[Illustration: THE ARCHDUKE EUGENE
Titular Commander in Chief of the Austrian Forces Operating Against
Italy]
We see now on the basis of documents how our allies aided us in the
Lybian undertaking. The operations brilliantly begun by the Duke of
the Abruzzi against the Turkish torpedo boats encountered at Preveza
were stopped by Austria in a sudden and absolute manner. Count
Aehrenthal on Oct. 1 informed our Ambassador at Vienna that our
operations had made a painful impression upon him and that he could
not allow them to be continued. It was urgently necessary, he said, to
put an end to them and to give orders to prevent them from being
renewed, either in Adriatic or in Ionian waters. The following day the
German Ambassador at Vienna, in a still more threatening manner,
confidentially informed our Ambassador that Count Aehrenthal had
requested him to telegraph to his Government to give the Italian
Government to understand that if it continued its naval operations in
the Adriatic and in the Ionian Seas it would have to deal directly
with Austria-Hungary. [Murmurs.]
And it was not only in the Adriatic and in the Ionian Seas that Austria
paralyzed our actions. On Nov. 5 Count Aehrenthal informed the Duke of
Avarna that he had learned that Italian warships had been reported off
Saloniki, where they had used electric searchlights--[laughter]--and
declared that our action on the Ottoman coasts of European Turkey, as
well as on the Aegean Islands, could not have been allowed either by
Austria-Hungary or by Germany, because it was contrary to the Triple
Alliance Treaty.
In March, 1912, Count Berchtold, who had in the meantime succeeded
Count Aehrenthal, declared to the German Ambassador in Vienna that, in
regard to our operations against the coasts of European Turkey and the
Aegean Islands, he adhered to the point of view of Count Aehrenthal,
according to which these operations were considered by the
Austro-Hungarian Government contrary to the engagement entered into by
us by Article VII. of the Triple Alliance Treaty. As for our
operations against the Dardanelles, he considered it opposed, first,
to the promise made by us not to proceed to any act which might
endanger the status quo in the Balkans, and, secondly, to the spirit
of the same treaty, which was based on the maintenance of the status
quo.
Afterward, when our squadron at the entrance to the Dardanelles was
bombarded by Fort Kumkalessi and replied, damaging that fort, Count
Berchtold complained of what had happened, considering it contrary to
the promises we had made, and declared that if the Italian Government
desired to resume its liberty of action, the Austro-Hungarian
Government could have done the same. [Murmurs.] He added that he could
not have allowed us to undertake in the future similar operations or
operations in any way opposed to this point of view. In the same way
our projected occupation of Chios was prevented. It is superfluous to
remark how many lives of Italian soldiers and how many millions were
sacrificed through the persistent vetoing of our actions against
Turkey, who knew that she was protected by our allies against all
attacks on her vital parts. [Cheers.]
We were bitterly reproached for not having accepted the offers made
toward the end of May, but were these offers made in good faith?
[Laughter and cheers.] Certain documents indicate that they were not.
Francis Joseph said that Italy was regarding the patrimony of his
house with greedy eyes. Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg said that the aim of
these concessions was to purchase our neutrality, and, therefore,
gentlemen, you may applaud us for not having accepted them. [Loud
cheers.] Moreover, these concessions, even in their last and belated
edition, in no way responded to the objectives of Italian policy,
which are, first, the defense of Italianism, the greatest of our
duties; secondly, a secure military frontier, replacing that which was
imposed upon us in 1866, by which all the gates of Italy are open to
our adversaries; thirdly, a strategical situation in the Adriatic less
dangerous and unfortunate than that which we have, and of which you
have seen the effects in the last few days. All these essential
advantages were substantially denied us.
To our minimum demand for the granting of independence to Trieste the
reply was to offer Trieste administrative autonomy. Also the question
of fulfilling the promises was very important. We were told not to
doubt that they would be fulfilled, because we should have Germany's
guarantee, but if at the end of the war Germany had not been able to
keep it, what would our position have been? And in any case, after
this agreement, the Triple Alliance would have been renewed, but in
much less favorable conditions, for there would have been one
sovereign State and, two subject States. [Murmurs.]
On the day when one of the clauses of the treaty was not fulfilled, or
on the day when the municipal autonomy of Trieste was violated by an
imperial decree or by a lieutenant's orders, to whom should we have
addressed ourselves? To our common superior--to Germany? [Laughter.] I
do not wish to speak of Germany to you without admiration and respect.
I am the Italian Prime Minister, not the German Chancellor, and I do
not lose my head. [Loud cheers.] But with all respect for the learned,
powerful, and great Germany, an admirable example of organization and
resistance, in the name of Italy I declare for no subjection and no
protectorate over any one. [Cheers.] The dream of a universal hegemony
is shattered. The world has risen. The peace and civilization of
future humanity must be founded on respect for existing national
autonomies. [Loud cheers.] Among these Germany will have to sit as an
equal, and not as a master. [Loud cheers.]
But a more remarkable example of the unmeasured pride with which the
directors of German policy regard other nations is given in the
picture which Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg drew of the Italian political
world.
_Signor Salandra here read the portion of the German Chancellor's
speech to which he referred, and added:_
I do not know if it was the intention of this man, blinded by rage,
personally to insult my colleagues and me. If that was the case, I
should not mention it. We are men whose life you know, men who have
served the State to an advanced age, men of spotless renown--[loud
cheers]--men who have given the lives of their children for their
country. [Loud cheers.]
The information on which this judgment was based is attributed by the
German Chancellor to him whom he calls the best judge of Italian
affairs. Perhaps he alludes to Prince Bülow, with the brotherly desire
to shoulder responsibilities upon him. Now, I do not wish you to
entertain an erroneous idea of Prince Bülow's intentions. I believe
that he had sympathies for Italy, and did all he could to bring about
an agreement. But how great and how numerous were the mistakes he made
in translating his good intentions into action! He thought that Italy
could be diverted from her path by a few millions ill-spent and by the
influence of a few persons who have lost touch with the soul of the
nation--[loud cheers]--by contact, attempted, but, I hope, not
accomplished, with certain politicians. [Loud cheers.]
The effect was the contrary. An immense outburst of indignation was
kindled throughout Italy, and not among the populace, but among the
noblest and most educated classes and among all the youth of the
country, which is ready to shed its blood for the nation. This
outburst of indignation was kindled as the result of the suspicion
that a foreign Ambassador was interfering between the Italian
Government, the Parliament, and the country. [Loud cheers.] In the
blaze thus kindled internal discussions melted away, and the whole
nation was joined in a wonderful moral union, which will prove our
greatest source of strength in the severe struggle which faces us, and
which must lead us by our own virtue, and not by benevolent
concessions from others, to the accomplishment of the highest
destinies of the country. [Loud and prolonged cheers.]
[Illustration]