The bearing of the line from Kakondy to _Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo; and across the Great Desert, to Morocco, performed in the years 1824-1828, Vol. 2 (of 2)

the travels of M. Caillié, having been confirmed, has given me

confidence in the bearings of the rest of the route. I have therefore

first laid down the line from Timé to Timbuctoo, and that from

Timbuctoo to Fez, such as they result from the construction of the

map of the route. The point of Fez being fixed, it became necessary

to modify a little the absolute length and the direction of these

lines, to confine myself between the two points of Timé and Fez,

and I have proceeded upon a proportionate reduction. The difference

was nothing extraordinary for so long a route, amongst so many

obstacles and difficulties which the indefatigable traveller had to

overcome. It amounted on the whole, upon near three thousand English

miles,[80] to about one hundred and fifty, or a twentieth part of

the space travelled over, and the total angular difference is less

than six degrees upon the angle between the meridian of Kakondy and

the direction upon Arbate. The latitude of Timbuctoo, obtained by

this means, is near seventeen degrees fifty minutes north.

Possessing upon this latitude no geographical data properly so

called, having only the routes of caravans, and not even the hours

of march, but merely the reckoning of the day’s journey, so that

to the uncertainty of the length of the journeys is added the still

greater uncertainty of the pace of the caravans, according to whether

they were more or less numerous, whether composed of camels more

or less laden, or only of pedestrians; together with our ignorance

as to the number and situation of the forced halts which they make

in the desert, either on account of wells, or of those unforeseen

accidents which will happen in these terrible peregrinations;[81]

in the midst, I say, of so many causes of hesitation, which ought

to warn geographers against the employment of the vague itineraries

of the Arabs and the Moors, could I grant less confidence to the

route of M. Caillié than to the marches of the Africans?

These routes are constantly divided by hours: the rests are noted

with exactness, and they are never undecided with respect to the

length of the marches: it only remains then to estimate the pace,

and we are enlightened on this latter subject by the composition

of the caravan. For these reasons, and others still which it would

occupy too much time to explain; I have not thought it right to

take preceding itineraries into account in combining the elementary

facts necessary for ascertaining the position of Timbuctoo.

I should, however, have still remained in doubt, and have

abstained from offering an opinion had there not been other new

data susceptible of comparison with the itinerary of M. Caillié;

I mean the measure of the meridian shadow which he took at Timbuctoo

itself. This observation was made by the same method as that at

Timé: this proceeding is undoubtedly very imperfect, but, for want

of others I think it should not be entirely neglected. On the 1st

of May 1828 our traveller planted a style of the height of 0,635

metre; he measured, at noon, the shadow of this style and found it

equal to 0,030 metre.[82] The calculation gives seventeen degrees

fifty one minutes north latitude. I must repeat here the reflection

that this agreement may very probably result from contrary errors

which have balanced each other: but as it is impossible to discover

the points in which the errors lie, or the limit of their extent,

the final result is all that can be obtained.

I will add one consideration which will not have escaped those

geographers who have studied the calculation of probabilities. In

a series of observations made under the same circumstances,

and especially by the same observers, the greater the number,

the more probable is it that their amount will approach to the

total quantity required. When there is no reason that the errors

committed should be on one side rather than another, they mutually

destroy each other, and the more so, the more the observations are

multiplied. There is even a rule which teaches us how much the sum

found differs from the truth; its discovery belongs to the learned

geometrician, who is at present the organ of the French Institute for

mathematical science. Knowing the error which may have occurred in an

observation, it must be multiplied by the square root of the total

number of observations. Thus, instead of growing with this number

the total possible error decreases proportionably. For example,

for four observations it would be represented by two, and for a

hundred observations, by ten only. The proportion of total errors

is therefore as ¹⁰⁄₂ whereas the proportion of the number of

observations is as ¹⁰⁰⁄₄: thus the error is but the fifth

part of what it would be proportionally in four observations.[83]

Hence it follows that the more observations are multiplied the more

any imperfection in the processes by which they have been made will

be corrected.

Are we not authorised to apply this principle to the length of

M. Caillié’s stages, since the number of the lines of route

is not less than six hundred and thirty three? I may add that the

same remark applies to the angular deviation. Indeed, considering

the total distance between the meridian of Timé and that of Fez,

or the difference in longitude (which is equal to one degree forty

four minutes) as being the real sum of all the angles of the route

to the east or west of the first, it will follow that the forming

of the lines of bearings noted by the traveller (or the calculation

of the angles, which is more exact) gives a total variation, so much

nearer to the above difference of longitude as the number of bearings

is greater; and this number is also six hundred and thirty three. As

it has been seen above, I have found the deviation equal to less than

six degrees, and it has been easy to divide it over the whole line.

OBSERVATIONS ON THE SITUATION OF TIMBUCTOO, AND PARTICULARLY ON

ITS LONGITUDE.

From the determination of the lines which join Timé, Djenné,

Timbuctoo, and Fez, and from the latitude of Timbuctoo thus fixed

according to the itinerary at seventeen degrees fifty or fifty one

minutes,[84] necessarily results a more westerly longitude of this

city, than has been hitherto supposed, and even than that which I

had formerly admitted, and which brings its position much nearer

to the ocean than any geographer has placed it.

Such is the importance of the situation of Timbuctoo that I deem

it necessary to insist again on the discussion of the elements;

in order, not to establish it with certainty (I am far from

believing that I have accomplished this) but to furnish the

reader with new means of approaching the truth, as nearly as

the state of our knowledge will permit. It is true that a single

astronomical observation made by a skilful observer, furnished

with good instruments, and worthy of confidence, might overthrow

these inductions; but it is equally true that till we are possessed

of such an observation, no geographer can fix this main position

on a map, without deducing all the reasons which determine him,

especially if he dissents from the opinions of his predecessors.

Timbuctoo is placed, on the general map of the travels, in the

latitude resulting from the observation of the shadow and the

length of the route from Timé to Timbuctoo. A great part of this

route, it may be observed, is in a northerly direction, which was

far from being conjectured from the course of the river in this

quarter. If Mungo Park could have acquainted us with the particulars

of his journey beyond Sansanding, we should not have been so long

uncertain of this direction, which has uniformly been carried

easterly, and that because the situation of Timbuctoo was imagined

(as it is still) to be very central in the continent. Park’s map

(travels in 1805) places it under the meridian of Paris; Clapperton

at 0° 5° west. Rennell at 2° 3°: but the data of which we have

been for ten years in possession oblige us to bring it nearer to the

ocean; M. Walckenaer has done so, in adopting a longitude from nine

to twelve minutes more westerly. I have always proposed to carry

this position much farther west, and even placed it four years

ago four degrees west.[85] M. Brué has since adopted 3° 34’:

perhaps it should have been advanced as far as the sixth degree. For

the reasons I have elsewhere given, the route from Timbuctoo to Fez

cannot be fixed at more than two English miles an hour: to this rate

I have reduced the computation of M. Caillié, who at first estimated

the whole route equally at three miles. Now the line of route thus

constructed and resting upon Arbate, a well known position, carries

Timbuctoo very near the eighteenth degree north; that is to say,

from 17° 50’ to 17° 55’; had not this been shortened a little,

the city would have been carried to 19°, or 20°, a position far

too northerly, and totally inadmissible. Moreover, the line from

Timbuctoo to Arbate would be ten degrees too far west; it would

also be increasing the declination to 27° instead of 17°, which

seems to be its amount for the mean meridian.

But, if the bearing of the line from Timbuctoo to Fez resulting

from the itinerary, and that of the line from Timé to Timbuctoo,

are preserved, these two intersect each other about the parallel

of 17° 50’. This latitude agrees so well with that resulting

from the height of the shadow, 17° 51’ that we derive from

these data a very satisfactory confirmation. Now the line of the

parallel 17° 51’ and the two lines of direction meet, all three,

on nearly the same meridian, the sixth west from Paris.

No positive data are yet known which can better fix the longitude:

not only are the itineraries of the Moors too vague, but they

support themselves upon the Mediterranean, while M. Caillié’s

routes, though they are continued to the Mediterranean, support

themselves upon the ocean; which is much nearer than the former,

and also upon the known positions of Timbo and Fez.

Suppose, however, it were determined, notwithstanding all these

reasons to withdraw Timbuctoo farther to the east by a degree or

more, it would then become necessary greatly to increase the journeys

from Kakondy to Timé. In making them three English miles and three

fifths an hour, the true measure has probably been somewhat exceeded,

but the situation of Timbo compelled this; while, to place Timbuctoo

on the third degree of west longitude, would be to suppose a march

of more than four miles and a half an hour.

Another circumstance here comes to our assistance: it is that

by carrying it farther towards the east, we must suppose the

traveller greatly and constantly deceived in a western direction

on his journey from Timé to Timbuctoo, and, on the contrary, in

going from Timbuctoo to Fez, he must have made a similar and not

less considerable error in all his bearings towards the east. How

should we account for this singularity?

From all these considerations, could I risk changing the result

of M. Caillié’s itinerary and altering the construction of

his route? could I, in short, without sufficient motive, give the

preference to any one map over another? Some judgment may be formed

upon this question from the diversity of situations assigned to

Timbuctoo by different authorities:

In 1720, the longitude according to Delile 0° 0’ Wt.of Paris

1749, d’Anville 2 15

1790, Major Rennell 2 30

1796, Park’s first map 1 0

1805, Park’s second map 0 0

1821, M. Walckenaer 2 42

1821, M. Lapie 2 44

1822, Clapperton 0 50

1828, M. Brué 3 34

It is on the English maps, even those of most recent date, that this

town has always been placed the most to the east. The advantage

of a more eastern position relatively to the proximity of a great

river flowing into the Gulf of Guinea would be evident: but this

proximity is nothing less than certain. By a coincidence worthy

of notice the English maps have also brought Timbuctoo farther to

the south than any others except Delile, as will appear from this

table of different latitudes:

North latitude according to

Delile 15° 0’ | Park’s second map 16° 27’

Clapperton 15 0 | M. Walckenaer 17 38

M. Brué (after | M. Lapie 17 38

Clapperton) 15 0 | D’Anville 19 15

Park’s first map 15 14 | Major Rennel 19 38

I return to the latitude of Timbuctoo. Ain-Salah, in the oasis of

Touat, is usually placed about 1° east of Paris and in 24° 30’

north latitude; but Major Laing’s observation, as communicated

to me by Captain Sabine, is very different, namely: 0° 29’

west of Paris, and 27° 11’ 30". M. Walckenaer has calculated the

distance from this oasis to Timbuctoo at six hundred and seventy five

geographical miles: it is evident that this measure, if admitted,

would advance Timbuctoo towards the north to between the 17th and

18th degree; now, it happens that this distance of six hundred

and seventy five miles is found exactly between the two points

as placed upon the present map. This last coincidence, which I

remarked after my labour was concluded, contributed still farther

to dispel my doubts. I have estimated the day’s journeys at 18’

four tenths and not with M. Walckenaer at 15’; but it was the

medium journeys, not those of the great caravan, which formed the

object of his researches. It appears then that the approximative

situation assigned to Timbuctoo, 6° west and 17° 50’ north,

satisfies the different data, and the best itineraries, that it

agrees with the positions of Timbo and of Fez, and that it is not

contradicted by Mungo Park’s observations on the latitude, taken

at Sami and Yamina; finally, it is confirmed by the particulars

brought from Elimané by Captain Beaufort.

