CHAPTER VII

INCIDENTS IN PUBLIC SERVICE

At twenty-two I found myself Register of the Humboldt Land Office, with

offices on the first floor of a building at Eureka, the second story of

which was occupied by a school. An open veranda extended across the

front. When I first let myself into the office, I carelessly left the

key in the lock. A mischievous girl simply gave it a turn and I was a

prisoner, with a plain but painful way of escape--not physically

painful, but humiliating to my official pride. There was nothing for it

but ignominiously to crawl out of the window onto the veranda and

recover the key--and that I forthwith did.

The archives of the office proved interesting. The original Register was

a Missouri Congressman, who had been instructed to proceed to Humboldt

City and open the office. Humboldt City was on the map and seemed the

logical location. But it had "died aborning" and as a city did not

exist. So the Register took the responsibility of locating the office at

Eureka, and in explanation addressed to the President, whom he

denominated "Buckhannan," a letter in which he went at length into the

"hole" subject. The original draft was on file.

I was authorized to receive homestead applications, to locate land

warrants, to hear contests, and to sell "offered land." The latter was

government land that had been offered for sale at $1.25 an acre and had

not been taken. Strangely enough, it embraced a portion of the redwood

belt along Mad River, near Arcata.

But one man seemed aware of the opportunity. John Preston, a tanner of

Arcata, would accumulate thirty dollars in gold and with it buy fifty

dollars in legal-tender notes. Then he would call and ask for the plat,

and, after considerable pawing, he would say, "Well, Charlie, I guess

I'll take that forty." Whereupon the transaction would be completed by

my taking his greenbacks and giving him a certificate of purchase for

the forty acres of timber-land that had cost him seventy-five cents an

acre, and later probably netted him not less than three hundred dollars

an acre for stumpage alone. Today it would be worth twice that. The

opportunity was open to all who had a few cents and a little sense.

Sales of land were few and locations infrequent, consequently

commissions were inconsiderable. Now and then I would hold a trial

between conflicting claimants, some of them quite important. It was

natural that the respective attorneys should take advantage of my youth

and inexperience, for they had known me in my verdant boyhood and

seemed to rejoice in my discomfiture. I had hard work to keep them in

order. They threatened one another with ink-bottles and treated me with

contempt. They would lure me on when I rejected evidence as

inadmissible, offering slightly changed forms, until I was forced to

reverse myself. When I was uncertain I would adjourn court and think it

over. These were trying experiences, but I felt sure that the claimants'

rights would be protected on appeal to the Commissioner of the General

Land Office and finally to the Secretary of the Interior. I was glad

that in the biggest case I guessed right.

One occurrence made a strong impression on me. It was war-time, and

loyalty was an issue. A rancher from Mendocino County came to Eureka to

prove up on his land and get a patent. He seemed to me a fine man, but

when he was asked to take the oath of allegiance he balked. I tried my

best to persuade him that it was harmless and reasonable, but he simply

wouldn't take it, and went back home without his patent.

My experiences while chief clerk in the office of the Superintendent of

Indian Affairs are too valuable to be overlooked. I traveled quite

freely and saw unfamiliar life. I had a very interesting trip in 1865,

to inspect the Round Valley Indian Reservation and to distribute

clothing to the Indians. It was before the days of railroads in that

part of California. Two of us drove a light wagon from Petaluma to

Ukiah, and then put saddles on our horses and started over the mountains

to the valley. We took a cold lunch, planning to stay overnight at a

stockman's ranch. When we reached the place we found a notice that he

had gone to a rodeo. We broke into his barn to feed our horses, but we

spared his house. Failing to catch fish in the stream near by, we made

our dinner of its good water, and after a troubled night had the same

fare for breakfast. For once in my life I knew hunger. To the nearest

ranch was half a day's journey, and we lost no time in heading for it.

On the way I had an encounter with a vicious rattlesnake. The outcome

was more satisfactory than it might have been. At noon, when we found a

cattleman whose Indian mate served venison and hot bread of good quality

and abundant quantity, we were appreciative and happy. The remainder of

the trip was uneventful.

