CHAPTER XXI.

DESPOTISM, DISCONTENT, AND DISORDER.

While the Woodvilles were supreme, and while Edward was under their

influence disheartening the ancient barons of England, and alienating

the great noble to whom he owed the proudest crown in Christendom, the

imprudent king did not ingratiate himself with the multitude by any

display of respect for those rights and liberties to maintain which

Warwick had won Northampton and Towton. Indeed, the government was

disfigured by acts of undisguised tyranny; and torture, albeit known

to be illegal in England, was freely used, as during the Lancastrian

rule, to extort evidence. Even the laws of the first Edward and his

great minister, Robert de Burnel, were in danger of going as much out

of fashion as the chain armor in which Roger Bigod and Humphrey Bohun

charged at Lewes and Evesham.

Edward's first victim was William Walker. This man kept a tavern in

Cheapside, known as "The Crown," and there a club, composed of young

men, had been in the habit of meeting. These fell under the suspicion

of being Lancastrians, and were supposed to be plotting a restoration.

No evidence to that effect existed; but, unfortunately, the host,

being one day in a jocular mood, while talking to his son, who was a

boy, said, "Tom, if thou behavest thyself, I'll make thee heir to the

crown." Every body knew that Walker's joke alluded to his sign; yet,

when the words were reported, he was arrested, and, as if in mockery of

common sense, indicted for imagining and compassing the death of the

king. The prisoner pleaded his innocence of any evil intention, but his

protestations were of no avail. He was found guilty, in defiance of

justice, and hanged, in defiance of mercy.

The next case, that of a poor cobbler, if not so utterly unjust, was

equally impolitic and still more cruel. Margaret of Anjou was, at

that time, using every effort to regain her influence in England, and

many persons, supposed to possess letters from the exiled queen, were

tortured and put to death on that suspicion. Of these the cobbler was

one, and one of the most severely punished. Having been apprehended

on the charge of aiding Margaret to correspond with her partisans in

England, he was tortured to death with red-hot pincers.

Even when the sufferers were Lancastrians, the barbarity of such

proceedings could not fail to make the flesh creep and the blood

curdle; but the case became still more iniquitous when government

laid hands on men attached to the house of York; when the Woodvilles,

who had themselves been Lancastrians, singled out as victims stanch

partisans of the White Rose.

Sir Thomas Cooke was one of the most reputable citizens of London,

and, in the second year of Edward's reign, had fulfilled the highest

municipal functions. Unfortunately for him, also, he had the reputation

of being so wealthy as to tempt plunder. Earl Rivers and the Duchess

of Bedford appear to have thought so; and exerted their influence with

the king to have the ex-mayor arrested on a charge of treason, and

committed to the Tower.

It appears that, in an evil hour for Cooke, a man named Hawkins had

called on him and requested the loan of a thousand marks, on good

security; but Sir Thomas said he should, in the first place, like to

know for whom the money was, and, in the second, for what purpose

it was intended. Hawkins frankly stated it was for the use of Queen

Margaret; and Cooke thereupon declined to lend a penny. Hawkins went

away, and the matter rested for some time. Sir Thomas was not, however,

destined to escape; for Hawkins, having been taken to the Tower and put

to the brake, called "the Duke of Exeter's daughter," confessed so much

in regard to himself that he was put to death; and at the same time,

under the influence of excessive pain, stated that Cooke had lent the

money to Margaret of Anjou.

The Woodvilles, having obtained such evidence against their destined

victim, seized upon Cooke's house in London, ejecting his lady and

servants, and, at the same time, took possession of Giddy Hall, his

seat in Essex, where he had fish-ponds, and a park full of deer, and

household furniture of great value. After thus appropriating the estate

of the city knight, they determined that, for form's sake, he should

have a trial; and accordingly a commission, of which Earl Rivers

was a member, was appointed to sit at Guildhall. It would seem that

the Woodvilles, meanwhile, had no apprehension of the result being

unfavorable to their interests; but, unfortunately for their scheme of

appropriation, the commission included two men who loved justice and

hated iniquity. These were Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, and Sir

John Markham, Chief Justice of England.