Fifty four days’ journeys will be found on my map from Timbuctoo to

Tatta; an itinerary cited by M. Walckenaer (p. 297) marks fifty.

The fifty four days from Fez to Timbuctoo according to Mr.

Jackson[86] also agree: it is the same with the sixty-four days

from Timbuctoo to Morzouk. Fewer than twenty eight journeys are

reckoned from Houssa to Timbuctoo, according to the itinerary of

Mohammed Ebn-Foul; this distance is too short on our map, and on

all the others, even those in Clapperton’s travels. There are,

besides, other reasons for believing that there may be two towns

or countries called Houssa[87].

I do not compare with the map the distance reckoned between Timbuctoo

and the town of Tafilet, because M. Caillié heard no mention of

a town so called: he affirms that none such exists, in which case

it is not possible to make use of this distance.

I shall add in conclusion of this discussion, that nothing can

authorise us to depart from the observations of latitude taken

by Mungo Park, at Yamina and Sami, namely, 13° 15’ and 13°

17’, and to remove these points much further to the south, as

M. Brué has done upon his map, otherwise so rich in details and

nomenclature. The determination which I propose for the latitude

of Timbuctoo agrees better with these observations, the only ones

we possess in this direction as far as Timbuctoo.

From the whole discussion, it results, first, that the different

lines of route forming the itinerary map have been subjected to

divers conditions resulting from the journal of the traveller, from

anterior observations and from good geographical data; secondly,

that the hour’s journeys, estimated at three English miles,

mean measure, between Kakondy and Galia or Djenné, are a little

increased between Kakondy and Timé, in consequence of the position

of Timbo; thirdly, that, from Djenné to Timbuctoo and thence to

Fez, the average of two miles an hour has been a little modified

by the real difference in latitude of the two extremities. I have

now only to speak of the bearings and measure of the lines of march.

BEARINGS OF M. CAILLIÉ’S ROUTES.

The reduction of the true north of our traveller’s lines of route

was one of the most important points; and to arrive at their actual

bearing, I was assisted by a single new datum only; namely, the

observation of the angle of the meridian shadow with the magnetic

north. The travels furnish two of these observations: the one,

of the 30th of October 1827, gave the N. N. E.; the other of the

1st of November, the N. ¼ N. E., that is to say, the compass

had on these days a declination of 22° 30’ and 11° 15’ to

the east. I was then obliged to have recourse to other researches

to determine between these two measures, and to avail myself of

several observations taken by Mungo Park and other travellers.

The following are the names of the places and observations; I omit

their geographical situations:

At Badoo, Mungo Park[88] 14° 6’ E. declin.

On the Bâfing, _idem_ 16 30

On the Dhioliba, _idem_ 16 36

At Yamina, _idem_ 17 11

At Sansanding, _idem_ 17 40

At Bathurst, Captain Owen[89] 17 56

At St. Louis, Maritime Annals[90] 17 32

At St. Mary, M. le Prédour[91] 17 25

At Cape Roxo, _idem_ 17 20

In Mungo Park’s journal of his second expedition, as printed

in London, is a tracing of the Gambia,[92] from which a smaller

declination would result: it appears evident to me, that some error

has crept in here, either in the copying or in the engraving, when

the coincidence of the preceding observations from five different

travellers is considered, and particularly that of Park’s own

observations.[93] To these might be added the declination observed

by Major Laing in his first journey, and that which has been

observed at Sierra-Leone and other places; but this inquiry would be

superfluous. It will be remarked, that the mean term of 16° 55’

declination east, is also the mean between the two observations of

M. Caillié; but, as the observation of Badoo seems hither small

compared with all the others, I have thought myself entitled to adopt

17° as the mean declination and to subject the whole route to it.

I shall here make another remark respecting the situation of places

marked upon the two maps, upon information communicated by others,

and not direct observations; it is that the natives are extremely

clever at indicating the direction of places at a greater or less

distance: they are seldom mistaken in this indication; and they point

out with the finger with great accuracy, the direction which must

be taken to go in a straight line to a given spot. This observation

has been made before. When a certain direction was thus pointed out

to M. Caillié, he remarked some particular object on the line, and

applied his compass to it at the first favourable opportunity. These

bearings have been extremely useful to me for the points situated

beyond the route; without this assistance I should have found it

impossible to trace, even tolerably, the course of the Dhioliba

above Djenné.

COMPUTATION OF THE DAYS’ JOURNEYS.

The geography of countries which have not been explored by observers

furnished with instruments is usually reduced to the calculations

of days’ journeys. What can be more vague or doubtful than such

documents? The most learned discussion (as remarked above), can

only elicit feeble scintillations from them. How are contradictory

accounts to be reconciled? How are common days’ journeys to be

distinguished from double days, or even longer still? It is evident,

that itineraries must be examined and compiled from the number of

the hours journeys, and not by the days, and there would then be a

less degree of uncertainty. Should European travellers themselves

compute their lines of march by the days’ journeys? And how

happens it that it is not an established rule, in exploring distant

and unknown countries, to keep an exact account of the hours and

every fraction of time? The journal of M. Caillié, although he

has not rigorously complied with this condition, at least presents

an uninterrupted continuity of marches measured by time, generally

by hours, sometimes by half-hours and even quarters. But for this

persevering (and amidst so many fatigues truly laudable) attention,

positive geography would have gained very little by these long and

toilsome peregrinations.

In a memoir inserted in the eighty-first volume of the _Philosophical

Transactions_, Major Rennell has fixed the day’s journey of a

caravan heavily laden at sixteen geographical miles (or minutes of

a degree) and one sixth; and that of a light caravan, at seventeen

miles and one third. It appears to me, that the second of these

results is too small, and especially that an intermediate term should

have been established, between the light and the heavy caravans,

for there is a vast difference between the two extremes. The

former certainly advance more than twenty geographical miles a day,

especially, as they are able to continue their journey longer, that

is to say, for a greater number of hours each day. Then, again,

it would be convenient to fix an intermediate valuation between

sixteen and twenty miles, that is to say, the day’s journey of the

medium caravans, if they may be so called. I find Major Rennell’s

appreciation of the first denomination of days’ journeys confirmed

by the experience of the engineers attached to the French expedition,

in crossing the deserts near Egypt. We estimated the hour’s march

at nineteen hundred toises; eight hours would amount to fifteen miles

two hundred toises, or very nearly sixteen geographical miles; the

hour’s march would thus be established at two miles, or thirty

hours to the degree. In consequence of several calculations much

too long to be reported here, I consider the day’s journey of the

medium caravan to be eighteen geographical miles and four tenths,

the hour being between two miles and two miles and one tenth. I

shall not here take the light caravans into account; these travel

longer, and the progress of each hour is at the same time greater;

but I think it may in many cases be estimated at twenty-two miles,

or ten hours of two miles and two tenths. Persons travelling in small

parties, without reckoning men mounted on horses or dromedaries,

move still quicker.

According to Captain Lyon, the days’ journeys of the caravans

are less than twenty English miles, and above seventeen; that

is to say, more than the short day, and less than the medium. It

is not by the pace either of a pedestrian or of a lightly loaded

camel that the progress of a caravan must be measured, but, on the

contrary, by that of the man or camel bearing the heaviest burden;

for the latter must be waited for by the former, and is perpetually

retarding the march; otherwise the usual pace would be much greater

than that just fixed. Besides, this reduction of the average value

is independent of that which must be allowed for the deviations and

turnings which are often unknown: another source of hesitation and

of error to geographers.

The earlier journeys of M. Caillié on leaving Kakondy afford an

example of the real amount of the day’s journey: the first day,

he advanced twenty-three English miles, the following sixteen miles

and a half; the third eighteen miles; the average rate nineteen miles

and one sixth.[94] The hour’s journey was estimated by him at three

miles only, but the construction of the itinerary proves that this

computation was more than one tenth too small. The result is twenty

one English miles,[95] which is very near eighteen geographical miles

and four tenths; all, by my estimation, medium days, (or days of a

medium caravan). Indeed, the small caravan to which M. Caillié then

belonged may be balanced against these considerations—first, that

though small in number it included a woman; secondly, that all were

on foot; thirdly, that all were loaded. In traversing the desert,

the day’s journeys were of twelve hours and sometimes more;[96]

but exhaustion, thirst, and fatigue, prevented both the travellers

and camels from keeping up the same pace as on their first departure,

and a mile and a half an hour is a large allowance for the march.

I ought here to report the opinion of M. Walckenaer, who

has discussed with much sagacity this important geographical

question:[97] he fixes at fifteen minutes the amount of a day’s

journey of a caravan heavily loaded; this amount falls short by only

one sixth of that which I have adopted, from our own experience in

Egypt, and which further confirms the opinion of Major Rennell.

But M. Walckenaer does not estimate the other two denominations of

days’ journeys, those of the medium and of the light caravans. I

shall only remark that the result of his arguments seems to be,

that the real and effective progress is considerably more than 15’,

and about equal to 18’ or 19’: _the average of a day’s journey

reduced to measures taken in a straight line upon the map_. But will

the diversity of elbows and inflexions, resulting from that of the

obstacles which produce them, allow us to work a uniform reduction,

and to apply a uniform factor to every distance travelled over? Let

us, for instance admit that part of the route amounts to sixty miles,

and that the straight line between these extremities is forty-eight

miles; can the same rule be adopted with regard to the whole route,

which may be three hundred miles or five times as much? would

the total direct line amount to two hundred and forty miles? The

longer the route, the greater should be the variation in the rate

of the reduction. The following table contains a summary of these

observations upon the amount of the hours’ and days’ marches

of caravans, and the different computations which have been made

of them.

