CHAPTER III.

THE CAPTAIN OF KENT.

In the summer of 1450 there was a ferment among the commons of Kent.

For some time, indeed, the inhabitants of that district of England had

been discontented with the administration of affairs; but now they

were roused to action by rumors that Margaret of Anjou, holding them

responsible for the execution of Suffolk, had vowed revenge; that a

process of extermination was to be forthwith commenced; and that the

country, from the Thames to the Straits of Dover, was to be converted

into a hunting-forest for the queen and her favorites.

About the middle of June, while the indignation of the Kentishmen was

at its height, a military adventurer, who has since been known as "Jack

Cade," but who called himself John Mortimer, and gave out that his

mother was a Lacy, suddenly appeared among the malcontents, informed

them that he was related to the Duke of York, and offered to be their

captain. According to the chroniclers, he was "a young man of goodly

stature, and pregnant wit," and he told his story so plausibly, that

the men of Kent believed he was York's cousin. Delighted with the

notion of having found a Mortimer to lead them to battle, and to free

them from oppression, the people crowded by thousands to his standard;

and Cade, having assumed the title of Captain of Kent, arrayed them in

good order, marched toward London, and encamped on Blackheath.

The men of Kent were not foes to be despised. They had ever claimed

the privilege of marching in the van of England's army, and had so

borne themselves on fields of fight, that their courage was beyond

dispute. The determined spirit by which they were known to be animated

rather daunted the court; and the king, in alarm, sent to ask why they

had left their homes. Cade replied in a manner at which a government

owing its existence to a revolution had little reason to take umbrage.

He sent a document, entitled "Complaint of the Commons of Kent,"

containing a statement of grievances, demanding speedy redress, and

requesting, in respectful language, the dismissal of the corrupt men by

whom the king was surrounded, and the recall of "the Duke of York, late

exiled from the royal presence."

The queen and her friends saw that something must be done, and that

quickly. An army was, therefore, levied in the king's name; and, at

the head of it, Henry advanced to Blackheath; but Cade, wishing to

draw the royal force into Kent, broke up his camp and retreated to

the quiet old market-town of Sevenoaks. The queen, doubtless somewhat

surprised at the storm she had raised, dreaded the possibility of

the king being environed by the insurgents. She, therefore, deputed

the danger of encountering Cade to a gallant knight named Humphrey

Stafford, and, having done so, retired to Greenwich.

On receiving the queen's commands, Stafford, and some of the court

gallants, put on their rich armor and gorgeous surcoats, mounted

their horses, and, with a detachment of the royal army, dashed off to

engage the insurgents, all eagerness, as it seemed, to bring back the

leader's head as a trophy. On coming up with the foe, however, the

ardor of the gay warriors rapidly cooled; for, in posting his troops

in Sevenoaks Wood, the Captain of Kent had made his dispositions with

such masterly skill, that the insurgents felt high confidence, and

presented a formidable front. Nevertheless, Stafford did not shrink

from an encounter. Boldly dashing onward, he attacked the Kentishmen in

their strong-hold. His courage, however, was of no avail. At the very

onslaught, he fell in front of his soldiers; and they, fighting with no

good-will, allowed themselves to be easily defeated.

Proud of his victory, the Captain of Kent arrayed himself in Stafford's

rich armor, advanced toward London, encamped once more on Blackheath,

and threatened to attack the metropolis. His success had rendered him

so popular a hero, that the Kentishmen, under the delusion that all

abuses were to be reformed, called him "Captain Mendall;" and the

inhabitants of Surrey and Sussex, catching the enthusiasm, crowded to

his camp.

Margaret of Anjou had now cause for serious alarm. The royal army could

no longer be relied on. Already many of the soldiers had deserted,

and those who remained were asking, with indignation, why the Duke of

York was not recalled. Aware of all this, the king deputed Humphrey

Stafford, first Duke of Buckingham, a popular favorite, and a prince of

the blood, to repair to Cade's camp, and expostulate with the rebels.

The captain received the duke with all due respect, but declared that

the insurgents could not lay down their arms, unless the king would

hear their complaints in person, and pledge his royal word that their

grievances should be redressed.