Markham was of a family of lawyers, whose progenitors, though scarcely

wealthier than yeomen, had held their land from time immemorial, and

been entitled to carry coat armor. Having been early called to the bar,

and successful in his profession, he became a puisne judge of the court

of king's bench; and having strongly supported the claims of the house

of York, and greatly contributed, by his abilities and learning, to

the triumph of the White Rose, he succeeded Fortescue as chief justice.

But, though zealous for the hereditary right of the house of York,

Markham was neither a minion nor a tool of its members; and, though

he could not but be aware what the court expected, he was incapable

of doing any thing to forfeit the public respect which he enjoyed as

"The Upright Judge." When, therefore, the evidence against Cooke had

been taken, and the whole case heard, the chief justice ruled that the

offense was not treason, but, at the most, "Misprision of Treason," and

directed the jury so to find it.

The lands of Sir Thomas Cooke were saved, and the Woodvilles, angry

as wild beasts deprived of their prey, vowed vengeance on the chief

justice. Accordingly Earl Rivers and his duchess pressed Edward to

dismiss the unaccommodating functionary; and Edward swore that Markham

should never sit on the bench again. Markham, submitting with a dignity

becoming his high character, carried his integrity into retirement; and

Sir Thomas Cooke was set free after he had paid an enormous fine.

Every man of intelligence must now have seen that the Woodvilles

would embroil Edward with the nation. While the king was, under their

influence, perpetrating such enormities as caused grave discontent,

he was aroused to a sense of insecurity by formidable commotions in

the north. For the origin of these, the master and brethren of the

Hospital of St. Leonards appear to have been responsible. The right of

levying a thrave of corn from every plow in the country for the relief

of the poor had, it seems, been granted to the hospital by one of the

Anglo-Saxon kings; but the rural population complained that the revenue

was not expended for charitable purposes, but employed by the master

and brethren for their private advantage. After long complaining, the

people of the country refused to pay, and, in retaliation, their goods

were distrained and their persons imprisoned. At length, in 1469,

finding they could get no redress, the recusants took up arms, and,

under a captain named Robert Hulderne, they put the officers of the

hospital to the sword, and, to the number of fifteen thousand, marched,

in hostile array, to the gates of York.

The insurgents, however, were not to have it all their own way. Lord

Montagu commanded in the district; and he prepared to put down the

rising with that vigor and energy which had hitherto characterized

his military operations. Accordingly, he hastened to bring them to

an engagement. A skirmish took place; the insurgents were scattered;

and Hulderne, their leader, having been taken, was sent by Montagu to

immediate execution. Nevertheless, the insurgents continued in arms;

and, having been joined by Lord Fitzhugh and Sir Henry Neville, the

son of Lord Latimer, one a nephew, the other a cousin of Warwick, they

placed Sir John Conyers, a soldier of courage and experience, at their

head, advanced toward London, denouncing the Woodvilles as taxers and

oppressors, and loudly demanding their dismissal from the council.

Edward now roused himself from voluptuous lethargy, and prepared

to defend his crown. Without delay, he gave commissions to William

Herbert, whom he had created Earl of Pembroke, and Humphrey Stafford,

to whom, on the execution of Hugh, Earl of Devon, at Salisbury, he had

given the heritage of the Courtenays, to march against the rebels. At

the same time, Edward buckled on his armor, and advanced to Newark.

There, however, he thought it prudent to halt; and, finding his army

utterly weak and unsteady, he retreated to Nottingham. Hitherto he

had thought England none the worse for Warwick's absence; but now he

dispatched a message to Calais, beseeching the earl and Clarence to

come to his assistance. Having thus bent his pride, Edward waited the

result with anxiety.

Meanwhile, Herbert and Stafford were in the field. Hastily assembling

seven thousand men, most of whom were Welsh, the two Yorkist earls

moved against the insurgents; but they had hardly done so, when an

unfortunate dispute involved them in serious disasters.