+-------------+--------------------------------------------+

|AUTHORITIES. | MARCH OF THE CARAVANS |

+-------------+--------------+--------------+--------------+

+-------------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+--------+

| |per |per day |per |per day |per |per day |

| |hour.|of 8 |hour.|of 8 |hour.|of 10 |

+-------------+-----+--------+-----+--------+-----+--------+

| | | | | | | |

|Egyptian |2 |„ |„ |„ |„ |„ |

| | | | | | | |

|Major Rennel.|„ |16⅙ |„ |„ |„ |17⅛ |

| | | | | | | |

|Captain Lyon.|„ |„ |„ |above 17|„ |„ |

| | | | | | | |

|M. |„ |15[98] |„ |„ |„ |above 22|

| | | | | | | |

|M. Caillié’s |1⁹⁄₂₀|„ |2³⁄₁₀|„ |„ |„ |

| | | | | | | |

|Computation |1¾ |15 to 16|2³⁄₂₀|18⁴⁄₁₀ |2⁴⁄₁₀|24[99] |

|from | | | | |to | |

|miscellaneous| | | | |2⁶⁄₁₀| |

| | | | | | | |

| |

| _N.B_. To reduce these numbers into English miles, |

| they must be worked by the proportion of 60:69.[100] |

+----------------------------------------------------------+

I had at first intended to construct separately each of M.

Caillié’s routes, taking into consideration in each particular

case the difficulties of the ground, the composition of the

caravans, and the physical condition of the travellers; but, as it

was impossible to perform this work correctly, it would also have

been useless. Besides, the reflections which I have already made

tend to shew that, by following a uniform plan of reduction from

one end of the route to the other, one must arrive at a result

nearly approaching to the truth.

All that I have hitherto advanced relates solely to that part of

the general map, which represents the space travelled over by M.

Caillié; I have now to speak of the remainder, namely, the extremity

of the map towards the north, and that towards the S. W. The former

portion, or the country of Morocco, has been chiefly extracted from

the fine map of M. Brué,[101] but reduced to much fewer details;

we know that he sought his data in the best Spanish and English

maps, and in the works of Badia, Jackson, Walckenaer, Ritter,

&c.; authorities which furnish excellent materials, but which,

the former especially, must not always be employed without the

assistance of criticism.

The second part, to the south of the Rio-Nuñez, has been drawn

from the _Senegambie_ of M. Dufour, who has skilfully combined the

materials of Major Laing with those of preceding English travellers:

it will be seen by comparing our two maps, that I have been obliged

to differ from him with respect to the situations and names of

several countries. I have also been necessitated, as well for the

sake of perspicuity on a map upon a very small scale, as on account

of uncertainty, to retrench many details. I shall conclude with

the table of geographical positions, forming the foundation of the

general map, independently of the coast of Africa, which is pretty

accurately known.[102]

+------------------+---------+---------+-------------------------+

| +---------+---------+-------------------------+

| | | | |

|Timé |9° 3’ 0’’|9° 2’ 0’’|Construction of the map. |

| | | | |

|Sources of the |9 25 0 |12 5 0 |Major Laing. |

| | | | |

|Timbo |10 25 0 |12 54 0 |Major Laing. |

| | | | |

|Kakondy |11 10 0 |16 17 0 |Construction of the map. |

| | | |24’ |

| | | | |

|Djenné |13 0 0 |9 0 0 |Park. |

| | | | |

|Yamina |13 15 0 |" " " |_Idem._ |

| | | | |

|Sami |13 17 0 |" " " |_Idem._ |

| | | | |

|Bakel |14 13 30 |14 41 40 |Dussault. |

| | | | |

|Elimané |15 2 50 |12 36 0 |De Beaufort. |

| | | | |

|Timbuctoo |17 50 0 |6 0 0 |Construction of the map. |

| | | | |

|Ain-Salah |27 12 30 |0 29 0 |Major Laing. |

| | | | |

|Morocco |31 37 30 |9 56 0 |Badia. |

| | | | |

|Fez |34 6 0 |7 18 0 |_Idem._ |

| | | | |

+------------------+---------+---------+-------------------------+

§ III

OF THE NOMENCLATURE.

I shall not here offer to the reader a general list of the names of

towns and villages, or of the different nations, states and districts

visited by M. Caillié during his travels; this duplicate labour is

rendered quite unnecessary by the minute list of the Itinerary[103]

contained in this volume, and by the journal itself, both of which I

recommend it to the reader to consult upon this subject. My object

is merely to make some remarks upon the method of retracing these

names and upon a few other relative points. The nomenclature is

so much the more important in the compilation of African maps,

as inattentive travellers frequently confuse generic appellations

with proper names and _vice versa_; or they spell the same name in

several different ways, or in writing various names they lose sight

of the trifling differences by which they are distinguished. Hence

the faulty multiplication upon the maps of places which do not exist,

and on the contrary the suppression of many which do. The difficulty

is great, particularly with respect to countries recently explored

and the language of which is unknown. I have chiefly confined myself

to obtaining the names from the mouth of the traveller as his memory

furnished them, and comparing them in his presence with his journal.

Among other generic terms which have been considered as proper names,

I shall particularize two, on account of the confusion which they

have introduced, and which involves in obscurity some important

geographical questions, namely the situation of a considerable

chain of mountains to the south of the 8th degree of latitude,

and the still unknown outlet of the great central river. _Kong_,

is the name given, particularly since Mungo Park, to a great chain

of transverse mountains which he reports to have seen at a distance

to his right, when travelling from the Gambia to the Dhioliba. Now,

M. Caillié learnt from the natives that _Kong_ is a generic word,

and that in the Mandingo language it signifies a mountain; the

mountain or chain of mountains in question is accordingly far from

being the only one of its name. I remark also, that the English

traveller in his Mandingo vocabulary explains the word _Kong_ by

_head_; whence perhaps the signification of _Kong_; and himself

translates _Konko_ by _hill_.[104]

When the later English travellers had gained intelligence of a

river called _Couara_, to the west of Saccatou, and of the river

which is near Funda, it was remembered that this name is also

borne by the upper Dhioliba, and these three rivers have been

at once identified; but it appears that _Couara_ is a general

term signifying a river. The inhabitants who in three different

places have been asked the name of the river, not understanding

the question, have answered by the word _river_. Already had this

confusion taken place a hundred times with the words _ba_, _bahr_,

and _nil_, which also mean _river_, _running water_, _great water_.

There is on the road from Timé to Djenné a village named Couara,

and near it a river of moderate breadth, called Coraba (or according

to my idea Couara-ba,[105].) It is easy to perceive from the face

of the country, that it is a tributary of the Dhioliba, which was

also reported to M. Caillié; here then is another river of the

same name, or rather another general denomination which confirms

the import of the word _Couara_, already observed by travellers.

I have noticed that the Arabic, _kha_ غ, is used every where,

even in the countries where the Arabic language and Islamism do not

prevail: the traveller had expressed it by a blank; I have written

it _kh_ according to the general custom. The slightly lisping sound

ﻎ is used in many central districts, as is a liquid sound, common

also in Senegambia, and which may be written _ghi_ or _dhi_. The

name of the town of Jenné has been written Djenné, because the

Arabs of the present day write جنع or جنا; but M. Caillié

remarked that the natives pronounce _dhi_ I am therefore inclined

to prefer Dhienné.[106]

M. Caillié knows nothing of the Island of Jinbala marked upon

Park’s map, but he was not wholly a stranger to the name; he

mentions a tribe of Jinbalas to the north of Timbuctoo.

I entertain doubts, which time alone can remove; respecting the

names of many places, and I have therefore thought it better to

preserve those names without alteration. I have only omitted, upon

consultation with the traveller, letters which appeared useless to

the pronunciation, or which might create difficulties. The names

of such places as Brahihima no doubt require rectification; the

name of Abrahima, or Ibrahima, &c., are met with in some travels.

I have suppressed the letter _q_ and almost always the _k_, except

before _e_ or _i_, confining myself to the use of _c_. The double

_ss_ merely expresses the sound of an initial _S_. The _w_ and _oo_

of the English, which M. Caillié acquired the habit of using at

Sierra-Leone, I have expressed upon the maps by _ou_; the words in

the text have been generally subjected to the same rules.

On the route to the Tafilet such names as Tamaroc and M-dayara,

&c., occur on account of the use of the initial letters T and M

which announce the vicinity of the Berbers. The wells of Trasas or

Trazah should perhaps be pronounced T-ghazah or T-ghazzah, which will

correspond with the Tegasa or Tegazzah of Leo Africanus[107]. In

several words beginning with _L_ as L-Eksebi, L-Guedea, L-Eyarac,

L-Guim, &c., the Arabic article _al_ appears to me to be joined to

the name by contraction, as in the vulgar pronunciation throughout

Northern Africa. The words beginning with the letter _n_ should

perhaps be pronounced _ain_, which signifies a source or fountain. I

hazard this conjecture from the presence of wells at such places,

and from the example of Ain-Salah, in the oasis of Touat, which

is frequently written _Ensalah_, or _Nsalah_, in a single word. It

is difficult for Europeans to pronounce the guttural ع, and they

frequently leave a blank for it, as well as for the ق and the خ. I

presume, therefore that the names Nzeland, Nyela, &c., stand for

Ain-Zeland, Ain-Yela; but this supposition may perhaps be refuted

by the orthography of the name of Hanalak or (Hen-Alak) هنالﻜ

a place situated upon the route from the country of Galam to Morocco.

I shall take this opportunity of giving the Arabian orthography

of the names of several places belonging to the space between St.

Louis, Timbuctoo, and Morocco; I am obliged for them, to the Baron

Roger, formerly governor of the Senegal, and who has lately enhanced,

by important publications, the title he had long since acquired to

general esteem, by the improvements of all kinds which he introduced

into that country.

LIST OF THE NAMES OF SEVERAL PLACES IN NORTHERN AFRICA.

Ouad-Noun وادنون

Sous سوس

Marakch, or Maroc مراكش

El-Rebat, or Arbate الرباط

Fes, or Fez فاس

Kalam, or Galam كّلم

Takant, or Tajacant[108] تاكّانت

El-Zaouat الزاوات

Oualata, or Walet وَلات

Ouadan, or Hoden وأدَان

Hanalak هنالﻜ

El-A’rousyoun, or el-Ross العروسيون

Tychyt تيشيت

Oualata, or Oualyata[109] ولياتَ

A’raouan عَروَان

Bouzbeyah بوزبيه

EI-Mabrouk المبروك

Tymboctou[110] تيمبُكتُ

Touat توَات

This list contains the names of several Moorish tribes and colonies

of different nations, the orthography of which is uncertain. It

would require very laborious research, and assistance which will

be long unsupplied, to write these names more correctly: I have

contented myself with discarding from the names occurring in the

journal all useless letters, and those which do not accord with

the sound as remembered by our traveller.