The equal division of clothing or supplies among a lot of Indians throws

helpful light on the causes of inequality. A very few days suffice to

upset all efforts at impartiality. A few, the best gamblers, soon have

more than they need, while the many have little or nothing.

The valleys of Mendocino County are fascinatingly beautiful, and a trip

direct to the coast, with a spin along ten miles of perfect beach as we

returned, was a fine contrast to hungry climbing over rugged heights.

Another memorable trip was with two Indians from the mouth of the

Klamath River to its junction with the Trinity at Weitchpec. The whole

course of the stream is between lofty peaks and is a continuous series

of sharp turns. After threading its winding way, it is easy to

understand what an almost solid resistance would be presented to a

rapidly rising river. With such a watershed as is drained by the two

rivers, the run-off in a storm would be so impeded as to be very slow.

The actual result was demonstrated in 1861. In August of that year, A.S.

Hallidie built a wire bridge at Weitchpec. He made the closest possible

examination as to the highest point the river had reached. In an Indian

rancheria he found a stone door-sill that had been hollowed by constant

use for ages. This was then ninety-eight feet above the level of the

flowing river. He accepted it as absolutely safe. In December, 1861, the

river rose thirty feet above the bridge and carried away the structure.

The Indians living on lower Mad River had been removed for safety to the

Smith River Indian Reservation. They were not happy and felt they might

safely return, now that the Indian war was over. The white men who were

friendly believed that if one of the trusted Indians could be brought

down to talk with his friends he could satisfy the others that it would

be better to remain on the reservation. It was my job to go up and bring

him down. We came down the beach past the mouth of the Klamath, Gold

Bluff, and Trinidad, to Fort Humboldt, and interviewed many white

settlers friendly to the Indians until the representative was satisfied

as to the proper course to follow.

In 1851 "Gold Bluff" was the first great mining excitement. The Klamath

River enters the ocean just above the bluff that had been made by the

deposit of sand, gravel, and boulders to the height of a hundred feet or

more. The waves, beating against the bluff for ages, have doubtless

washed gold into the ocean's bed. In 1851 it was discovered that at

certain tides or seasons there were deposited on the beach quantities of

black sand, mingled with which were particles of gold. Nineteen men

formed a company to take up a claim and work the supposedly exhaustless

deposit. An expert report declared that the sand measured would yield

each of the men the modest sum of $43,000,000. Great excitement stirred

San Francisco and eight vessels left with adventurers. But it soon was

found that black sand was scarce and gold much more so. For some time it

paid something, but as a lure it soon failed.

When I was first there I was tremendously impressed when shown at the

level of the beach, beneath the bluff and its growing trees, an embedded

redwood log. It started the imagination on conjectures of when and where

it had been clad in beauty as part of a living landscape.

An interesting conclusion to this experience was traveling over the

state with Charles Maltby, appointed to succeed my friend, to turn over

the property of the department. He was a personal friend of President

Lincoln, and he bore a striking resemblance to him and seemed like him

in character.

In 1883 a nominee for the Assembly from San Francisco declined the

honor, and it devolved on a group of delegates to select a candidate in

his place. They asked me to run, and on the condition that I should

solicit no votes and spend no money I consented. I was one of four

Republicans elected from San Francisco. In the entire state we were

outnumbered about four to one. But politics ordinarily cuts little

figure. The only measure I introduced provided for the probationary

treatment of juvenile delinquents through commitment to an unsectarian

organization that would seek to provide homes. I found no opposition in

committee or on the floor. When it was reached I would not endanger its

passage by saying anything for it. It passed unanimously and was

concurred in by the Senate. My general conclusion is that the average

legislator is ready to support a measure that he feels is meritorious

and has no other motive than the general good.

We were summoned in extra session to act on matters affecting the

railroads. It was at a time when they were decidedly in politics. The

Central Pacific was generally credited with controlling the legislative

body of the state. A powerful lobby was maintained, and the company was

usually able to thwart the passage of any legislation the political

manager considered detrimental to its interests. The farmers and country

representatives did all in their power to correct abuses and protect the

interests of the people of the state, but the city representatives, in

many instances not men of character, were usually controlled by some

boss ready to do the bidding of the railroad's chief lobbyist. The hope

for decency is always in free men, and they generally are from the

country.