It was at Banbury, when the royal army approached the insurgents, that

the quarrel took place. It appears that the Yorkist earls had agreed,

in the course of their expedition, that when either took possession of

a lodging, he should be allowed to keep it undisturbed. On reaching

Banbury, on the 25th of July, Stafford took up his quarters at an inn,

where there was a damsel for whom he had a partiality. Herbert, who was

so proud of the king's letter that he could hardly contain his joy,[9]

insisted upon putting Stafford out of the hostelry; and Stafford, whose

spirit was high, took offense at being so treated by an inferior. Angry

words passed, and the consequence was that Stafford mounted his horse,

and rode from the town, with his men-at-arms and archers. Herbert,

alarmed at being left alone, hastened to the hill on which his soldiers

were encamped, and expressed his intention of abiding such fortune as

GOD should send.

When evening advanced, Sir Henry Neville, at the head of his

light-horse, commenced skirmishing with the Welsh, and, advancing too

far, he was surrounded and slain. The northern men, thereupon, vowed

vengeance; and next morning, at Edgecote, attacked the royal army with

fury. Herbert, on the occasion, bore himself with a courage which

well-nigh justified the king's favor; and his brother, Richard, twice,

by main force, hewed his way through the insurgent ranks. Animated

by the example of their leaders, the Welshmen were on the point of

victory, when an esquire, named John Clapham, attended by five hundred

men, and bearing a white bear, the banner of the king-maker, came up

the hill, shouting--"A Warwick! A Warwick!" Hearing this war-cry,

so terrible, and believing that "The Stout Earl" was upon them, the

Welshmen fled in such terror and confusion that the northern men

slaughtered five thousand of them. Herbert and his brother Richard,

having been taken, were carried to Banbury, and there beheaded, in

revenge for the death of Sir Henry Neville. Elate with their victory at

Banbury, the insurgents resolved upon giving a lesson to the "queen's

kindred;" and, choosing for their captain Robert Hilyard, whom men

called "Robin of Redesdale," they marched to the Manor of Grafton,

seized on Earl Rivers and John Woodville, who had wedded the old

Duchess of Norfolk, carried these obnoxious individuals to Nottingham,

and there beheaded them as taxers and oppressors.

The king, on hearing of the defeat of Herbert and the execution of the

Woodvilles, expressed the utmost resentment. Displeased with himself

and every body else, he looked around for a victim on whom to wreak his

fury; and, considering that of all connected with these misfortunes

Stafford was the least blameless, he issued orders that the unfortunate

nobleman should be seized, and dealt with as a traitor. The royal

commands were obeyed. Stafford was taken at a village in Brentmarsh,

carried to Bridgewater, and executed.

The aspect of affairs gradually became more threatening. At length

Warwick arrived in England, and repaired to the king, who was encamped

at Olney. He found Edward in no enviable plight. His friends were

killed or scattered, and his enemies close upon him. The earl was just

the man for such a crisis, and he consented to exercise his influence.

He went to the insurgents, promised to see their grievances redressed,

spoke to them in that popular strain which he alone could use; and, at

his bidding, they dispersed and went northward. Edward, however, found

that he was hardly more free than when the forces of Robin of Redesdale

hemmed him in. The earl, in fact, took the king into his own hands

till he should redeem his promise to the insurgents, and conveyed him,

as a kind of prisoner, to the Castle of Middleham.

Edward had no intention of granting the popular demands; and he was

not the man to submit patiently to durance. He gained the hearts of

his keepers, and obtained liberty to go a-hunting. This privilege he

turned to account; and having one day been met by Sir William Stanley,

Sir Thomas Brough, and others of his friends, he rode with them to

York, pursued his way to Lancaster, and, having there been met by Lord

Hastings, reached London in safety.