Science would be much benefited by the careful examination of the

names engraved on the maps of Northern Africa, without excepting

those recently published, and the indication of the duplicates and

false names, which are real blemishes in works otherwise of great

value; but this labour, even as regards the countries which belong

to my subject, would occupy too much time. The nomenclature is of

more importance than is usually ascribed to it by the compilers of

maps; I consider it one of the fundamental principles of geography:

there are maps which would merit the appellation of classical if

they answered in this respect to their precision and merit in all

others. Two things are wanting to enable us accurately to fix this

nomenclature: the names written by a native, and the pronunciation

collected with great attention[111].

§ IV.

OF SOME RESULTS OF THE TRAVELS OF M. CAILLIÉ.

Of all the results, for which we are indebted to the new travels,

that which most excites curiosity is unquestionably the knowledge

of the city of Timbuctoo; but, perhaps that which is most important

to geography is the course of the great central river. Although

M. Caillié was unable to give information of it beyond Timbuctoo,

he has conferred a real service on science, since he describes

its banks with circumstantial detail from Djenné to that city,

and gives us an idea of its course above Djenné. By crossing it at

Couroussa, and after advancing more than two hundred English miles

farther east, then travelling as far as Djenné on the right bank,

he has furnished reason for concluding that no river parallel with

the Dhioliba exists there, as traced upon the maps. The river, on

the contrary, receives in this quarter pretty numerous tributaries,

which, from their importance, seem to denote a distant source.[112]

We perceive from the description that both banks of the river, a

little beyond Bamakou, are very open, and their declivity gentle,

which explains the existence of vast accumulations of water, of which

the Lake Debo or Dhiebou is the most considerable. Whatever opinion

may have been previously formed of the existence of a lake in this

part of Africa, we were utterly ignorant of its situation, its true

name, its form, and extent. The islets, on which our countryman

has thought himself entitled to bestow names, will perhaps one day

prove remarkable points. Their occupation would suffice to intercept

the navigation upwards and downwards, and by thus rendering their

possessor master of the river to influence the commerce of interior

Africa; a commerce, comprehending on one hand, the gold extracted

from the rich mines of Bouré, and the productions of Kankan,

Ouassoulo, and Fouta-Dhialon, the merchandise of the Mandingoes,

and all the articles of Djenné; on the other, the productions

which Timbuctoo receives from the northern coast, and every thing

transported thither by the Moors from the north and north east.

The observation of the river near Djenné affords a still more

remarkable modification of received opinions; it must now be

acknowledged that Djenné stands on an island, and that this island

is double; which, let me remark, by the way, may serve to explain

many contradictory accounts both of travellers and natives. The

new narrative itself is, I confess, not free from difficulties,

I have consequently only traced with dotted lines the branches of

the river round Djenné. The following results may, at any rate,

be deduced from M. Caillié’s routes by land and water, along the

eastern part, and from the intelligence which he obtained respecting

the western portion; first, that a large branch diverges near Sego,

about forty leagues, (in a direct line), above Djenné; and that

it rejoins the main stream at Isaca, twenty-seven leagues below,

(forming the first or largest island,. including Djenné); secondly,

that near Galia, (or Cou Galia,) is another communication, having

itself two branches, and forming a second or smaller island, of

which Djenné occupies one extremity; another channel also joins

this island with the eastern branch.

This description appears at first sight rather complicated, but

its perplexity will be removed if the tracing dotted on the map be

admitted. The eastern branch could not have been crossed by Mungo

Park, and he knew nothing of it; the same with Dochard. And, as

for the second journey of Park, its narrative breaks off abruptly:

it is probable that the branch which he followed in the first

instance, on which Silla and six other villages beyond Sansanding

are situated, is the same branch, which, according to M. Caillié,

runs from Sego to Isaca; but Djenné must be carried to the right

bank, whereas in the map of Park’s travels it is placed on the

left. This circumstance was already learned from Baron Roger[113];

but the new discoveries perfectly explain this contradiction,

which is merely apparent; for if Djenné is on the right of the

western branch, it is at the same time on the left of the eastern.

This discussion shews that the immense volume of the waters

of the Dhioliba is still greater than has been supposed. Park,

indeed, who saw only one branch, stood in silent admiration of

this majestic stream; but that which M. Caillié crossed before

Djenné and followed as far as Isaca is not inferior to the other

in importance[114].

The junction of the island with the river, visible from the tops of

the houses in Djenné, was pointed out to M. Caillié. Is it with

the western arm, or with a branch of the eastern? I am disposed to

believe that it is with the latter, the other being at too great

a distance to be within sight. I can say nothing positive of the

island of Jimbala, and which the maps represent between Lake Dibbi

and Cabra, the port of Timbuctoo[115]. There is, however, no reason

for doubting its existence, since M. Caillié could not examine

all the windings of Lake Debo or Dhiébou, from which an arm may

diverge to the right, and rejoin the branch which it runs off to

the east near Cabra.

From the travels of M. Caillié we further learn, on the subject

of commercial communications, that the navigation of the Dhioliba

is almost every where practicable; it is navigable as early

as Couroussa, and no doubt yet nearer to its source; there is

no reason to suppose any serious obstacle at Bamakou, although

there appear to be at this place three principal rapids, but not

cataracts. Park navigated it here; the current, by his account

(but on the 22d of August, the season when the river is full,)

ran at the rate of about five knots an hour. Its bed was a mile in

width, and at the point of the rapids twice as much[116].

The observations which I have made above upon the position of

Timbuctoo[117] apply equally to the course of the river. Ever

since the year 1720, the tracing of this course on the maps

has been progressively moving from east to west, drawing nearer

and nearer to the Senegambia and to the west coast of Africa. It

becomes, also, more and more probable that the mountainous space,

which separates these two basons, will be found shorter and more

practicable for the passage both of men and animals. Who knows but

some large tributary to the Dhioliba may run in the close vicinity

of a similar tributary to the Bâfing, or even to the Senegal below

Galam, such as the Red River, or the Baoulima, or the Kokoro, so

that the communication between these two rivers might be established

without much difficulty? Who knows, in short, whether the progress

of civilization may not one day effect the construction of a canal

between such tributaries, suitable for commercial purposes; and

whether we may not then find a navigable communication opened between

the mouths of the Gambia and Senegal and Sego, Djenné, Timbuctoo,

Houssa, and all the large towns by which the Dhioliba flows?

Even though Europeans should attempt only the land passage between

the two rivers, this would be an enterprise founded on a more

accurate knowledge of the situation and distance of places, and,

if not an immediate consequence, would, at least, be an indirect

result of M. Caillié’s travels on the two banks of the great

river. It is unnecessary for me to add, that if, for want of positive

documents, I should have erred in tracing the itinerary, the fault

will be all my own, and will detract nothing from the merit of our

traveller, or from the gratitude due to him from all friends and

patrons of discoveries.

To continue our examination of the geographical results of M.

Caillié’s travels, I ought not to omit the attention he has

paid to make himself acquainted with the situation and depth of

the wells; a circumstance from which useful inferences may be

drawn relative to the course and distance of the waters: he has

not neglected remarks upon the climate, the periodical rains,[118]

and the state of the atmosphere. The learned will, no doubt, deeply

regret that he was unprovided with instruments for observing and

measuring meteorological phenomena: but it is not on a man’s

first travels that these lights can be obtained; and, besides,

none of our readers have forgotten the perils which attended our

countryman in the execution of his enterprize.

The situations of several known places experience extraordinary

changes in consequence of M. Caillié’s peregrinations, without

mentioning the towns washed by the Dhioliba. Toudeyni, which

was supposed to be 3½ degrees west of the meridian of Timbuctoo,

proves by M. Caillié’s route to be very near the wells of Telig,

only 40’ west of that meridian. Is this another place of the same

name? I doubt it: its importance, proved by the description given

of it by our traveller, repels the supposition. A’raouan[119]

is inscribed in the maps as a mere station, with a well of brackish

water; but M. Caillié found this a considerable place, a commercial

_entrepôt_, in a word, an important town, notwithstanding the

partial decay of its prosperity.

M. Caillié makes us acquainted in the north with a place called

Oualet, at a great distance from the Walet of Mungo Park, and

another of the name of Sala, which confirms the testimony of

Arabic writers; in the south the towns of Teuté, Cagny, or Canny,

and Koung, fifteen days and more south of Timé, that is to say,

near the seventh degree. This account rectifies our notions of the

kingdoms or states east of Fouta-Dhialon, and distinctly points

out the mountainous tracts, the sandy plains, and the fertile

territories enriched by numerous rivers.

We were before uncertain about the district of Bouré; the new

notes enable us to give it on the maps very nearly its true site.

The large towns in which he resided, such as Timbuctoo, Fez,[120]

Djenné, Kankan, are very minutely described, and were I not

unwilling to lengthen this paper, it would be easy to shew how

much he has added in this respect to our information, and also

how many false and exaggerated ideas he has corrected: this is a

merit for which we ought to give him double credit; since he is,

perhaps, of all travellers the one who has dissipated the greatest

number of illusions. Sound minds will feel the more grateful

to him in proportion to the currency formerly gained by these

exaggerations. The lapse of time may, indeed, have effected actual

changes in the importance and population of towns; we must not, for

instance, be surprized at the difference between the description

of Leo and that given at the present day.[121] Who was there but

believed, only a short time since, that Timbuctoo was equal in

extent to one of our large cities, and contained within its walls a

population of a hundred thousand inhabitants, or even from a hundred

and fifty to two hundred thousand? The most moderate computation,

says M. Walckenaer, gives it a hundred thousand inhabitants.[122]

The exaggerations of the Arabs have constantly held the Europeans

under the same error, and in the itinerary of Mohamed-Ebn-Aly

Ebn-Foul especially it is said: “This is the largest city which

God has created.”[123]

With regard to the account of the mountains of Fouta-Dhialon, and

the means afforded by the descriptions of M. Caillié for forming

an idea of the configuration of the country, or the relations which

exist between the situations of the different basons, I must refer

to what I have said in § II. (articles 2 and 3); I shall also refer

to the same for the positions of various countries, pompously called

kingdoms by travellers or writers.

Although he did not receive either from government, or from any

learned societies, those questions or instructions which might

have guided him in his course, M. Caillié has observed much; if

he has not treated his subject very profoundly, if indeed he has

but glanced at it, he has at least opened the road to his successors.

It is thus that during his travels he has lost no opportunity of

speaking of the manners and customs, of the costume and food,

of the people; of their religious practices and superstitions;

of their commerce and navigation; of their industry, agriculture,

and habitations; of the population of the countries; of the

character, the physiognomy, and the language of the inhabitants;

of their warlike or peaceful habits; in a word, of the whole

state of society amongst these still half barbarous people. The

picture of a flourishing agriculture, a peaceful and industrious

population in the countries of Kankan, Ouassoulo, Baléya, &c.,

will be read with peculiar interest. Could it be expected that he

should penetrate deeply into these subjects, or even that he could

direct his attention to them with benefit?

