name for the first time. See p. 14,
n. 2.
[367] Harris (_Ware's Works_, ii., "Writers," p. 69) identifies this
testament with the _Testamentum ad ecclesias_, a tract attributed to
Cellach, which is apparently no longer extant. But it may be doubted
whether the testament mentioned in the text was committed to writing.
[368] The designation by a coarb of his successor seems to have been
unusual. But in 1124 Malachy had in this way been appointed abbot of
Bangor (§ 12); and in 1134 Murtough designated Niall as his successor
in the abbacy of Armagh (§ 22).
[369] Conor O'Brien, king of Thomond, and Cormac Mac Carthy, king of
Desmond. See § 9, and p. 21, notes 1-3. Murtough O'Brien, king of
Munster, fell into ill-health in 1114, and his brother Dermot
attempted, evidently with some success, to seize the throne. Dermot
died in 1118 and Murtough early in the following year. Turlough
O'Conor, the powerful king of Connaught, promptly invaded Munster, and
divided it into two vassal kingdoms, Thomond and Desmond. The former
he gave to the sons of Dermot, of whom Conor was one, the latter to
Teague Mac Carthy. Apparently Conor O'Brien soon established himself
as sole king of Thomond, and Cormac Mac Carthy became king of Desmond
on the death of his father, Teague, in 1124. We have seen that both of
them were deposed in 1127, and quickly restored (§ 9 f.: see p. 21, n.
3; p. 23, n. 2). From that time Conor and Cormac were allies. Cormac
married Conor's niece (_A.T._ 1138). Together in 1133 they invaded
Connaught (_A.F.M._), and the next year they made another successful
expedition through Connaught into Ulster (then ruled by Conor
O'Loughlin; see p. 40, n. 2), in the course of which they burned the
church of Rathluraigh, now Maghera, co. Derry, near the border of the
diocese of Armagh (_D.A.I._). This expedition must be referred to
hereafter (p. 51, n. 2). But Conor evidently aspired to be _ardrí_ of
Ireland, and he found it desirable to remove a possible rival.
Accordingly Cormac was murdered by his father-in-law, Conor's brother,
in 1138, and Conor became king of all Munster. He was now the most
powerful prince in Ireland; but he died, after a lingering illness
(Tundale, p. 42), in 1142, without attaining his ambition.
It is clear from the present passage that Conor O'Brien followed in
the footsteps of his predecessors in the same family as a supporter of
the new movement in the Irish Church. Cormac, as we know, was the
friend and disciple of Malachy: his devotion to the Church is
witnessed to by the beautiful edifice built by him at Cashel, still
known as "Cormac's Chapel," which was consecrated in 1134; and by his
title of "Bishop-King," which has been the subject of so much
discussion. See Petrie, pp. 283-307; and for the crozier found in
Cormac's supposed tomb, G. Coffey, _Guide to the Celtic Antiquities of
the Christian Period in the National Museum, Dublin_, p. 64. But it
must be added that the contemporary Vision of Tundale, which
apparently emanated from Cormac's kingdom of Desmond, while bearing
emphatic testimony to his generosity to "Christ's poor and pilgrims,"
charges him with heinous crimes strangely inconsistent with St.
Bernard's sketch of his character (Tundale, p. 44 f.).
[370] It seems that the successor (coarb) of the founder of a church
was supposed to speak with his authority. Cp. the Epistle of Cummian
in Ussher, p. 442.
[371] Cp. § 65. It is generally believed that St. Patrick was buried
at Downpatrick (see Reeves, p. 223 ff.); but Olden contended (not
convincingly) that the statement made here by St. Bernard is correct
(_R.I.A._ xviii, 655 ff.), while Bury (_Life of St. Patrick_, p. 211)
has "little hesitation in deciding that the obscure grave was at
Saul."