It was pathetic at times to watch proceedings. I recall one instance,

where a young associate from San Francisco had cast a vote that was

discreditable and pretty plainly indicated corrupt influence. The

measure he supported won a passage, but a motion for reconsideration

carried, and when it came up the following day the father of the young

man was seated by his side as the vote was taken. He was a

much-respected plasterer, and he came from his home on a hurried call to

save his son from disgrace. It was a great relief when on recall the son

reversed his vote and the measure was lost.

Of course, there were punitive measures, unreasonable and unjust, and

some men were afraid to be just if the railroad would in any way be

benefited. I tried to be discriminating and impartial, judging each

measure on its merits. I found it was a thankless task and bred

suspicion. An independent man is usually distrusted. At the end of the

session a fine old farmer, consistently against the railroad, said to

me: "I couldn't make you out for a long time. Some days I gave you a

white mark, and some days a black one. I finally give you a white

mark--but it was a close shave."

I was impressed with the power of the Speaker to favor or thwart

legislation. At the regular session some Senator had introduced a bill

favoring the needs of the University of California. He wanted it

concurred in by the Assembly, and as the leading Democrats were pretty

busy with their own affairs he entrusted it to me. The Speaker favored

it, and he did not favor a bill in the hands of a leader of the house

involving an appropriation. He called me to his seat and suggested that

at the reassembling of the Assembly after luncheon I should take the

floor to move that the bill be placed on the first-reading file. He knew

that the leader would be ready with his pet bill, but he would recognize

me. When the gavel fell after luncheon three men leaped for the floor. I

arose well at the side of the chamber, while the leader stood directly

in front, but the Speaker happened (?) to see me first, and the

entrusted bill started for speedy success.

It is always pleasant to discover unsuspected humor. There was a very

serious-appearing country member who, with the others of a committee,

visited the State Prison at San Quentin. We were there at the midday

meal and saw the prisoners file in to a substantially laden table. He

watched them enjoy the spread, and quietly remarked, "A man who wouldn't

be satisfied with such food as that deserves to be turned out of the

State Prison."

Some reformer had introduced a bill providing for a complete new code of

criminal procedure. It had been referred to the appropriate committee

and in due time it made its report. I still can see the committee

chairman, a country doctor, as he stood and shook a long finger at the

members before him, saying: "Mr. Speaker, we ask that this measure be

read in full to the Assembly. I want you to know that I have been

obliged to hear it, and I am bound that every member of the house shall

hear it."

My conclusion at the end of the session was that the people of the state

were fortunate in faring no worse. The many had little fitness; a few

had large responsibility. Doubtful and useless measures predominate, but

they are mostly quietly smothered. The country members are watchful and

discriminating and a few leaders exercise great power. To me it was a

fine experience, and I made good friends. I was interested in proposed

measures, and would have willingly gone back the next term. Some of my

friends sounded the political boss of the period and asked if I could be

given a place on the ticket. He smiled and said, "We have no use for

him." When the nominating convention was held he sent in by a messenger

a folded piece of paper upon which was inscribed the name of the man for

whom they had use--and my legislative career was at an end.

I went back to my printing business, which never should have been

neglected, and stayed mildly by it for eleven years. Then, there being a

vacancy on the Board of Education, I responded to the wish of friends

and accepted the appointment to help them in their endeavor to better

our schools.

John Swett, an experienced educator, was superintendent. The majority of

the board was composed of high-minded and able men. They had turned over

the selection of teachers to the best-fitted professors of the

university and were giving an economical and creditable administration.

If a principalship was vacant, applications were apt to be disregarded,

and the person in the department considered most capable and deserving

was notified of election. There were, however, some loose methods. All

graduates of the high schools were privileged to attend a normal class

for a year and then were eligible without any examination to be

appointed teachers. The board was not popular with the teachers, many of

whom seemed to consider that the department was mainly for their

benefit. At the end of the unexpired term I was elected a member of the

succeeding board, and this was continued for five years.