It would be superfluous here to repeat all the new results for

which we are indebted to him, and which make ample amends for the

frequently minute simplicity of his accounts; they well depict the

difficulties of the journey and the precautions which it requires.

Future travellers will not complain of the multiplicity of his

details, monotonous, it is true, but convenient in pointing

out to them the measures necessary to avoid miscarrying in their

enterprize. On this ground M. Caillié will have contributed usefully

to the progress of discovery.

The physical conformation of the various races, and the colour of

their complexion, are most frequently noticed by our traveller.

This is one means of clearing up some questions still enveloped in

great obscurity, for example, the origin of the Fellatas, as they

are called by the latest English travellers. What relation do they

bear to the great nation of Foulahs? We learn from M. Caillié

that the Touariks are established much farther towards the south

than has hitherto been supposed; their camps are seated upon the

Dhioliba, considerably above Timbuctoo. He has also taught us that

they bear a second name, that of Sorgous; above all, he has given

us some very valuable information respecting the tyranny exercised

by this wandering and predatory tribe against the peaceful natives;

the portrait he has drawn of them bears visible marks of truth.

With regard to idioms, it is vexatious that M. Caillié, although

he visited so many tribes, has been able to collect only two

vocabularies. That of Timbuctoo consists of only a hundred and

twenty words. We must regret that it is not more extensive. I have

already said that the words in Denham’s relation agree with him,

but not those of Adams and of Bowdich.

The particulars respecting commerce have been collected with

care. M. Caillié has scarcely ever omitted to point out the

native or foreign commodities which he saw at every market, their

price, and the kind of coin. He confirms the fact that European

merchandise reaches central Africa; goods of English manufacture

were to be seen at Djenné as well as at Saccatou. Upon the commerce

of Bouré in gold the traveller gives us some information which

appears to be equally new and certain, and fit, probably, to direct

the calculations of speculators, or the efforts of the European

governments. We have yet but a vague knowledge of the actual degree

of the riches of the mines of Bouré, and the quantity of gold now

circulating in commerce; but there can be no doubt that it abounds

in this part of Africa. We know for certain that this rich country

is a hundred and twenty or a hundred and forty leagues in a straight

line from the establishments of the Gambia and the Senegal. If we

could, at some future day, open a direct communication, we should

avoid the journey from Bouré to Ségo, from Ségo to Djenné,

thence to Timbuctoo, and afterwards to Morocco, across the great

desert; not only should we thus shorten the road by at least four

hundred leagues in a direct line[124], but we should escape the

cupidity of the Moors and the Jews, who appropriate the largest

part of the profits, and also the ferocity of the predatory Arabs

of the desert. At a trifling sacrifice, and in a short time this

result might be obtained, if but a small part of those efforts were

consecrated to it, which are absolutely wasted upon less useful

objects. But, whatever the consequence may be, geography and the

genius of discovery will have had the merit of pointing out a source

of wealth to ancient Europe, overcharged with debts and population,

and ready to sink under this double burden, if some new outlets

are not speedily opened to her industry.

* * * * *

If it were possible to doubt the veracity of the traveller; if

it could be supposed that all which has been hitherto said has

still left any uncertainty in the minds of those who, in the first

instance, manifested some incredulity, the results which I have just

recapitulated would remain equally doubtful: it is their importance

which induces me to neglect nothing here which may dispel doubts,

if they still exist. I shall first cite, as a sure testimony of

this veracity, an Arabic manuscript which Lander received two years

ago from the hands of his master Captain Clapperton, and which

M. Salamé translated in London, at the very time that M. Caillié

was completing his enterprise: it is a description of part of the

Soudan. One may read a portion of the African text, with the new

map in one’s hand, for the countries common to this description

and to the itinerary, that is to say, as far as Timbuctoo. I will

even add that it would have been completely unintelligible to me,

without the assistance of this map[125]. The alteration in the names

of places does not prevent their being recognized; for many of the

differences, it appears evident to me, arise only from carelessness

in copying. I have made an extract from this curious document, which

was accompanied by a map of the Kouara, traced by the hand of the

secretary or amanuensis of the Sultan Bello. I place, according

to geographical order, the different parts of the description,

extracted as I have said above.

“The route from Sakkatou to Masera crosses first a tributary to

the Kouara, and afterwards that river itself.

“The Touara flows from south to north, thence to the east, and

afterwards returns to the south.

“It is formed of two arms, the one, called _Balio_, _the black

river_, coming from the Fouta-Djalo; the other, called _Raniou_,

_the white river_, coming from Ségo[126].

“At their junction it takes the name of Couarra, according to

the secretary.

“Upon the first is a large island containing the town of Djeri.

“Many streams fall into the river on the left side.

“Beyond is the lake Djebou.

“Timbuctoo is at the farthest turn of the river: Kabara is half

a day’s journey from that city.

“Masera is beyond the branch which comes from Ségo.

“The Touariks occupy the country adjoining Timbuctoo to the

north, &c.

I pass over in silence the other places unconnected with the route

of M. Caillié, or which he has not mentioned.

This account appeared at first very obscure; but by reading, with

me, Massina instead of Masera, and Djené (or Djenné, instead of

Djeri), every thing is explained.

It is easy to confound a _noun_ without a point ﻥ with a ﺭ _re_.

A similar error, I think, has been committed in the name of _Ba-niou_

which has been read _Raniou_ taking a _be_ without a point ﺑ for

a ﺭ _re_.

The word _Dombari_, a mountain, represented upon the map of the

Fellata writer, ought, upon the principle already laid down, to be

read in two words _Oun-bari_.

M. Caillié having informed us that the situation of Djenné is in

an island, it will be immediately recognised in that of Djéri,

actually situated at seven days’ journey from Ségo. In like

manner, the arm, which separates in the environs of Ségo, says

M. Caillié, and rejoins the western branch at Isaca, explains

the Balio and the Banio, which meet, (according to the Fellata),

below Djéri (or Djenné). Our traveller, not having inquired

the names of these branches of the river, could not be acquainted

with them. Masera is here, like Massina, to the west of Djenné:

I remarked that, in travelling from Timé to Djenné, M. Caillié

neither saw nor heard of the mountain or the town of Ounbari,

nor of the road leading to Saccatou.

The lake Debo or Debou is here placed as it was seen by M. Caillié,

between Timbuctoo and the confluence of the two branches (at Isaca);

it is called in the Arabic description Djebou. The name of this great

lake is doubtless written جبو, and I suppose that in this word,

the ﺟ is pronounced _dhi_, as at the Senegal. On this subject,

I remark that, according to M. Caillié, the name of the town

of Djenné is pronounced, in that country, in a peculiar manner,

expressed here by _Dhienné_.

The same is the case with the name of Fouta-Dhialon which the

English translator, after the Fellata, writes Fouta-Djalo[127]. In

studying the Arabic nomenclature of the places bordering on the

Senegal, this observation has appeared to me to be more and more

confirmed; and it must by analogy be applicable to the neighbouring

countries. The Marabouts had only the letter _djim_ ﺝ at their

disposal for expressing this liquid sound, which is of a peculiar

nature, intermediate between the English _th_ and the Arabic _dj_.

The _marigots_ observed by M. Caillié on the left bank of the

stream, correspond with the four rivers or canals belonging to

Masera or Masina.

Kabera appears here to be placed beyond Timbuctoo (coming from

Djenné): the place in question is perhaps distinct from Cabra;

or Timbuctoo may be a little farther west of Cabra than has been

supposed. M. Caillié in going to this city went due north by the

compass, which places it only 17° west of Cabra.

With regard to _Baniou_, _White River_, it should be remembered that

M. Caillié also translates in the same manner the word _Bagoé_,

the name of a considerable tributary of the river running from

_Teuté_, very far south, but falling in on the right bank, whereas

the Baniou is on the left: there is therefore a difference both

in the name and situation. _Goé_ (and _koué_, according to Mungo

Park) certainly signify _white_ in Mandingo. But the words _niou_ and

_lio_, I cannot find in any vocabulary of Northern Africa, with the

meaning of _white_ and _black_. In Wolof, _moul_ signifies _black_.

The Banimma of the maps cannot flow parallel with the great river,

as I have explained above[128].

It would not be uninteresting to compare with this draught the

pretended map of Bello himself, which Clapperton has given in his

first travels[129]. Five or six sites only are connected with my

subject; Djenné is here, as in the other, placed between two

branches of the river, (a fresh point of conformity with our

traveller) and the Massina is separated from it by the western

branch. There again the _r_ is substituted for the _n_; (and I

presume for the same reason) for it is there spelt Jesni or Jenri,

and Mashira[130].

For want of room, Bello has placed Sego and Masina, much too near

together, as well as Fouta and Djenné. The city of Timbuctoo

(written Tonbaktou) is not less misplaced by the august geographer;

but he has marked between it and Mashira (Massina) a large tributary

or off-branch: this is probably one of the four rivers which his

secretary has indicated in the same space, and one of the _marigots_,

the outlet of which was seen by M. Caillié[131]. Thus the only two

_native maps_ (if they may be so called) which we possess, and the

recent descriptions of two Africans, all confirm the discoveries

of M. Caillié, who was entirely unacquainted with them.

A corroborative testimony is that of Park himself. Similar names will

be found in the two narratives for certain indigenous productions

and for several instruments employed in the arts. The Mandingo words

and names are either the same or analogous in the two narratives.

In a preceding article, I think I have sufficiently shewn the

agreement of M. Caillié’s observations with those of other

distinguished travellers, Mollien, Watt, and Winterbottom, and

Major Laing. The particulars of Major Laing’s death collected by

our traveller at Timbuctoo, and afterwards on the very theatre of

the catastrophe, so far from contradicting those obtained either by

the English Consul at Tripoli, or by the governor of the Senegal,

confirm all the important circumstances of both[132].

We did not learn from the first travels of Clapperton the name of

the prince reigning at Timbuctoo; it was even imagined that the

supreme authority resided at that period in a female; and when M.

Caillié informed us that the supreme chief of Timbuctoo was named

_Osman_, we could not reconcile this report with those which had

preceded it: but we have now letters from Major Laing himself,

received since the return of our countryman, one of which dated

from Timbuctoo, the 21st of September, 1826, reveals the name of

the prince then reigning, and this name is also _Osman_[133].