[372] This word cannot have been in St. Bernard's document, for it is
unknown in early Irish ecclesiastical terminology, and in Irish
hierarchical arrangements it would have no meaning. The context proves
that the persons to whom it is here applied are the abbots of Armagh,
of whom Cellach was one. It probably represents a Latin rendering of
"coarb (successor) of Patrick," a title commonly given to the abbots
of this period. The document portrayed the coarbs as rulers of the
church of Armagh. St. Bernard would naturally infer that they were
bishops. When he found that their authority extended beyond Armagh he
would no less naturally style them archbishops or metropolitans. Cp.
Serm. i, § 6, where the story of §§ 19-31 is briefly summarized.
[373] Armagh.
[374] _Quasi generationibus quindecim._ The "quasi-generations" are
apparently the periods of office of successive coarbs. St. Bernard
seems to have written "fifteen" in mistake for "twelve." See
Additional Note B, p. 165.
[375] Adulterous, because it took possession of the church, which
should have been married to true bishops. Cp. § 20, "the adultery of
the church," Malachy "being joined to another spouse;" § 21, Malachy's
"former spouse," and the vision of Cellach's wife.
[376] Matt. xii. 39; xvi. 4.
[377] On the statements in these sentences, see Additional Note B.
[378] That bishops were numerous in Ireland at this period is
indubitable. Fifty attended the Synod of Fiadh meic Oengusa (_A.U._
1111), and probably all of them came from the provinces of Ulster and
Munster (above, p. xxxviii). But this cannot have been due to the
irregularities at Armagh of which St. Bernard complains. There were
many bishops in Ireland in its earliest Christian period. See Reeves,
123-136; Todd, 27 ff.
[379] Malachy was not of the Clann Sinaich, to which at this period
the coarbs of Patrick belonged. See p. 6, n. 5, and Additional Note B,
p. 165.
[380] 1 Sam. iii. 19, etc.
[381] Cellach died on April 1, 1129, and was buried at Lismore on
April 4. On April 5, the day after his funeral, Murtough was appointed
coarb (_A.U._).
[382] He was probably supported by Conor O'Loughlin, who was king of
Oriel, the district in which Armagh was situated (_A.F.M._ 1136). On
him see p. 40, n. 2. The "five years" are the period from Murtough's
election to his death, September 17, 1134 (_A.F.M._)--nearly five
years and a half.
[383] Geoffrey, St. Bernard's secretary, recalls a saying of his about
"one of the saints," which actually appears in the first antiphon at
Mattins in the office of St. Malachy, and which Geoffrey applies to
St. Bernard himself: "Blessed is he who loved the law, but did not
desire the chair [of dignity]." (_V.P._ iii. 8).
[384] On Malchus see p. 18, n. 6. He was now about eighty-five years
of age.
[385] Gillebertus (as St. Bernard writes the name) is a latinized form
of the Irish _Gilla espuig_ (servant of the bishop), which is
anglicized Gillespie. With that Irish name he subscribed the Acts of
the Synod of Rathbreasail (Keating, iii. 306); and we may therefore
affirm with confidence that he was an Irishman. Gilbert was a friend
of the famous thinker and ecclesiastical statesman, Anselm, who was
archbishop of Canterbury from 1093 to 1109. The two men met each other
for the first time at Rouen, probably in 1087, when Anselm was called
thither to the deathbed of William the Conqueror. Twenty years later,
Gilbert, then bishop of Limerick, wrote a letter of congratulation to
Anselm on his victory over Henry I. in the controversy concerning
investiture (August 1107). In his reply Anselm intimates that the long
interval had not blurred his recollection of their former
companionship, from which we may infer that Gilbert's personality had
made a considerable impression upon him. Anselm also states that he
had learned (probably from the superscription of his friend's letter)
that he was now a bishop. It would seem, therefore, that Gilbert had
been consecrated recently, and not, like the contemporary bishops of
Danish sees in Ireland, by the English Primate (see the letters in
Ussher, 511, 512). He probably became bishop of Limerick about 1105.