When the first elected board held a preliminary canvass I naturally felt

much interest as to my associates, some of whom were entire strangers.

Among them was Henry T. Scott, of the firm of shipbuilders who had built

the "Oregon." Some one remarked that a prominent politician (naming him)

would like to know what patronage would be accorded him. Mr. Scott very

forcibly and promptly replied: "So far as I am concerned, not a damned

bit. I want none for myself, and I will oppose giving any to him or

anyone else." I learned later that he had been elected without being

consulted, while absent in the East. Upon his return a somewhat

notorious woman principal called on him and informed him that she was

responsible for his election--at least, his name had been submitted to

her and received her approval. He replied that he felt she deserved no

thanks for that, as he had no desire to serve. She said she had but one

request to make; her janitress must not be removed. He gave her no

assurances. Soon afterward the matter of appointments came up. Mr. Scott

was asked what he wanted, and he replied: "I want but one thing. It

involves the janitress of Mrs. ----'s school. I want her to be removed

immediately."

"All right," replied the questioner. "Whom shall we name?"

"Whomever you please," rejoined Scott. "I have no candidate; but no one

can tell me what I must or must not do."

Substitution followed at once.

Later Mr. Scott played the star part in the most interesting political

struggle I ever knew. A Democratic victory placed in the

superintendent's office a man whose Christian name was appropriately

Andrew Jackson. He had the naming of his secretary, who was ex-officio

clerk of the board, which confirmed the appointment. One George Beanston

had grown to manhood in the office and filled it most satisfactorily.

The superintendent nominated a man with no experience, whom I shall call

Wells, for the reason that it was not his name. Mr. Scott, a Democratic

member, and I were asked to report on the nomination. The superintendent

and the committee discussed the matter at a pleasant dinner at the

Pacific-Union Club, given by Chairman Scott. At its conclusion the

majority conceded that usage and courtesy entitled the superintendent to

the appointment. Feeling that civil service and the interest of the

school department were opposed to removal from position for mere

political differences, I demurred and brought in a minority report.

There were twelve members, and when the vote to concur in the

appointment came up there was a tie, and the matter went over for a

week. During the week one of the Beanston supporters was given the

privilege of naming a janitor, and the suspicion that a trade had been

made was justified when on roll-call he hung his head and murmured

"Wells." The cause seemed lost; but when later in the alphabetical roll

Scott's name was reached, he threw up his head and almost shouted

"Beanston," offsetting the loss of the turncoat and leaving the vote

still a tie. It was never called up again, and Beanston retained the

place for another two years.

Early in 1901 I was called up on the telephone and asked to come to

Mayor Phelan's office at once. I found there some of the most ardent

civil service supporters in the city. Richard J. Freud, a member of the

Civil Service Commission, had suddenly died the night before. The

vacancy was filled by the mayor's appointment. Eugene Schmitz had been

elected mayor and would take his seat the following day, and the friends

of civil service distrusted his integrity. They did not dare to allow

him to act. Haste seemed discourteous to the memory of Freud, but he

would want the best for the service. Persuaded of the gravity of the

matter, I accepted the appointment for a year and filed my commission

before returning to my place of business. I enjoyed the work and its

obvious advantage to the departments under its operation. The Police

Department especially was given an intelligent and well-equipped force.

An amusing incident of an examination for promotion to the position of

corporal concerned the hopes we entertained for the success of a popular

patrolman. But he did not apply. One day one of the board met him and

asked him if he was not to try for it. "I think not," he replied. "My

early education was very unlimited. What I know, I know; but I'll be

damned if I'm going to give you fellows a chance to find out what I

don't know!"

I chanced to visit Washington during my term as commissioner, and

through the courtesy of Senator Perkins had a pleasant call on President

Roosevelt. A Senator seems to have ready access to the ordinary

President, and almost before I realized it we were in the strenuous

presence. A cordial hand-clasp and a genial smile followed my

introduction, and as the Senator remarked that I was a Civil Service

Commissioner, the President called: "Shake again. I used to be one of

those fellows myself."

Senator Perkins went on: "Mr. Murdock and I have served for many years

as fellow trustees of the Boys and Girls Aid Society."