In the same letter, Major Laing states the circumference of the city

at four miles; this account confirms the small population assigned

to it by M. Caillié. He adds that he has collected documents in

abundance relating to Timbuctoo. If we may rely on the account of a

Moor from Saint Louis, the _books_ of the Major are at the disposal

of a certain Saleh, son of the Iman of Timbuctoo; and according to

another they are in the hands of the Touariks. Time will in all

probability produce some of the documents, the only consolation

for so deplorable a loss.

The same accuracy appears in M. Caillié’s observations respecting

the journeys, if we admit as a fair specimen those which concern

countries whose geography is known; thus the distance from Fez

to Arbate by Mequinaz agrees with the itinerary of M. Caillié,

at the rate of three miles an hour.

So many motives of confidence and interest sufficiently recommend the

accuracy of the travels, and consequently authenticate the results

I have above deduced; yet the history of the enterprize itself

will, if possible, increase this effect. The inclination of Réné

Caillié for travels of discovery early announced his vocation. From

the moment of his second landing at Senegal, he employed himself

in acquiring a familiarity with the language of the Moors.[134]

He talked of nothing but penetrating into the interior of Africa,

the object of all his thoughts; his resources became exhausted, yet

he refused every other occupation, every other mission. This fixed

impression was regarded as a mania; nothing could shake his purpose,

not even the insults which his Moorish costume drew upon him from

the negroes; he was content to be considered by them as an idiot, and

almost an object of derision. The want of sufficient support having

obliged him to take another course, he set out for Sierra-Leone;

there he remained the period necessary for collecting some resources,

and soon quitted it for Rio-Nuñez: thence he announced to a friend

at St. Louis (in April 1827) his departure for the interior. He was

supposed to be lost, and nearly forgotten like so many other victims,

when, at the expiration of eighteen months, he suddenly appeared

at the further extremity of Africa, triumphant over every obstacle;

like an expert swimmer, who, having plunged into the bosom of a broad

stream, after a long interval unexpectedly appears on the opposite

bank, while his friends are already lamenting his loss as certain.

Scarcely had he quitted the banks of the Rio-Nuñez and entered

upon this new career of difficulty and danger, when he at once

displayed a consummate prudence, and far above his years: as

skilful in appreciating obstacles as he was firm in encountering

them, his embarrassments increased at every step; but his sagacity

constantly suggested the means of extricating himself from every

new perplexity. Had he not possessed this just estimate of his

difficulties and resources, united with a fortitude not to be

shaken, he could not have concluded, perhaps not have commenced,

his enterprize. How ingenious was the fiction he invented to obtain

the confidence of these numerous tribes! This thread, slender as it

was, served every where for his guidance and protection. He rightly

supposed that the fame of the French expedition to Egypt had spread

over Northern Africa: it was natural that a child carried off from

its parents at the age of three years, and transported into the

heart of France, should be but ill versed in his mother-tongue;

equally so that good Musulmans should congratulate him on his return

to his country by the most direct line, although he was supposed to

be destitute of resources. Now this line must inevitably conduct him

beyond the great river: afterwards manifesting a desire of repairing

to Alexandria by sea, it was necessary to return to the river and

embark on it, and thus his arrival at Timbuctoo was accomplished

with certainty; having attained this object, he must naturally seek

the readiest and surest means of reaching some place occupied by

Europeans, and the caravan of Tafilet offered an opportunity that

he could not hesitate to seize.

I shall not advert to all his misfortunes at Timé, and during the

journey, nor to his perils at Tangier, when already within sight

of his haven; but with what intelligence and courage must he have

been endowed to resist and triumph over so many enemies. It was

necessary to avoid the most trifling error; a single one would have

infallibly proved his destruction.

Few are acquainted with the history of the unfortunate Antonio

Piloti, a Spaniard, who took refuge in Morocco in consequence of

the political events of 1811. After having assumed the Moorish

dress, and habituated himself to the language, he succeeded in

enrolling himself amongst the Emperor of Morocco’s guards.

Incessantly occupied with the project of going by this means to

Timbuctoo, he secretly offered his services to the French consul,

M. Sourdeau; he solicited the protection of the French government:

the Consul had ascertained that he combined all the qualifications

essential to success, yet his offers were rejected. Neverthless

Piloti daily prosecuted his preparations for the journey: nothing it

should seem could have prevented his success, since he would have

set out under the disguise of a Moor, and returned with a caravan

of Moors. In the absence of direct assistance from France, he was

furnished with instructions by M. Delaporte, our vice-consul,

and from a member of the Geographical Society, who was on the

point of sending to him some instruments, when he was suddenly

implicated in the political movements of the court of Morocco. The

Moors and Jews, always intriguing, suspected some secret designs on

his part, and denounced him as belonging to the party opposed to

the prince. His trial was summary, and Piloti was beheaded. Such

is the jealous distrust manifested by the mercenary race, against

any stranger, who, making himself acquainted with the localities,

should attempt to deprive them of any portion of their commerce

with the interior. M. Caillié, ignorant of this adventure, was more

fortunate; he did not continue long enough exposed to the suspicions

of the Moors, or by prudence and sacrifices he contrived to escape

the effects of them.

On the first arrival of the letters which I received from M.

Delaporte and M. Caillié himself, I entertained some doubts of

the authenticity of his narrative, and I immediately arranged some

questions by way of trial, on the language spoken at Timbuctoo, the

customs of the country, its natural productions, the nomenclature

and distance of places, &c.: but meanwhile I attentively compared

the two letters, and found the result so conformable to the most

established notions of science, that I determined to publish on that

very day the news of the journey to Timbuctoo. Many were incredulous;

I expected it. I requested the traveller, who in the interval had

landed at Toulon, to commit to paper without delay his recollections

respecting the questions which I held in readiness for his arrival,

but to which he had beforehand in a great measure replied. The

very day of his arrival he submitted to my inspection a journal of

his travels complete, and continued from the 19th of April 1827 to

the 21st of September 1828, modestly observing: “I do not know

whether I can answer all your questions, but here are my notes.”

He then shewed me part of the original notes, written in pencil,

on the spot, and the narrative written and completed during his

residence at Tangier and in quarantine, though suffering under a

high fever. He also shewed me the pieces of cord with which he had

measured the meridian shadow at Timbuctoo and in other places, some

fragments of plants brought from the interior, the vocabularies,

and some simple sketches of the town of Timbuctoo. If after such

testimony I could retain any doubts, the construction of all the

routes of the traveller, which I drew up on the following day,

would have effectually dispelled them, for I discovered that the

observations were continued without any interruption, and that the

whole produced a result agreeing with the data already acquired.

It remained that the learned Geographical Society should share my

conviction, an additional success for which M. Caillié had not

long to wait;[135] and he obtained a brilliant recompense which he

had amply merited. This example will restore confidence to minds

discouraged by so many fatal catastrophes; and will inflame the zeal

of those who are actuated by a desire for glory and the advancement

of geographical science.

§ V.

OF THE COURSE OF THE DHIOLIBA ABOVE AND BELOW TIMBUCTOO.

The attentive reader who may have patiently followed me through the

preceding pages, will, no doubt, have remarked the new and principal

fact which results from M. Caillié’s observations; the division

of the Dhioliba in the environs of Sego into two branches equally

broad and deep, and the existence of a large island. It elucidates

the description of Mungo Park, and reconciles him with our traveller;

it explains the contradictions between the situations assigned to

the same towns by different travellers, sometimes on the right,

and sometimes on the left of the river, and finally it enlarges

our ideas of the advantages of navigation in the interior of the

Soudan. This fact also accounts for the great collection of waters

which forms the lake Dhiebou or Debo, because many considerable

branches which separate from the western arm unite again with the

main stream beyond the tributary which falls into it at Isaca;

and the want of declivity in the direction of this junction is the

cause of the stagnation of the waters.

It would appear that the river has different names which change with

its course. Called at its source _Tombia_, _Ba_, _Dhioliba_, &c., it

retains the latter name as far as Sego, where or in the environs it

divides; if we may trust the description of the amanuensis of Bello,

the left arm is called _Baniou_, and the right _Balio_, and after

the junction it is called only _Couara_. But M. Caillié never once

heard that the river, which he reached at Galia, and upon which he

navigated thirty days, had different names; perhaps because he did

not inquire. He only saw a river, Couaraba, which falls into the

right branch, but very far to the south. I think then that if the

stream is called _Couara_ below Isaca, it is only because the term

is generic and signifies a _river_.

I might stop here and leave it to the reader to draw other

consequences from the new observations. But the question of the

outlet of this stream is so closely connected with my subject, that

the reader would have a right to complain if in this work he found

neither information nor opinion upon it. It is universally inquired

what becomes of this immense collection of water below Timbuctoo;

it is at least necessary to exhibit in a few words the different

opinions at present current upon this subject.

The most ancient identifies this river with the Nile of Egypt.

It does not appear that the partisans of this opinion had any other

foundation than the pretended unanimous reports of blacks, Arabs,

and natives. Thus without considering the physical conditions,

or taking account of insurmountable obstacles, they maintained

as a fact, that the waters which had their rise in the heights of

the Soulimana, that is to say at an elevation of from fourteen to

fifteen hundred feet, reached the Mediterranean after a course of

two thousand leagues. But, what is perhaps still more strange, this

notion rested wholly upon the equivocal interpretation of a word,

or as we may express it in plain English upon a pun; the word _Nile_

or _Nil_ is generic. In saying that the Dhioliba joins the Nile,

the Africans mean no more than it communicates with some other

_great water_, whether it falls into it, or whether it receives it,

(for this distinction of arm or tributary is very important). When

therefore the Arabs say that the Dhioliba communicates with the

_Nile_ or the _Bahi_, they understand thereby either a great river,

or a sea, and this may be an inland sea as well as the Ocean. This

opinion that the Dhioliba empties itself into the _Nile_ of Egypt,

though it was supported only a few years since by a learned writer,

appears to be now altogether abandoned.

But this is not the case with the opinion of those who, like Major

Rennell, consider the central lake as the outlet of the river. Before

the discovery of the lake Tchâd by the English travellers, the

existence of this inland sea might have been doubted, the evidence

of it was so vaguely attested. This opinion, however supported by

probability, is nevertheless liable to two objections: first, that

upon the whole western coast of the lake is found the mouth of only

one inconsiderable river, the source of which is at no great distance

in the E. S. E.; secondly, that the town of Boussa, to which Park

navigated upon the Dhioliba, is now known by the second journey of

Clapperton, and that it is very far to the S. E. of Timbuctoo.