Shortly after his correspondence with Anselm, and perhaps by his
influence, he was appointed papal legate for Ireland, the first, as
St. Bernard tells us, who had held that office. He was legate when in
1108 or 1109 he wrote his tract _De Statu Ecclesiæ_ (see above, p.
xxx. ff.); and in 1110, as legate, he presided over the Synod of
Rathbreasail. In 1139 or 1140, being old and infirm, he resigned his
legatine commission and his see (§ 38 and p. 73, note 1). He died in
1145. Gilbert was evidently a strong man, who had much influence on
the affairs of the Irish Church. It is therefore surprising that the
only reference to him in the native Annals is the notice of his death
in the _Chronicon Scotorum_.
[386] _Senior._ This is almost a technical word for the head of a
religious community. Malchus is called _ard senóir Gaoidheal_ (high
senior of the Irish) in _A.F.M._ 1135.
[387] His dissimulation was his disregard of the divine call in the
vision described in § 21.
[388] Cp. _A.F.M._ 1132: "Mael Maedoc Ua Morgair sat in the coarbate
of Patrick _by the request of the clerics of Ireland_."
[389] Ps. lxxxiii. 12 (vg.).--See Additional Note B, p. 165.
[390] Gen. ix. 6.
[391] The diocese of Connor.
[392] Matt. xix. 2; Mark x. 2.
[393] Ezek. xxxiii. 30.
[394] Jer. l. 11.
[395] The church of Armagh.
[396] The "spouse" is primarily the diocese of Connor. His voluntary
poverty is especially associated with his episcopate there in Serm. i.
§ 6.
[397] It can hardly be doubted that this means the diocese of Armagh
(cp. p. 45, n. 4). Both § 19 and the title "son of purity" (_A.U._
1129) imply that Cellach was not married.
[398] Rom. ix. 19.
[399] That Malachy was in 1132 recognized by many as coarb of Patrick
is confirmed by the Annals (see p. 48, n. 3). But that he exercised
his episcopal office "throughout the entire province" is inconsistent
with the fact that in 1133 Murtough "made a visitation of Tír Eoghain
[counties of Derry and Tyrone] and received his tribute of cows and
imparted his blessing" (_A.F.M._).
[400] September 17, 1134 (_A.F.M._). Sudden death is not suggested by
the Annals.
[401] St. Bernard puns on the Latin name by which he represents Niall.
It is a diminutive of _niger_, black.
[402] Josh. ix. 24 (vg.).
[403] The meaning of this somewhat difficult sentence is made clear by
the reference to the Gibeonites (Josh. ix). By their stratagem they
"made provision for their lives," that is, that they should continue
to live instead of being exterminated with the rest of the Canaanites.
In like manner Murtough provided that he should, as it were, live on
and pursue his evil course, in the person of Niall.
[404] He was Murtough's cousin, and Cellach's brother. See the table,
Additional Note B, p. 164.
[405] That the king was either Conor O'Brien or Cormac Mac Carthy is
highly probable. To them Cellach had confided the duty of seeing that
Malachy should be his successor (§ 19), and in this very year they
reached the border of the diocese of Armagh (p. 43, n. 5). See p. 53,
n. 5.
[406] Ps. xxii. 16.
[407] The narrative of this and the next section is illustrated by the
Annals under the year 1134. _A.F.M._, after recording the obit of
Murtough, proceed: "Niall, son of Aedh, was installed in the coarbate
of Patrick. A change of abbots in Armagh, _i.e._ Mael Maedoc Ua
Morgair in place of Niall." In _A.T._ we have the statement, "Mael
Maedog o Mongair ascended Patrick's chair. The Cinel Eoghain of Tulach
Óg conspired against Mael Maedoc, and a flash of lightning consumed
twelve men of them on the spot where they conspired against him." Thus
it seems that the conspirators came from the place now known as
Tullaghoge, in the county of Tyrone, then, as now, in the diocese of
Armagh. It was the district inhabited by the sept of the O'Hagans, and
in it was the _lía na rígh_, the inauguration chair of the O'Neills,
kings of Ulster. The confirmation which St. Bernard's story receives
from _A.T._ is the more important, because the two narratives are so
far different that they must have come from independent sources.