"Ah," said the President, "modeled, I presume, on Brace's society, in

which my father was greatly interested. Do you know I believe work with

boys is about the only hope? It's pretty hard to change a man, but when

you can start a boy in the right way he has a chance." Turning to me he

remarked, "Did you know that Governor Brady of Alaska was one of

Brace's placed-out boys!" Then of Perkins he asked, "By the way,

Senator, how is Brady doing?"

"Very well, I understand," replied the Senator. "I believe he is a

thoroughly honest man."

"Yes; but is he also able? It is as necessary for a man in public life

to be able as to be honest."

He bade us a hearty good-by as we left him. He impressed me as

untroubled and courageous, ready every day for what came, and meeting

life with cheer.

The story of the moral and political revolution of 1907 has never been

adequately told, nor have the significance and importance of the event

been fully recognized. The facts are of greater import than the record;

but an eyewitness has responsibility, and I feel moved to give my

testimony.

Perhaps so complete a reversal of spirit and administration was never

before reached without an election by the people. The faithfulness and

nerve of one official backed by the ability of a detective employed by a

public-spirited citizen rescued the city government from the control of

corrupt and irresponsible men and substituted a mayor and board of

supervisors of high character and unselfish purpose. This was

accomplished speedily and quietly.

With positive proof of bribery that left conviction and a term in

prison as the alternative to resignation, District Attorney William H.

Langdon had complete control of the situation. In consultation with

those who had proved their interest in the welfare of the city, he asked

Edward Robeson Taylor to serve as mayor, privileged to select sixteen

citizens to act as supervisors in place of the implicated incumbents,

who would be induced to resign. Dr. Taylor was an attorney of the

highest standing, an idealist of fearless and determined character. No

pledges hampered him. He was free to act in redeeming the city. In turn,

he asked no pledge or promise of those whom he selected to serve as

supervisors. He named men whom he felt he could trust, and he

subsequently left them alone, asking nothing of them and giving them no

advice.

It was the year after the fire. I was conducting a substitute

printing-office in the old car-barn at Geary and Buchanan streets. One

morning Dr. Taylor came in and asked if he might speak to me in private.

I was not supplied with facilities for much privacy, but I asked him in

and we found seats in the corner of the office farthest from the

bookkeeper. Without preliminary, he said, "I want you to act as one of

the supervisors." Wholly surprised, I hesitated a moment and then

assured him that my respect for him and what he had undertaken was so

great that if he was sure he wanted me I would serve. He went out with

no further comment, and I heard nothing more of it until I received a

notice to meet at his office in the temporary City Hall on July 16th.

In response to the call I found fifteen other men, most of whom I knew

slightly. We seemed to be waiting for something. Mr. Langdon was there

and Mr. Burns, the detective, was in and out. Mr. Gallagher, late acting

mayor and an old-time friend of the District Attorney, was helping in

the transfer, in which he was included. Langdon would suggest some

procedure: "How will this do, Jim?" "It seems to me, Billy, that this

will be better," Gallagher would reply. Burns finally reported that the

last of the "bunch" had signed his resignation and that we could go

ahead. We filed into the boardroom. Mayor Taylor occupied the chair, to

which the week before he had been obediently but not enthusiastically

elected by "those about to die." The supervisor alphabetically ranking

offered his written resignation, which the mayor promptly accepted. He

then appointed as successor the first, alphabetically, on his list. The

deputy county clerk was conveniently near and promptly administered the

oath and certified the commission. The old member slunk or swaggered out

and the new member took his place. So the dramatic scene continued until

the transformation was accomplished and a new era dawned. The atmosphere

was changed, but was very serious and determined. Everyone felt the

gravity of the situation and that we had no easy task ahead. Solemnity

marked the undertaking and full realization that hard work alone could

overcome obstacles and restore endurable conditions.

Many of the men selected by Dr. Taylor had enjoyed experience and all

were anxious to do their best. With firm grasp and resolute procedure,

quick results followed. There was to be an election in November. Some of

the strongest members had accepted service as an emergency call and

could not serve longer; but an incredible amount of planning was

accomplished and a great deal disposed of, so that though ten of the

appointed board served but six months they had rendered a great service

and fortunately were succeeded by other men of character, and the good

work went steadily on. In looking back to the problems that confronted

the appointed board and the first elected board, also headed by Dr.