With regard to the first objection, it may not prove a serious

difficulty, because recent travellers have not followed the river

Yéou, which falls into lake Tchad; they have left it at a certain

distance from the lake, and it is very possible, that that which

they have seen farther on may have been only a tributary to the

former. As to the second objection, it might be more important

if it were certain that the Dhioliba runs in _a single bed_ from

Timbuctoo to Saccatou and to Boussa; but there is nothing to prove

this. Continuing eastwards, towards the central lake, it may send

out a branch to Boussa; and this division would account for the

Yéou consisting of but an inconsiderable body of water.[136]

Reichard was one of the first who imagined that the Dhioliba may

run into the Gulf of Guinea. This hypothesis has for some time

past assumed a certain degree of probability, to which the opinions

of the later English travellers, Clapperton and Major Laing,[137]

have added much weight. They differ, however, respecting the outlet

of the river: the one preferring the river Benin (or Formosa),

with Reichard[138]; the other, but with much less probability, the

Rio-Volta. The objection always raised to this hypothesis is the

great height of the mountains called _Kong_. To reach the sea, the

river must cross them; but it may not be absolutely impossible that

there should exist an opening in them deep enough to admit of its

passage. Another difficulty arises from the small declivity of these

waters: but I will here make an observation on this subject. The

actually known course of the Dhioliba, from its source as far as

Timbuctoo, is about three hundred and sixty leagues: it issues from

Mount Loma, at a height of nearly sixteen hundred English feet above

the sea, or less than five hundred metres. The velocity observed

by M. Caillié leads to the belief, that the average inclination

from Djenné and also from Bamakou to Timbuctoo is two thirds of a

metre to a league: Timbuctoo would stand, according to this datum

only, at a height of two hundred and sixty metres; but it is very

probable, that the inclination is much greater from Mount Loma to

Bamakou than it is below this latter point, which would lower the

position of Timbuctoo at least to two hundred and thirty metres,

taking the fall of the first part at only a metre for a league. But

this quantity would greatly exceed that supposed by Capt. Beaufort,

who, after having observed the elevation of Elimané, conceived

Timbuctoo to be upon the same level, that is to say, eighty-four

metres above the sea.[139]

Now, from Timbuctoo to the mouth of the river of Benin, following

the course of the waters (as it is traced by the partisans of this

opinion), the distance is not less than four hundred and sixty

leagues. Thus, in the second part of its course, the river would

have a total declivity of 230 metres, or 0,51 metre to a league. It

is known that the Seine has an inclination of 0,72 metre to a league;

the Mississipi, 0,84 metre; the Rio-Apure, 0,92 metre, &c. but others

have a much less fall, such as the Wolga, the Missouri, the Senegal,

&c., which have one of 0,50 only;[140] so that, strictly speaking,

the above inclination is sufficient.

According to a fourth opinion, the river, on reaching the _Kong_

mountains, makes an elbow to the left and runs eastward, by

Djacoba and Adamowa to Chary, and thence to lake Tchad into which

it discharges itself. It is here that the objection of the want

of sufficient inclination applies: how can it be admitted, that

the river, after passing Funda, where it would scarcely have an

elevation of fifty metres[141] above the sea, (supposing it to be

the river of Timbuctoo which flows to Funda), can run on to lake

Tchad, three hundred and fifty leagues farther, through a country

represented by all accounts as mountainous? But this, even, is not

the greatest difficulty.

It is hardly conceivable that any geographer should have admitted an

hypothesis, the absurdity of which must have been manifest upon the

slightest reflection. The height of lake Tchad has been ascertained:

it is nine hundred and twenty French feet above the level of the sea,

or something less than three hundred metres; it cannot, therefore,

receive the waters which flow to Funda.

The course of this river east of Funda must be reversed, and the

supposed elbow converted into a tributary: we shall then probably

approach the truth. Major Denham was the first to conceive this

easterly turn of the river, running north of the great chain of

mountains, and falling at a great distance into the central lake;

he had been assured that a communication existed between this

river and lake Tchad by the Chary. How is it that the physical

impossibility of this course did not occur to him?

A very simple consideration appears to afford a solution of this

difficulty, namely, the existence of a lake in an elevated point

of the Mandara chain, giving rise both to the Chary and the river

which flows by Adamowa and Djacoba. The reports made to Major Denham

demonstrate the importance of this stream, which is sufficiently

proved by its extent; but, why, without ocular testimony, did he

imagine its course to be easterly? If the negroes did not inform him

that it ran to the west, neither did they state the contrary. Let

us admit the westerly direction: a certain communication will then

exist also between the Couara and the Chary; only, after having

descended a current southwards, we must ascend another eastward,

and thence redescend northwards, into the central lake. This is the

most plausible theory I can devise upon Major Denham’s opinion;

this is nearly the case with the White Nile and the Misselad, both

taking their rise in one of the lakes of Gebel-Koumri. Upon this

system, the Couara will continue, after the confluence, to flow

southwards, and fall into the sea near the coast of Benin.

A fifth opinion has been recently broached by the English General Sir

Rufane Donkin;[142] the summary of which is that the Niger crosses

the Wangarah, enters the valley of Ouadi-el-Ghazel, formed by the

continuation of the Misselad, and thence runs into the Mediterranean

(in the great Syrtis) by a subterranean channel under the sands of

Bilmah; and moreover that the Niger rises near the Gulph of Guinea,

instead of running towards it. This rather extraordinary opinion has

met with adversaries, at which we need not be surprised, even after

having read the arguments on which the dissertation is founded. I

do not therefore think it necessary to discuss it here; neither

shall I enter into the complicated notions, upon the courses of

the central river, hazarded by the English traveller Bowdich on

very vague information; and I shall be cautious not to offer an

additional hypothesis of my own respecting this problem, still full

of obscurity. On what basis can an entire and complete system be

founded while even the names of the central regions are unknown

to us, and our researches into the physical geography of these

vast tracts are yet in their infancy; when, in short, the papers

of Major Laing, should they be recovered, may at once throw strong

light on these chasms in science?[143] It may however be affirmed,

and I think with certainty, that the rivers called Dhioliba and

Couara neither join the Egyptian Nile, nor contribute one drop to

its waters; I think besides that, if the Couara of Funda actually

is the continuation of the Dhioliba, flowing to Sego and Timbuctoo,

and falls into the Gulph of Guinea, there is nothing to hinder it

from throwing off a branch to the east, which may have its outlet

in the Yeou and the central lake: this would be the branch seen by

M. Caillié before he reached Timbuctoo, and which our traveller

followed, the other being on his right flowing east-south-east;

and there is no proof that the whole of the former rejoins the

latter. The great lake Tchad, or central sea, would then not be

the general receptacle of the Dhioliba, but only one of its outlets.

CHAPTER II.

VOCABULARIES COLLECTED BY M. CAILLIÉ.

Compared with those of Mungo Park, Bowdich, Jackson, Denham, &c.

ENGLISH AND MANDINGO VOCABULARY.

N. B. These words are in use from Timé to Jenné, as well as in

the Western districts.

NUMERALS[144]

One, Kili (killin).[145]

Two, Fila (foula).

Threei Saba (sabba).

Four, Nani (nani).

Five, Loulou (loulo).

Six, Ouaro (ouoro).

Seven, Ouaro oula (oronglo; in

Bambara, ouoloula)[146].

Eight, Segui (sie; in Bambara,

seguey).

Nine, Kenando (konounta).

Ten, Tan (tang).

Eleven, Tan ni kili (tan-ning killin).

Twelve, Tan ni fila.

Thirteen, Tan ni saba.

Fourteen, Tan ni nani.

Fifteen, Tan ni loulou.

Sixteen, Tan ni ouaro.

Seventeen, Tan ni ouaro oula.

Eighteen, Tan ni segui.

Nineteen, Tan ni konando.

Twenty, Mouga.

Twenty-one, Mouga ni kili.

Twenty-two, Mouga ni fila.

Twenty-three, Mouga ni saba.

Twenty-four, Mouga ni nani.

Twenty-five, Mouga ni loulou.

Twenty-six, Mouga ni ouaro.

Twenty-seven, Mouga ni ouaro oula.

Twenty-eight, Mouga ni segui.

Twenty-nine, Mouga ni konando.

Thirty, Bi-saba.

Forty, Bi-nani _or_ débé.

Fifty, Bi-loulou _or_ débé ni tan.

Sixty, Bi-ouaro _or_ débé ni mouga.

Seventy, Bi ouaro oula _or_ débé mouga

ni tan.

Eighty[147], Bi segui _or_ kemmé.

Ninety, Kemmé ni tan.

A hundred, Kemmé ni mouga.

One hundred, Kemmé kili.

Two hundred, Kemmé fila.

Three hundred, Kemmé saba.

Four hundred, Kemmé nani.

Five hundred, Kemmé loulou.

A thousand, Ba kili.

Two thousand, Ba fila.

A hundred thousand, Ba kemmé.

All, Abé (bee).

Amber, Doucan.

And, Ni (ning).

Ant, Magnan.

Ass, Soféri.

Bad, Adiougou, amagne (jou).

Baked, Amo _or_ amoe.

Beginning, Folo, folou.

Belly, Kono, (kouno).

Black, Fin (fing).

Body, Moho _or_ Mojo.

Break (to), Teguet.

Breeches, Kourouci.

Bridge, Salan _or_ Ceou.

Broom, Sira.

Brother, Dahokai (badingkea).

Bruise, Sousou.

Butter, Toulou.

Butter (vegetable), Cé toulou.

Buy (to), Soro (saun).

Carrier, Donita.

Cassava, Balancou.

Cat, Sou-horo _or_ soujou

(neancou).

Cataract, Souroudo.

Chief, Mansa _or_ tigui.

Child, Din-din (ding-ding).

Colats (fruit), Ourau.

Cold, Nene (nino).

Cold (a cold, having a cold), Soȷ̈o-soȷ̈o.

Come here, Ana yan.

Cotton, Koroni.

Cotton thread, Koroni-kina (ouorondi).

Country, Dougou (dou).

Country of the whites, Forto dougou.

Coussabe (part of the dress), Dourequi.

Cow, Nici mouso (nessie mousa)

Cow-grass (species of), Fogni _or_ faini.

Cowries, Kolo.

Crowd _or_ support, Adigui.

Cultivation, Senekai.

Cut (to), Teguet (tegi).

Dance, Doukai.

Day, Tele (tie-lie),

Death, Faȷ̈a (asuta).

Dispute, Kailai (degama).

Dog, Ourou (ououla).

Door, Da (da).

Draw (to), Afouare.

Drink (to), Mi (aniean).

Duck, Toucono.

Ear, Da.

Earth, Dougou (banko, koungo- koulo).

East, Tilibo (tie-lie-bo).

End, Atto.

Enough, Ateuté (keyento).