[408] Ps. lii. 1 (vg.).
[409] Cp. John xviii. 2 (vg.).
[410] Ps. x. 8.
[411] Matt. xxiii. 35, combined with Rev. vi. 10; xix. 2.
[412] Ps. xcvii. 2.
[413] Ps. xviii. 11.
[414] Amos v. 8 (vg.).
[415] Rev. iv. 5.
[416] Ps. xi. 6, _horribilis spiritus procellarum_: apparently a
conflation of the vg. with another rendering. A.V. has _an horrible
tempest_.
[417] Virg., _Aen._ i. 91.
[418] Exod. iv. 19; Matt. ii. 20, etc.
[419] Job iii. 6 (vg.).
[420] Rom. xiii. 12.
[421] _Spiritus._ Cp. the "spirit of tempests" in § 22 (end).
[422] Ps. cii. 10.
[423] _Song of Three Children_, 27.
[424] Ecclus. xxxv. 16 (inexact quotation).
[425] Exod. x. 23 (inexact quotation).
[426] 2 Kings xviii. 41 ff.; Jas. v. 18.
[427] 2 Kings i. 9-12.
[428] John xiii. 31.
[429] This date is incorrect. The entry into the city of Armagh cannot
have taken place before October 1134, when Malachy was in his fortieth
(possibly thirty-ninth) year. His entry into the province (§ 21) was
probably made in his thirty-eighth year. This was no doubt the cause
of St. Bernard's error; for one of his documents may, like _A.F.M._
(p. 48, n. 3), have used words which seemed to imply that he entered
Armagh on that earlier occasion.
[430] If "the king" was Cormac Mac Carthy (p. 51, n. 2), the statement
that he returned home shortly after Malachy obtained possession of the
see, is confirmed by _A.F.M._ For they record, under 1134, the
consecration of Cormac's Chapel on the rock of Cashel.
[431] Wisd. iii. 1.
[432] 2 Cor. vii. 5.
[433] Ps. ii. 2; Acts iv. 26.
[434] The flight of Niall seems clearly to imply that he was in the
city of Armagh. The natural inference is that "having been driven out"
he was afterwards reinstated. This may have happened while Malachy was
absent on a visitation of Munster, mentioned in _A.F.M._, but
apparently unknown to St. Bernard. The statement of the latter, that
Malachy "remained" in Armagh, ignores it. See further, Additional Note
C, p. 168 f.
[435] The _Book of Armagh_, now in the Library of Trinity College,
Dublin. The manuscript was written at Armagh early in the ninth
century by a scribe named Ferdomnach; but at an early date it came to
be supposed that it was the work of St. Patrick himself. From this
belief, perhaps, arose the name by which it was known for many
centuries, and which can be traced back to the year 936--the Canon of
Patrick. It is strange that it should be called here a "copy of the
Gospels"; for in addition to the complete text of the New Testament it
contains two lives of St. Patrick, his _Confession_ and other
historical documents. But the word _Gospel_ was very loosely used in
Ireland (see _R.I.A._ xxxiii. 327 f.). Misled by this description, de
Backer (n. _ad loc._) identifies the book mentioned by St. Bernard
with the so-called "Gospels of St. Patrick," found in the shrine known
as the Domnach Airgid, about 1830, which have no connexion with Armagh
or St. Patrick (_R.I.A. Trans._ xviii., "Antiquities," pp. 14 ff.;
xxx. 303 ff.; _R.I.A._ xxxiv. 108 ff.). For further information about
the _Book of Armagh_ the reader may consult Gwynn, especially pp.
ci.-cxvi.
[436] The staff of Jesus was a wooden crozier (Giraldus, _Top._ iii.
34), richly adorned. The story of its presentation by Christ to St.