Taylor, they seem insurmountable.

It is hard now to appreciate the physical conditions of the city. It was

estimated that not less than five million dollars would be required to

put the streets into any decent condition. It was at first proposed to

include this, sum in the bond issue that could not be escaped, but

reflection assured us that so temporary a purpose was not a proper use

of bond money, and we met the expenditure from the annual tax levy. We

found the smallest amount required for urgent expenditure in excess of

the tax levy was $18,200,000, and at a special election held early in

1908 the voters endorsed the proposed issue by a vote of over 21,000 to

1800. The three largest expenditures were for an auxiliary water system

for fire protection ($5,200,000), for school buildings ($5,000,000), and

for sewers ($4,000,000).

I cannot follow the various steps by which order was brought out of

chaos, nor can I give special acknowledgment where it is manifestly due;

but I can bear testimony to the unselfishness and faithfulness of a

remarkable body of public officials and to a few of the things

accomplished. To correct gross evils and restore good conditions is no

slight task; but to substitute the best for the worst is a great

achievement. This San Francisco has done in several marked instances.

There was a time when about the only thing we could boast was that we

spent a _less_ sum per capita than any city in the Union for the care of

hospital patients. I remember hearing that fine citizen, Frederick

Dohrmann, once say, "Every supervisor who has gone out of public service

leaving our old County Hospital standing is guilty of a municipal

crime." It was a disgrace of which we were ashamed. The fire had spared

the building, but the new supervisors did not. We now have one of the

best hospitals in the country, admirably conducted.

Our City Prison is equally reversed. It was our shame; it is our pride.

The old Almshouse was a discreditable asylum for the politician who

chanced to superintend it. Today our "Relief Home" is a model for the

country. In 1906 the city was destroyed because unprotected against

fire. Today we are as safe as a city can be. In the meantime the reduced

cost of insurance pays insured citizens a high rate of interest on the

cost of our high-pressure auxiliary fire system. Our streets were once

noted for their poor construction and their filthy condition. Recently

an informed visitor has pronounced them the best to be found. We had no

creditable boulevards or drives. Quietly and without bond expenditure we

have constructed magnificent examples. Our school buildings were shabby

and poor. Many now are imposing and beautiful.

This list could be extended; but turn for a moment to matters of

manners. Where are the awful corner-groceries that helped the saloons to

ruin men and boys, and where are the busy nickel-in-the-slot machines

and shameless smokers in the street-cars? Where are the sellers of

lottery tickets, where the horse-races and the open gambling?

It was my fortune to be re-elected for eight years. Sometimes I am

impressed by how little I seem to have individually accomplished in this

long period of time. One effect of experience is to modify one's

expectations. It is not nearly so easy to accomplish things as one who

has not tried is apt to imagine. Reforming is not an easy process.

Inertia is something really to be overcome, and one is often surprised

to find how obstinate majorities can be. Initiative is a rare faculty

and an average legislator must be content to follow. One can render good

service sometimes by what he prevents. Again, he may finally fail in

some good purpose through no fault of his own, and yet win something

even in losing. Early in my term I was convinced that one thing that

ought to be changed was our absurd liquor license. We had by far the

lowest tax of any city in the Union, and naturally had the largest

number of saloons. I tried to have the license raised from eighty-four

dollars to one thousand dollars, hoping to reduce our twenty-four

hundred saloons. I almost succeeded. When I failed the liquor interest

was so frightened at its narrow escape that it led the people to adopt a

five-hundred-dollar substitute.

I was led to undertake the correction of grave abuses and confusion in

the naming of the city streets. The post-office authorities were greatly

hampered in the mail delivery by the duplicate use of names. The

dignified word "avenue" had been conferred on many alleys. A commission

worked diligently and efficiently. One set of numbered streets was

eliminated. The names of men who had figured in the history of the city

were given to streets bearing their initials. Anza, Balboa, and

Cabrillo gave meaning to A, B, and C. We gave Columbus an avenue,

Lincoln a "way," and substituted for East Street the original name of

the waterfront, "The Embarcadero." In all we made more than four hundred

changes and corrections.