When Buckingham returned with Cade's answer to Greenwich, there was

yet time for Henry to save his regal dignity. Had he been capable of

laying aside his saintly theories for a few hours, bracing on his

armor, mounting his steed, and riding forth with words of courage

and patriotism on his lips, he might have won back the hearts of

his soldiers, and either scattered the insurgent army by force, or

dissolved it by persuasion. To do this, a king of England did not

require the animal courage of a _Coeur de Lion_, or the political

genius of an English Justinian. Any of Henry's predecessors, even

the second Edward or the second Richard, could have mustered spirit

and energy sufficient for the occasion. But the monk-monarch, having

neither spirit nor energy, quietly resigned himself to his fate; and

the queen, terrified at the commotion her imprudences had raised,

disbanded the royal army, charged Lord Scales to keep the Tower,

and, leaving London to its fate, departed with her husband to seek

security in the strong castle of Kenilworth. There was quite as little

discretion as dignity in the king's precipitate retreat. The most

devoted adherents of the Red Rose might well despair of the house of

Lancaster standing long, when they heard that the son of the conqueror

of Agincourt had fled before the ringleader of a rabble.

Not slow to take advantage of the king's absence, the Captain of Kent

moved from Blackheath to Southwark. From that place he sent to demand

entrance into London; and, after a debate in the Common Council, Sir

Thomas Chalton, the mayor, intimated that no opposition would be

offered. Accordingly, on the 3d of July, the insurgent leader crossed

London Bridge--the single bridge of which the capital then boasted--and

led his followers into the city.

The inhabitants of London must have felt some degree of dismay. Both

courtiers and citizens had an idea what a mob was--what violence and

bloodshed the French capital had witnessed during the outbreaks of the

_Cabochiens_--of what horrors each French province had been the scene

during the _Jacquerie_. Moreover, the ruins of the Savoy, destroyed

during Wat Tyler's insurrection, and towering gloomily on the spot now

occupied by the northern approach to Waterloo Bridge, formed at least

one memorial of what mischief even English peasants and artisans were

capable, when roused by injustice and oppression. At first, however,

the Captain of Kent displayed a degree of moderation hardly to have

been anticipated. Arrayed in Stafford's splendid mail, he commenced his

triumphal entry by indulging in a little harmless vanity.

"Now," said he, stopping, and striking his staff on London Stone, "now

is Mortimer Lord of London."

"Take heed," said the mayor, who was standing on the threshold of his

door, and witnessed the scene, "take heed that you attempt nothing

against the quiet of the city."

"Sir," answered Cade, "let the world take notice of our honest

intentions by our actions."

All that day the Captain of Kent appeared most anxious to gain the

good opinion of the citizens. He issued proclamations against plunder,

did his utmost to preserve discipline, and in the evening he marched

quietly back to Southwark. Next morning, however, he returned; and,

perhaps, no longer able to restrain the thirst of his followers for

blood, he resolved to gratify them by the execution of "a new man."

Among the most obnoxious of the king's ministers was James Fiennes,

who held the office of lord chamberlain, and enjoyed the dignity of

Lord Say. The rapid rise of this peer to wealth and power had rendered

him an object of dislike to the old nobility; and his connection with

Suffolk's administration had rendered him an object of hatred to the

people. Besides, he had lately purchased Knole Park, in the vicinity

of Sevenoaks, and perhaps had, as lord of the soil, given offense to

the commons of Kent by trenching on some of those privileges which they

cherished so fondly.

Ere entering London, the insurgents had made up their minds to have

Lord Say's head; and, aware of the odium attached to his name, the

unpopular minister had taken refuge with Lord Scales in the Tower.

Scales had seen much service in France, and highly distinguished

himself in the wars of the fifth Henry; but now he had reached his

fiftieth summer; his bodily strength had decayed; and time had perhaps

impaired the martial spirit that had animated his youthful exploits.

At all events, instead of defending Lord Say to the last, as might

have been expected, Scales allowed him to be taken from the Tower and

carried to Guildhall, and on the ill-fated lord's arrival there the

Captain of Kent compelled the mayor and aldermen to arraign him as a

traitor. In vain Say protested against the proceeding, and demanded

a trial by his peers. The captain twitted him with being a mock

patrician, and insisted upon the judges condemning the "buckram lord."