Patrick is found in the tenth-century _Trip._ (p. 30), no doubt taken
from an earlier source. The staff was much older than the _Book of
Armagh_; for we find that it was "profaned" in 789, and it was then
apparently regarded as the principal relic of St. Patrick (_A.U._
788). It seems that there was a still more ancient tradition, that St.
Patrick gave it to St. Mac Cairthinn (_R.I.A._ xxxiv. 114), from which
it may be inferred that it once belonged to the church of Clogher. It
was removed from Armagh to Dublin in 1180, and deposited in Christ
Church. It was burnt in 1538 (_A.L.C._). Apparently St. Bernard is the
only authority for the statement that it was "fashioned" by Christ. It
appears that the staff of Jesus, in the twelfth century, was regarded
as a much more important relic than the _Book of Armagh_, and was more
closely associated with the person and office of the coarb of Patrick.
It is frequently mentioned in such a way as to suggest that it was one
of the insignia of his authority (_A.U._ 1015, 1073, 1101, 1113, 1157,
1166, 1167; _A.F.M._ 1135, 1139, 1143, 1148, 1152). Similar references
to the _Book of Armagh_ do not occur till near the close of the
twelfth century, immediately after the removal of the staff from
Armagh (_A.U._ 1179, 1196; Gwynn, p. civ.). A very full account of the
later history of the staff may be read in _O.C.C._ pp. viii-xx.
[437] Deut. xxxii. 6.
[438] _Gyrovagus._ The word is commonly used of a monk who leaves his
proper monastery, and wanders about from one cell to another (see,
_e.g._, St. Bernard, _Ep._ 68, § 4), or to a priest who deserts his
parish (Du Cange, _s.v._).
[439] Job i. 6, 7; ii. 2.
[440] King (_Primacy of Armagh_, p. 97) thought that this was Conor
O'Loughlin. But he could hardly be described as "of the unrighteous
race," or as a "prince," which would indicate a petty chieftain.
Probably the conspirator was a local magnate.
[441] Matt. xxvi. 4, combined with Luke xxii. 2.
[442] Cp. Acts xxiii. 12 f.
[443] Matt. xxvi. 48.
[444] 1 Macc. i. 30.
[445] Cp. 1 Cor. xi. 1.
[446] Matt. x. 38, etc.
[447] Acts xxv. 11.
[448] 1 Pet. v. 3 (vg., inexact quotation).
[449] _Formam._ The word occurs in the verse just quoted, and in the
context of that which follows (Phil. ii. 7).
[450] Phil. ii. 8.
[451] Ps. lxxviii. 7.
[452] Acts xxi. 13; John xi. 16.
[453] Cp. Apuleius, _Metamorph._ xi. 23.
[454] Eph. vi. 16.
[455] Gen. iv. 6.
[456] Exod. xv. 16.
[457] Ps. xxvii. 2 (vg.).
[458] John iv. 37.
[459] While accepting the facts here narrated, so far as they were
capable of being observed, one cannot ignore the probability that they
were misinterpreted. It is quite possible that the offer of peace was
made in good faith, and that Malachy and his friends were unduly
suspicious when they "foresaw guile." The prince may have surrounded
himself with armed men as a mere matter of prudence.
[460] Susanna, 62.
[461] Luke xvi. 8.
[462] § 23.
[463] _Mulctatum in corpore._
[464] _Mutatum in corde._
[465] Ps. x. 2.
[466] Jer. xvii. 7, etc.
[467] _Plebes._
[468] That is, the church of Armagh.
[469] Hos. ii. 6.
[470] Rom. xii. 3; xv. 15, etc.
[471] This statement can hardly be regarded as accurate. Flann Ua
Sinaich, keeper of the staff of Jesus, having died, Malachy purchased
it on July 7, 1135; or, in other words, as we may suppose, bribed the
new keeper to hand it over to him (_A.F.M._). Niall himself may have
subsequently surrendered the _Book of Armagh_.
[472] 1 Tim. ii. 11.