There were occasional humorous incidents connected with this task. There

were opposition and prejudice against names offered. Some one proposed a

"St. Francis Boulevard." An apparently intelligent man asked why we

wanted to perpetuate the name of "that old pirate." I asked, "Who do you

think we have in mind?" He replied, "I suppose you would honor Sir

Francis Drake." He seemed never to have heard of Saint Francis of

Assisi.

It was predicted that the Taylor administration with its excellent

record would be continued, but at the end of two years it went down to

defeat and the Workingmen's party, with P.H. McCarthy as mayor, gained

strong control. For two years, as a minority member, I enjoyed a

different but interesting experience. It involved some fighting and

preventive effort; but I found that if one fought fairly he was accorded

consideration and opportunity. I introduced a charter amendment that

seemed very desirable, and it found favor. The charter prescribed a

two-year term for eighteen supervisors and their election each alternate

year. Under the provision it was possible to have every member without

experience. By making the term four years and electing nine members

every other year experience was assured, and the ballot would be half

the length, a great advantage. It had seemed wise to me to allow the

term of the mayor to remain two years, but the friends of Mayor McCarthy

were so confident of his re-election that they insisted on a four-year

term. As so amended the matter went to the people and was adopted. At

the following election Mayor James Rolph, Jr., was elected for four

years, two of which were an unintentional gift of his political

opponents.

I served for four years under the energetic Rolph, and they were

fruitful ones. Most of the plans inaugurated by the Taylor board were

carried out, and materially the city made great strides. The Exposition

was a revelation of what was possible, and of the City Hall and the

Civic Center we may well be proud.

Some of my supervisorial experiences were trying and some were amusing.

Discussion was often relieved by rare bits of eloquence and surprising

use of language. Pronunciation was frequently original and

unprecedented. Amazing ignorance was unconcealed and the gift of gab was

unrestrained. Nothing quite equaled in fatal facility a progress report

made by a former member soon after his debut: "We think we shall soon be

able to bring chaos out of the present disorder, now existing." On one

of our trips of investigation the City Engineer had remarked on the

watershed. One of the members later cornered him and asked "Where is the

watershed?" expecting to be shown a building that had escaped his

attention.

A pleasant episode of official duty early in Rolph's term was an

assignment to represent the city at a national municipal congress at Los

Angeles. We were called upon, in connection with a study of municipal

art, to make an exhibit of objects of beauty or ornament presented to

the city by its citizens. We felt that San Francisco had been kindly

dealt with, but were surprised at the extent and variety of the gifts.

Enlarged sepia photographs of structures, monuments, bronzes, statuary,

and memorials of all kinds were gathered and framed uniformly. There

were very many, and they reflected great credit and taste. Properly

inscribed, they filled a large room in Los Angeles and attracted much

attention. Interest was enhanced by the cleverness of the young woman in

charge. The general title of the collection was "Objects of Art

Presented by its Citizens to the City of San Francisco." She left a

space and over a conspicuous panel printed the inscription "Objects of

Art Presented by its Citizens to the City of Los Angeles." The panel was

empty. The ordinarily proud city had nothing to show.

Moses at Pisgah gazed upon the land he was not to enter. My Pisgah was

reached at the end of 1916. My halls of service were temporary. The new

City Hall was not occupied until just after I had found my political

Moab; the pleasure of sitting in a hall which is pronounced the most

beautiful in America was not for me.

As I look back upon varied public service, I am not clear as to its

value; but I do not regret having tried to do my part. My practical

creed was never to seek and never to decline opportunity to serve. I

feel that the effort to do what I was able to do hardly justified

itself; but it always seemed worth trying, and I do not hold myself

responsible for results. I am told that in parts of California

infinitesimal diatoms form deposits five thousand feet in thickness. If

we have but little to give we cannot afford not to give it.

A Backward Glance at Eighty: Recollections & Comment · 第 7 / 12 章