At length the insurgents lost patience, hurried their prisoner into

Cheapside, and, having there beheaded him without farther ceremony,

hastened to execute vengeance upon his son-in-law, Sir James Cromer,

who, as sheriff of Kent, had incurred their displeasure.

Intoxicated with triumph as the Captain of Kent might be, the daring

adventurer felt the reverse of easy while passing himself off as a

Mortimer, and could not help dreading the consequence of his real

origin being revealed to those whom he had deluded. Rumors were indeed

creeping about that his name was Jack Cade; that he was a native of

Ireland; that in his own country he had, for some time, lived in the

household of a knight, but that having killed a woman and child he had

entered the French service, and acquired the military skill which he

had displayed against Stafford. Moreover, some chroniclers state that,

to preclude the possibility of exposure, he mercilessly executed those

who were suspected to know any thing of his antecedents, and endeavored

to insure the fidelity of his adherents by allowing them to perpetrate

various kinds of enormity.

The citizens had hitherto submitted with patience; but on the 5th of

July a provoking outrage roused them to resistance. On that day Cade,

having gratified his vanity and satiated his thirst for blood, began to

think of spoil. He commenced operations under peculiar circumstances.

After dining with one of the citizens he requited the hospitality of

his host by plundering the house, and the example of the captain was

so faithfully followed by his men that the Londoners perceived the

propriety of doing something for their defense. When, therefore, Cade

led his forces back to Southwark for the night, and the shades of

evening settled over London, the inhabitants took counsel with Lord

Scales, and resolved upon fortifying the bridge so as to prevent his

return.

While Cade was passing the night of the 5th of July at Southwark,

reposing on his laurels, as it were, at the _White Hart_, news was

carried to him that Lord Scales and the citizens were preparing to

resist his return. With characteristic decision the Captain of Kent

sprang to arms, declared he should force a passage forthwith, mustered

his men, and led them to the attack. Fortune, however, now declared

against him. A fierce combat took place, and the citizens defended

the bridge so courageously that after a struggle of six hours the

insurgents were fain to retire to Southwark.

The courage of the mob now cooled; and the king's ministers determined

to try the effect of promises never intended to be redeemed.

Accordingly, William Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, appeared with an

offer of pardon to all who would return peaceably home. At first the

insurgents were divided in opinion about accepting the bishop's terms;

but Cade showed an inclination to grasp at the pardon, and finally all

dispersed. The Captain of Kent, however, had as little intention as the

government to act with honor; and within ten days he again appeared

in Southwark with a considerable following. This time, however, the

citizens, elate with victory, presented a firm front; and, dismayed at

their threatening aspect, Cade retreated to Rochester. While there,

terrified at the feuds of his followers, he learned with horror that a

thousand marks had been offered for his apprehension; and, alarmed at

the probability of being delivered up, he galloped across the country

toward the coast of Sussex, and, for some time, wandered about in

disguise.

The Captain of Kent was not destined to elude the vengeance of the

government which he had defied. An esquire of the county, named

Alexander Iden, pursued the despairing insurgent, and found him lurking

in a garden at Rothfield. Cade did not yield to his fate without a

struggle. Drawing his sword, he stood upon his defense; and both the

captain and the esquire being men of strength and courage, a desperate

conflict ensued. The victory, however, fell to Iden; and Cade's head,

after being carried to the king, was set on London Bridge, his face

turned toward the hills of Kent. Many of his companions, in spite of

Bishop Waynflete's promise of pardon, were subsequently taken and

executed as traitors.

Such was the end of a popular tumult, the origin of which remains in

considerable obscurity. Some asserted that Jack Cade was merely an

agent of Richard Plantagenet, and did not hesitate to describe "Captain

Mendall" as "one of the Duke of York's firebrands." No evidence exists,

however, to show that the "high and mighty prince," freely as his great

name might have been used by the insurgents, had any thing to do with

the enterprise. Nevertheless the insurrection was not without influence

on the duke's fortunes, and it has ever been regarded as a prelude to

the fierce struggle between the houses of York and Lancaster.

The Wars of the Roses; or, Stories of the Struggle of York and Lancaster · 第 3 / 52 章