European, Forto, _or_ Christian-nassara.

Evening, Oula.

Eye, Ya (nea, guiè).

Far, Adiau (jangfata).

Fat, Abo (aouarata).

Father, Fa (fa).

Fear, Kissi.

Female, Mouso (mousa).

Festival, Douno.

Fight (to), Bouga (agossi).

Fought,

Finish, Lodé _or_ tadé.

Fire, Ta (tassema, diemba).

Flint, Caba.

Fly, Simo-ho, _or_ simoȷ̈o

Following, Sicin, diaun.

Foot, Cé, (lee sing).

Forest, Cong _or_ oula.

Full, Fada.

Girl, Mousa (ding-mousa).

Give, So.

Give me, Adiamau.

Glass-ware, beads, &c. Kouo.

Go away, Yaoua.

Go below, Tahata _or_ taȷ̈ata.

God, Alla, (alla)

Going (I am), Bedaoua.

Gold, Sanou (sanou).

Gourd, Fia.

Grain, Din.

Grass, Binoung (jambo).

Gun, Metfa, _cannon in Arabic_.

Gunpowder, Metfa moucou.

Hair, Cé.

Hand, Bron _or_ Brou (boutou).

Have (I have some), Abéfé.

Have not (I have none), Atéfé.

Head, Cou (koung, koun).

Heat (of the atmosphere), Atara.

Heat (from fire), Akala.

Heavy, Kadiougou.

Hen, Cice (sousie mousa)

Hole, Dâ[148] (dinka)

Honey, Ly (lee).

Horse, So (sou).

Hot, Kala (candiata).

House, Bon, bon (boung).

How much, Diougue.

Hungry (I am), Kong abefé (konkola).

Kidney-beans, Soso.

Knife, Mourou (Mouro).

Know (I) Akai _or_ abelo.

Know (I do not) Amantoyolo _or_ amanlo.

Leap, Broue.

Leaf of baobab, Sila broue.

Leather _or_ skin, Boulo.

Leather bag, Sourgo _or_ sassa.

Liar, Kadoȷ̈o.

Little boy, Dindin.

Little girl, Din mouso.

Load, Doni.

Lost, Fry.

Male, Kai (kea).

Man, Kai (mo, fato).

Market, Lo-ho _or_ loȷ̈o (loe).

Master, Yatgui.

Mat, Débé (basso).

Me, Né.

Meal, Moucou, _dust_.

Meat (fresh), Sobo kienday (_meat_, soubou).

Medicines, Baci _or_ fila.

Merchandise, Naufoulo.

Mercy, Barka.

Milk, Nono (nounno).

Millet (_holcus sorghum_), Nion _or_ niou.

Mine, Neta (_my_, talem).

Minor, Douari.

Month, ——— (korro).

Moon, Caro (kalo, korro).

More, Ablaro.

Morning, Sojoman (somo).

Mother, Na _or_ ba (ba, mba).

Mountain, Kong (_hill_ konko).[149]

Mouth, Da (ba, da).

Much, Siéman (sitimata).

Mutton, Saha _or_ saya.

Needle, Méséri.

Night, Soudo (soutou).

No, Té or até (inta).

North, —— (saheel).

Nose, Nou (nou, noung).

Oil, Toulou (toulou)

Opening, Dâ[150].

Overflow (of a river) Abo.

Ox, Nici.

Padlock, Boro.

Pannier, Seigui.

Paper, Caïda (coïtou).

Part, (let us), Yaoua.

Path, Sila.

Pirogue, (a boat), Ba counou,

Pistachio nuts, Tiga.

Pot Da-ha _or_ Daja.

Powder, dust, Moucou.

Quarrel, Lailai (quiata)

Rain, Sangui (sangie _water from

above_).

Razor, Lila.

Read (to), Garan (toulima).

Rice, Maro.

Rice (baked) Baya,

Rich, rich person, Nanfoula tigui.

River, Bâ (ba).

River overflowed, Ba abo.

Rivulet, Coua.

Road, Sila.

Route, Sila (seelo).

Salt, Noyo (coo, ko).

Sand, Fri (kini-kini).

Sandals, Sabata (samata).

Sangleh(food in use in Tau.

Senegal).

Sauce, Na.

Says (he) Ko.

Scarlet, Morofi.

Scissors, Mécécou _or_ ticera.

Scrape (to), Siim.

See (to) Ye (eagie).

Seen (I have), Akabéyé.

Seen (I have not) Aman Yéba.

Sell (to), San.

Sensible, Kadojo.

Sew (to) Kara.

Sewing thread, Kari (bori).

Shadow, Douran.

Short, Doc ho (sutto).

Sick, Ademi (meun kinde).

Silver, Ouari (cody).

Sister, Coro (ba ding mousa).

Sit down, Sigui (sie).

Skin, Boulo (goulo).

Slave, Yug _or_ youg (joung).

Slave (female,) Youg mouso.

Slave (male), Youg kai.

Sleep (to), Sino-ho _or_ sinoȷ̈o (sinou).

Small, Ado-ho _or_ dine (miessa).

Softly, Doi-doi.

Song, Soucou.

Source, Folo (_origin_).

South, —— (boulla ba).

Speak (to), Coma _or_ couma (akoummo).

Spoon, Kausora (dosa).

Stones, Courou (bino).

Stuff, Fany.

Sun, Télé (tlé _or_ tie lie).

Sweep, (come and) Anabou sira.

Take (to), Ta.

Thief, Suinlikai (soun).

Thine, Heta.

Thou _or_ you, Ilai.

Thou art called, Bedacrila.

Throw, Fry.

Throw (to), Fry (fi).

To-day, Bi (bie).

To-morrow, Sini (sinni).

To-morrow (the day after), Sim kindé.

Tooth, Gui.

Travelling (he is), Abesilafé.

Understand (I do not), Amamé _or_ Atemé.

Village, So.

Walk, to walk, Ta-ha _or_ taȷ̈a (tama).

War (dispute), Kailai (killi).

Wash (to), Kaw (kou).

Water, Gui _or_ ghi, dhy, gie[151].

Water, (fresh,) Gui sema.

Wax, Cagnan.

Weaver, Dari.

Weight, Ka diougou (akouliata)

Well, Ba.

West, —— (tie lie gie).

Where are you going? Taja menez?

Where is it? Menez?

White, Goé (koui).

White, (complexion), Goé.

White man, Forto (_or_ nosaro _Arabic_).

Wind, Foignan (feunnio).

Woman, Mouso (mousa).

Wood, Lo-ho _or_ loȷ̈o[152].

Wooden dish or bowl, Goïng, (the _i_ pronounced

hard and through the nose.)

Writing, Siberi.

Yams, Cou.

Year, San.

Yes, Naime, (aoua, _Arabic_).

Yesterday, Counou (kouna).

Yesterday (day before). Counaucini.

You _or_ thou, Ilai, (eeta, ee)[153].

SHORT PHRASES IN MANDINGO.

Is the country of the Mandingua dougou a kadiau?

Mandingoes far off?

It is not far off. Amadiau.

Give me fire, Ata diamau.

Give me sandals, Assabata diamau.

What does he say? Kodit?

To kill an ox, Nici faya or faja.

I will come to-morrow, Adina cini.

My heart aches, Cou ademino.

Have you nothing to give me Até fin diamaubi.

to-day.

I am going to wash some linen, Ataȷ̈a fany kau.

I am hungry, Koug abéfé.

I am satisfied, Afada.

Come with me, Ana néfé.

Stay here, Asigui yan.

Go and sit down in the house, Ataȷ̈a sigui so kono[154].

Will you come with me into the Abégue taȷ̈a néfé Mandinga

Mandingo country? dougou?

The road is bad, it is very Sila adiougou dé, courou, gui;

stony, and there is much water, abefef.

Come and eat some rice, Ana maro doume.

I can eat nothing now, I am not Até fin fin doume, cuin afada.

hungry,

All the slaves are gone to till Youg abé taȷ̈a sénéké.

the ground,

Warm the water; _ word for Ablagui tafé.

word_, put the water upon the

fire,

When it is warm you may give it Akakala kadiaman.

to me,

I will wash my body, Abégue moȷ̈o kau.

The value of a piastre. Lankons.

I am fatigued, Aségué.

Let us rest ourselves, Asigui doudine.

The dinner is upon the fire, Tau abétafé.

There is nothing here, Fin fen até yan.

Something, Fin fen (fouké).

Give me some water, A gui diaman.

Bring me some warm water, Ana gui kala.

Do you speak Mandingo? Ka Mandinga kou?

Is that to be sold? Adi san.

How do you do? Enekiendaï?

Very well, I thank you, Baraba.

Take care, Akaitou.

Get out of the way, Agoé sila.

Come and eat some meat, Aua sobo doume.

Put it upon the fire, Abla tafé boudou.

I am going into the village, A taja so fé.

What do you call that? Tiez toȷ̈o di.

I do not know, Aman toȷ̈o lo[155].

That is called —— Atoȷ̈o ——

It is true, Okai.

It is not true, Até kai.

Seek it, Fouré.

It is short, Kadoȷ̈o.

Blow your nose, Enoukai.

It is done, Abinda.

That will heal it, Adiba.

It is healed, Abinda.

It is not dressed, Amamoéba.

Are you well? Akiendai?

Do not cry, Amaukou.

It is ready, Bedacé.

It is not ready, Amancéba.

II.

ENGLISH AND KISSOUR VOCABULARY.

Spoken at Timbuctoo, and upon the Banks of the Dhioliba, as far

as Djenné.

* * * * *

NUMERALS.

One, Afau, (affoo, D.)[156]

Two, Ainka, (nakinka, D.)

Three, Aindhia, (nahinza, D.)

Four, Ataki (attakee, D.)

Five, Tgou, norgou (aggoo D.)

Six, Tgou (iddoo, D.)

Seven, Yé (ea, D.)

Eight, Ya-a (yaha, D.)

Nine, Yaga (yagga, D.)

Ten, Oué, noroué (auwy, D.)

Eleven, Oué kindi fau (auwy kind ofoo,

D.)

Twelve, Oué kindi inka (—— linka, D.)

Thirteen, Oué kindi indice (—— linza, D.)

Fourteen. Oué kindi taki (—— takee, D.)

Fifteen, Oué kindi igou (—— aggoo, D.)

Sixteen, Oué kindi idou, (—— iddoo, D.)

Seventeen, Oué kindi yé (—— ea D.)

Eighteen, Oué kindi ya-a (—— yaha, D.)

Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo; and across the Great Desert, to Morocco, performed in the years 1824-1828, Vol. 2 (of 2) · 第 15 / 17 章

The bearing of the line from Kakondy to Timé, according to