[473] Rom. xv. 13 (vg.).--The success of Malachy in establishing peace
in the latter years of his rule at Armagh may be attributed in part to
the influence of a prince who is not mentioned in the text. Donough
O'Carroll first appears in the Annals as chieftain of the men of
Fearnmaigh (now represented by the barony of Farney, co. Monaghan),
whom he led in an expedition against Fingal (the district north of
Dublin) in 1133. He seems to have succeeded to the kingdom or lordship
of Oriel (which included the present counties of Armagh, Monaghan and
Louth) on the death of Conor O'Loughlin (May 1136); for in 1138, "with
the Oirgialla," he took part in an invasion of Meath. His career was
prosperous till 1152, when he assaulted the coarb of Patrick
(Gelasius). In consequence he was attacked by the Cenél Eoghain, and
expelled from Oriel. In 1155 he was imprisoned by Tighernan O'Rorke in
Lough Sheelan, for six weeks; but he escaped and recovered his
kingdom, and was present at the consecration of the Church of
Mellifont Abbey in 1157. He was murdered in 1168. For his support of
Malachy see Additional Note C, p. 170.
[474] This is obviously not the king mentioned in §§ 22, 24, 25. The
reference may be to Conor O'Loughlin, who was king of Oriel till he
was murdered in May 1136 (p. 40, note 2), or his successor, Donough
O'Carroll.
[475] Ecclus. xxi. 7.
[476] Gal. ii. 11.
[477] Exod. xvi. 20 (vg., inexact quotation).
[478] Acts vi. 10 (vg.).
[479] Isa. ii. 22; cf. Job xxvii. 3; Wisd. ii. 2.--The words might be
rendered "a spirit (_spiritus_) in her nostrils." The meaning is not
clear. In the biblical passages in which the phrase occurs it
indicates mortality. On the other hand, by the previous sentence St.
Bernard suggests that, in contrast to Malachy, the woman spoke under
the influence of an evil spirit.
[480] Mark xiv. 61.
[481] 2 Kings ii. 23.
[482] _Memoria sanctorum._ Probably a reliquary. A reliquary preserved
at Clogher in 1300 was known as the _membra_, which, according to one
explanation, was the equivalent of _memoriale scrinium_, memorial
shrine. See _L.A.J._ iv. 245. Cp. Oengus, p. 345 (_s.v._ Memrae);
Lightfoot, _Clement of Rome_, vol. i. p. 91.
[483] Susanna, 56.
[484] Exod. xiv. 25.
[485] Deut. vii. 2 (vg.).
[486] Ps. ix. 6 (vg.).
[487] Ps. lxxiii. 19.
[488] See Additional Note B, p. 166.
[489] John xx. 30.
[490] This date is vague. But the period of three years must be
reckoned from the death of Murtough (September 17, 1134), or from the
subsequent ejection of Niall. Since stress is laid on the shortness,
rather than the length of the period, we may therefore conclude that
peace was established not long before October 1137, or, at any rate,
after the beginning of that year. And as St. Bernard believed that the
inauguration of Gelasius "immediately" followed the resignation of
Malachy, we may gather that both these events took place in 1137.
_A.F.M._ date Malachy's resignation in 1136; but the chronology of St.
Bernard is to be preferred. See Additional Note C, pp. 168, 169.
[491] Ps. xciv. 2.
[492] Gelasius--in Irish Gilla meic Liag, the servant of the son of
the poet--was born about 1087. His father was apparently the poet of a
Tyrone sept, named Dermot (O'Hanlon, _Saints_, iii. 965). About 1121
he was appointed abbot of Derry, and held that office till he became
archbishop of Armagh in 1137. He had a long episcopate and seems to
have been a vigorous prelate. His age and infirmity (says Giraldus)
prevented him from attending the Synod of Cashel in 1172. But he
subsequently visited Henry II. in Dublin. Thither he brought the white
cow, whose milk was his only food (Giraldus, _Expug._ i. 35). He died
March 27, 1174, in his eighty-seventh year. For a Life of Gelasius,
see Colgan, _A.S.H._ p. 772.