A peace between Warwick and the king was brought about by their

friends; and Edward's eldest daughter was betrothed to Montagu's

son. But a few weeks after this reconciliation, the earl took mortal

offense. The cause is involved in some mystery. It appears, however,

that Edward had two failings in common with many men both small and

great--a weakness for wine and a weakness for women. He was much too

fond of deep drinking, and by no means free from the indiscretions of

those who indulge to excess in the social cup. On some occasion, it

would seem, the king was guilty of a flagrant impropriety which touched

the honor and roused the resentment of the earl. Even at this day the

exact circumstances are unknown; but, in the fifteenth century, rumor

was not silent on the subject. Hall has indicated, in language somewhat

too plain for this generation, that the offense was an insult offered

by the king, in Warwick's house, to the niece or daughter of the earl;

and adds, that "the certainty was not for both their honors openly

known." But, however that may have been, the strife between the king

and the king-maker now assumed the character of mortal enmity, and led

rapidly to those events which rendered the year 1470 memorable in the

annals of England.

Edward was not long left in doubt as to the earl's views. At the Moor,

in Hertfordshire, which then belonged to the Archbishop of York, which

passed fifteen years later to John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, and which,

in later days, became the seat of Anne Scott, heiress of Buccleuch

and widow of the ill-fated Monmouth, George Neville, one day in the

month of February, gave a banquet to the king. On the occasion Warwick

and Clarence were invited; and all was going on well, and Edward was

washing his hands before sitting down to supper, when one of his

attendants whispered that armed men were lurking near the house to

seize him. The king started, but, recovering himself sufficiently to

betray no signs of alarm, he got secretly out of the house, mounted his

horse, and, riding all night, reached Windsor Castle in safety.

Edward was not quite prepared to punish this attempt on his liberty.

He, therefore, listened to the mediation of the Duchess of York;

and that lady was laboring to effect another reconciliation, when

an insurrection took place among the people of Lincolnshire. These

complained bitterly of the oppression of the royal purveyors; and they

were headed by Sir Robert Welles, the heir of a family remarkable for

fidelity to the house of Lancaster.

Warwick was suspected to be the author of this disturbance.

Nevertheless, the king found it necessary to treat the earl and

Clarence as if he entertained no suspicion. He even intrusted them with

the command of forces destined to suppress the insurgents, while he

prepared to march against them with a numerous army.

Meanwhile, the king sent for Lord Welles, father of Sir Robert, and,

at the royal summons, that nobleman came to Westminster, in company

with Sir Thomas Dymoke, who had married his daughter. Being informed,

however, that the king was much incensed, the Lancastrian lord and

his son-in-law deemed it prudent to repair to the sanctuary. Edward,

however, plighted his word as a prince, that he intended no harm,

and they, fully relying on a pledge so sacred, came to his presence.

Edward, thereupon, commanded Lord Welles to write to his son to desist

from his enterprise; but Sir Robert continuing firm in spite of the

paternal admonition, Edward caused both the old lord and his son-in-law

to be executed.

After this faithless proceeding Edward left London. Marching against

the insurgents, he came up with them on the 13th of March, at

Erpingham, in the county of Rutland. The royal army was so superior in

number that Sir Robert had scarcely a chance of victory. Exasperated,

however, by the execution of his father, the brave knight, setting

prudence at defiance, was eager for an encounter. The armies joined

battle, and it soon appeared that Sir Robert had reckoned without his

host. The conflict was utterly unequal; and, the insurgents having

been worsted, their leader was taken prisoner. No sooner was Welles in

the hands of the enemy than the Lincolnshire men whom he had commanded

became a mob, and fled from the field, having previously thrown off

their coats, that their running might not be impeded. From this

circumstance the battle was popularly spoken of as "Losecote Field."

The tables were now turned. The king was in a condition to defy

Warwick, while the king-maker had no means of raising such a force

as could, with any chance of success, encounter the royal army

flushed with victory. The earl, however, made one effort. Being at

his Castle of Warwick, and hearing of Edward's victory at Erpingham,

he endeavored to draw Lord Stanley, his brother-in-law, to his side.

Stanley, however, was far too prudent a man to rush into danger even

for his great kinsman's sake. He answered that "he would never make war

against King Edward;" and Warwick and Clarence were compelled to turn

toward Dartmouth.

The Wars of the Roses; or, Stories of the Struggle of York and Lancaster · 第 21 / 52 章