[493] See § 21.
[494] _I.e._ diocese.
[495] The two episcopal sees are evidently Connor and Down. But in
early time there were many more sees than two in that district (see
Reeves, p. 138), and there is no evidence that any one of them was the
seat of a diocesan bishop. But, even if it were so, St. Bernard's
statement that the two supposed dioceses were "welded into one" by
some ambitious prelate prior to Malachy is unhistorical. A bishop of
Connor and a bishop of Down both died in 1117, just seven years before
Malachy became bishop of the diocese which included these two places;
and there is no trace of a bishop in either of them in the interval.
The fact seems to be that the diocese of Connor or Down was
constituted for the first time at the Synod of Rathbreasail in 1110.
It remained on paper until Malachy was appointed its first bishop. For
the probable reason of Malachy's division of the diocese, see p. lvii.
f.
[496] This cannot be the true reason for Malachy's choice of Down
rather than Connor. If he had wished to go to Connor on his retirement
from Armagh he could have consecrated a bishop for Down. It is more
probable that his preference was due to his love for Bangor, where he
resided during his first episcopate, and where he probably resided
also when he was bishop of Down. But, however that may be, Bangor was
necessarily under his jurisdiction as bishop of Down; his connexion
with it would have been severed if he had assumed the oversight of the
new diocese of Connor.
[497] Isa. li. 9; Amos ix. 11.
[498] Cp. Cant. i. 15; iv. i.; v. 12.--St. Bernard himself is said to
have had "dove-like eyes" (_V.P._ v. 12); and the meaning of the
phrase is explained thus: "In his eyes there shone a certain angelic
_purity_ and a dove-like _simplicity_ (single-mindedness)" (_ibid._
iii. 1).
[499] Amos i. 13.
[500] Cp. § 44, p. 83.
[501] It has been commonly assumed that the house of this
convent--which obviously consisted of Augustinian canons (the only
order of regular clerics recognized at this period by the Roman
Church: see Conc. Lat. 1139, can. 9, Mansi xxi. 528)--was in
Downpatrick. It has accordingly been identified with a monastery which
in the Terrier of 1615 is described as "the monastery of the Irish,
hard by the Cathedral," and called "the church of the channons"
(Reeves, 43, 231). But it is not stated in the text to have been in
Down. It seems more likely to have been the monastery of Bangor, which
was destroyed in 1127 (§ 18), and must have been reconstituted about
this time. There is no indication in the _Life_ that Malachy resided
in Down, while there are several hints that Bangor was his
headquarters and that he was abbot of the community there as long as
he lived. (See p. 33, n. 1.) In other words Bangor was, in fact if not
in name, the see of the diocese of Ulaid, or Down. For this curious
anomaly we have a parallel in the diocese of Tír Eoghain, the see of
which for a long period was at Maghera, the bishop, the while, being
often styled bishop of Derry (_Irish Church Quarterly_, x. 225 ff.);
and for the bishop of a diocese serving as abbot of his cathedral
chapter of regular canons we may point to Carlisle (_Trans. of
Scottish Ecclesiological Society_, iii. 267 ff.), Louth (_L.A.J._ iv.
143 ff.) and Christ Church, Dublin (_ibid._ 145). That the canons of
Bangor were at an early period the bishop's chapter we have
independent evidence. For in 1244 the Pope gave judgement in a cause
which had been pending for some time between the prior and monks of
Down and the abbot and canons of Bangor, each of whom claimed that
their church was cathedral (Theiner, p. 42). This claim on behalf of
Bangor is easily explained if it was reckoned as the bishop's see in
the time of Malachy.
[502] 2 Cor. x. 4.
[503] Luke viii. 5.
[504] Matt. xxi. 23; Mark xi. 28.
[505] Acts viii. 6; John ii. 23.
[506] 2 Cor. iii. 17.